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OPINION

2023 and the Challenge of Getting Solutions Providers into Leadership

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By Fidelis Nwagwu

One of the critical issues we face in Nigeria at this point how government can be made to impact much more on the lives of the people, and to get politics to deliver a lot more on the dividends of democracy to the people. Hence, it is time to move governance to the next logical level of building on the compact between citizens and government, particularly at this point in which the political process is about to move into another cycle.

If one takes the situation across the country, which is as much evident in Abia State, where I am from, as in most of the other sub-national levels, one notices that there is still so much room for the great potentials of the people and the capacity for human development to be realised as they should.

It has been unfortunate that in the past couple of years, with the crisis that has been attendant upon government revenue, due to shocks in the global economy, social provisioning could not be realised as much as it should. And there are still issues pertaining to concerns around infrastructure, education, job creation, youth and gender empowerment, etc.

While past governments have run their race as well as they are capable of, even within the context of internal and external fiscal restrictions, it is time for other more appropriate levels of agency to the brought to bear on governance, for the attainment of newer levels of outcome. And traditionally, it is noteworthy that many people of the South-East are naturally driven people who can create great value almost out of nothing, and when given the necessarily fillip by government, their potentials get unleashed in humungous manners.

It is a known fact that Aba is a thriving manufacturing powerhouse, which both the Nigerian and entire Africa’s economy can thrive on. Hence, if further support is given to this space, such as through the provision of infrastructure, Aba would certainly become what one of the great hopefuls of governance in the State, Lucky Igbokwe describes as “Africa’s factory”. This is certainly also because of its strong business ecosystem, which can be enhanced to become as competitive as production hubs like China and Japan. With both the physical and other levels of infrastructure, the required synergies among networks of manufacturers, suppliers, distributors, government agencies, and customers would be created that will lead to greater productivity and competitiveness.

Hence, at this point in the process leading to the start off of another cycle in leadership, there is the need to be very intentional in the choice of who is given the mandate to harness all the potentials of Abia State for the next great level of physical and human development.

While a survey of the field of aspirants for the governorship of Abia State reveals names such as Uchechukwu Ogah of the All Progressives Congress and Alex Otti of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, among others, but it goes without much saying that a number of these aspirants are likely to be non-starters in the final haul. This is because the politics of power in Abia has shown it as being a very traditional Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) State, and the party is like to retain its leadership role in the governance of Abia State, from all the indications of public opinion.

A number of aspirants have also emerged through the PDP, such as Professor Ikonne, a former vice chancellor of the Abia State University, and an erstwhile aide on social investment to Governor Ikpeazu, Chinenye Nwogu. A most inspiring aspirant to throw his hat into the ring has been Lucky Igbokwe, a major entertainment impresario and construction magnate, from Nkwoachara Ward in the Abia Central zone.

In contemplating the wider field of governance in Nigeria, and Abia State at this juncture, it is quite depressing to observe that hardly are aspirants taking the pains to offer a coherent vision of the society they wish to re-create. There seems to be the belief that attaining positions of political leadership is essentially about throwing money at the process and electorates, which hardly takes the country away from the sorry pass in which it is nationally and sub-nationally, but rather deepens the rot.

As such, what makes Lucky Igbokwe’s case particularly inspiring is the efforts he has put into articulating a vision for Abia State in terms of the development of its physical and human capacities. Of the many on the field in the State, he appears to have given much thought to the country’s present fiscal conundrum, leading him to emphasise the need to develop an industrial economy that will make Aba Africa’s factory. And in this regard, he has articulated an ecosystem that would thrive on the durable synergies across the manufacturing supply chain, workers, suppliers, and customers. This would certainly have positive impacts for the major growth of internally generated revenue in the state.

Very importantly, the chairman of 2Flame Entertainment and CEO Lucion Towers Construction Company recognises the critical need of developing education as the passport to human and social development, particularly in this age when knowledge has become so crucial. And this is educational development in the very holistic sense, involving the provision of physical infrastructure including school buildings, and equally incentivising teachers in their task of developing a newer generation of manpower.

Moreover, the necessity of creating jobs through the revitalisation of farm settlements, the empowerment of youths, enabling the growth of the creative industries, escalating the commercial viability of markets, making Abia the ICT hub of Africa, and building of the tourism potentials of the state to make it a destination of choice, are some of the different nodes of this vision. Essentially for Lucky Igbokwe, the determination to replicate in Abia State the record of achievements of the late premier of former Eastern region of Nigeria, Dr. M.I.  Okpara, is the purpose that should drive governance in this time.

It is no doubt that Nigeria is experiencing one of the most fragile periods in its history, with major concerns in terms of physical and human security, in terms of want and hunger. This is more so coupled by a lot of insecurity that is attendant upon insurgency and agitations for self-determination, making like nasty and brutish in many parts, such as the South-East, with Abia State inclusive. Hence, this is no time to indulge in leadership that is not fit-for-purpose or not having the capacity to provide solutions.

Dealing with insecurity in a milieu of agitations and violent non-state actors will require a thoughtful approach involving a comprehensive study and assessment of the situation on ground, in order to gather the information necessary to move to the stage of negotiations and dialogues between all the parties and stakeholders involved, as Igbokwe puts it. This can only lead to sustained and sustainable peace-building. Realising that the political agreement in Abia has zoned the next governorship to Abia Central enhances the possibility of a solution provider taking on the baton of leadership in the next election, would certainly be cheery news to the local electorate.

Whatever the political permutations that go into the contest for a ticket for the candidate of PDP in Abia State tomorrow, it will do all the stakeholders and delegates involved to be conscious, beyond the temporary satisfaction of cash-bearing politicians, of the need to root for the future of the people of the state. This is by choosing a leader in the mould of Igbokwe who is driven by the need to provide solutions to the numerous concerns of the people, in a way that makes human and physical development sustainable.

Fidelis Nwagwu, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja.

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OPINION

Tinubunomics: Stabilisation First, Growth Must Follow

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Why Okonjo-Iweala Was Right

Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s statement that President Tinubu deserves credit for stabilising the economy is not just diplomatic—it’s analytically sound. Stability is the prerequisite for any meaningful reform. Without it, growth is impossible.

But unfortunately, many Nigerians appear to have misread Mrs.
Okonjo-Iweala, leading to misguided backlash.
Let us break down the reality using the analogy of doctors in an emergency unit of a hospital:

Economic triage analogy: Nigeria was haemorrhaging from reckless monetary expansion, subsidy fraud, and forex arbitrage. Tinubu’s early actions—removing fuel subsidy, halting money printing, and unifying forex markets—were akin to emergency surgery to stabilise patient Nigeria.

Inflation containment: Inflation, while still high, has stopped its dangerous upward spiral. July 2025 figures show a cooling to 21.88%. This is stability.

Forex rationalisation: The naira now trades within a stable band (N1,500–N1,600), eliminating arbitrage opportunities that previously drained public funds.

This is stability.

But Stabilisation Is Not a Cure

Stability is the floor, not the ceiling. Without growth and social cushioning, patient Nigeria risks slipping into economic coma. Let us put two of the flagship policies of Tinubunomics under the X-ray

Fuel subsidy removal: While it stopped treasury looting, it hasn’t yet catalysed domestic refining.

NNPCL refineries remain idle, and Dangote’s monopoly lacks pricing pressure.

Forex unification: It ended arbitrage but made imports prohibitively expensive.

No clear import substitution strategy has followed.

Growth Requires Sectoral Activation

Mrs. Iweala’s call for growth and safety nets is a roadmap. Here’s what’s needed

Sector Reform Needed

Agriculture – Security for farmers, mechanisation, irrigation

Industry – Power supply, tax reform, infrastructure

Energy & Power – Attract private sector operatorship of TCN for grid upgrades and modernisation, unbundle the DISCOs and re-award licences to more competent operators. Boost crude oil production: The US has 50 billion bbls in reserves and producing 13 million bbls per day. Nigeria has 38 billion bbls in reserves but producing less than 2 million bbls.

Infrastructure – Roads, rail, broadband. 35 states are still not connected to the federal capital by rail.

Digital Economy – Rural connectivity, start-up support

Health & Education – Primary care, public health, hospital infrastructure, healthcare workers’ welfare, school infrastructure, teachers’ welfare.

Fiscal Capacity and Private Sector Involvement

Given a federal budget of approximately $35 billion, Nigeria’s fiscal space is severely constrained. This allocation must cover a wide array of obligations—from debt servicing and recurrent expenditure to essential public services—leaving limited room for strategic investment in growth-driving sectors such as infrastructure, manufacturing, and innovation.To bridge this gap, the active participation of the private sector is not optional—it is imperative. Unlocking private capital, fostering public-private partnerships, and creating a predictable investment climate are critical to achieving sustainable development and inclusive economic expansion. The government must focus on enabling policies, while the private sector drives execution and scale.

Conclusion: Stabilisation Is Not Success.

Tinubu’s reforms have stopped the bleeding. But healing requires sustained treatment—growth, jobs, and protection for the vulnerable – which must come with speed! Okonjo-Iweala’s assessment is not just correct; it’s a call to action.

Nick Agule is a Nigerian citizen and public affairs analyst passionate about the development of Nigeria.

Email: nick.agule@yahoo.co.uk

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Facebook: Nick Agule, FCA

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OPINION

President Bola Tinubu: Establish a National Bureau for Ethnic Relations and Inter Group Unity

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By Wilfred Uji

I once wrote an article based on a thorough research that all the states of North Central of Nigeria, Kwara, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Plateau and Nasarawa States, share a great deal of historical relations, resources, ethnicity and intergroup relations. These states have a common shared boarders with common security challenges that can only be effectively managed and resolved from a regional perspective and framework.

The exercise at the creation of states have overtime drawn arbitrary boundaries which in contemporary times are critical security and developmental issues that affects the sub region.

Firstly is the knowledge and teaching of history that can help grow and promote a regional unity and intergroup relations.

As far back as the pre-colonial era, the North Central of Nigeria had a plethora of multi ethnic groups which co-existed within the framework of mutual dependence exploiting indigenous peace initiatives. The diverse ethnic groups comprising of Nupe, Gwari, Gbagi, Eggon, Igala, Idoma, Jukun, Alago, Tiv, Gwanadara, Birom, Tarok, Angas, etc were independent state sovereignties before the advent of British colonial rule by the first quarter of the twentieth century.

Secoundly that British colonialism for economic and political exigencies almagamated all these ethnic groups under the Northern Region with headquarters first at Lokoja and later moved to Kaduna.

The indirect rule policy placed all the traditional political chiefdoms of the sub region under the political supervision, for the convience of taxation and draft labor, under the Sokoto Caliphate.

The indirect rule political structure was not intended to be a game changer that would enforce the dominance and hegemony of the Sokoto Caliphate over the people, land and resources of the sub region.

Thirdly, in the realization of the above, the British colonial state first created the Munchi Province and later the Benue Province as a political and state framework that could accommodate all the ethnic diversity of some of the North Central people.

State creation which ought to allow room for minority representation and expression, over time, has been turned upside down, by some ethnic groups as a vehicle of the exclusion of some minority groups.

For instance, the creation of Benue State in 1976 and Nasarawa State in 1996, does not signify and imply the exclusion of the Tiv and Idoma from Nasarawa State as well as the exclusion of the Alago and Jukun from Benue State.

These ethnic groups, long before state creation, had indigenous roots in all the states of the North Central of Nigeria. Historically, it is misleading and erroneous for these ethnic nationalities to be regarded as tenant settlers in the states where they are located.

The term tenant settlers have been used by the ruling political class of some states of the North Central of Nigeria as a staging point for land grabbing, genocide, land claims and struggles that has created a night mare for the security landscape of the region. In contemporary times, there is no denying the fact that there is an ethnic question in the North Central of Nigeria where there has been a revival of ethnic nationalism by some irredentist groups reinforced by revisionist historians. The ethnic nationalism which on one hand is a cultural revival but on the other promotes a hate agenda, is dangerous and antithetical to the inter group relations and unity of the North Central of Nigeria.

Ethnic hate, the idea that some ethnic nationalities do not belong or have indigenous roots in a state, has been responsible for some of the modern genocide and massacre in the history of modern Nigeria.

For political and security reasons, there is scanty research in this regard, the study of modern genocide backed by state action. Or where such research exist, it is often play down and watered as inter group conflicts and violent hostilities that should be treated with kids gloves and palliatives. This liberal and pessimistic approach to conflict management has been a responsible factor in the decimal reoccurrence of violent ethnic conflicts of the North Central States. The Liberal approach to conflict management, looks at the symptoms instead of the treatment of the disease.

Ethnocentrism is both an African and Nigerian reality that over time and space has been fueled and exploited by the ruling political class and elites. It is one of critical challenge of nation building in Africa that appears to be a curse of a continent and people.

All nations of the world have their share of the nightmare of ethnic and racial bigotry at one point or the other in their national history and transformation.

In the United States of America, it was dubbed the race question in the post emancipation era, the politics of the color line as William Dubios described the racial tension and phenomenon of his prevailing age and society. The race question sparked many reactions including the establishment of societies and organizations for the protection of the African American as well as the defence of the fundamental civil rights of the “American Negro”.

One of such initiative adopted by the State in America which was aimed at the improvement of the welfare and wellbeing of the African American as as his integration into main stream society was the establishment of the Bureau For Freed Men on race relations. The Bureau as a Federal institution was designed for the reconciliation of the inequality and segregation of the African American inorder for him to access equitable development and national resources, but, more importantly, political representation at both state and national level.

Subsequently, the Bureau came up with a number of proactive programmes and policies including the Affirmative Action as well as Federal Character Quota Systems that ensured the equitable and just integration of African Americans in main stream society and politics.

In recent years, Nigeria has established some regional frameworks that can translate into the creation of a Bureau for Ethnic Relations. One of such regional framework is the establishment of the North Central Development Commission by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

The Development Commission if strategically placed and positioned, can create a Bureau For Ethnic Relations that will help promote and reconcile inter-ethnic relations and development within the North Central of Nigeria.

I am limited as to the mandate of the commission interms development and the transformation of the North Central of Nigeria.

If the commission suffers from a deficit to manage ethnic relations along the lines of affirmative action and federal character principle, then, the federal government should as a matter of social priority establish an Bureau For Ethnic Relations of the six geopolitical units of Nigeria.

Let me end this write up by using the words of William Dubios that the challenge of Nigeria in the twenty first century is that of ethnic relations, it is that of the ethnic content, that of fairer skin races to that of the dark skin races.

Prof. Uji Wilfred is from the Department of History and International Studies, Federal University of Lafia

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Education

Varsity Don Advocates Establishment of National Bureau for Ethnic Relations, Inter-Group Unity

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By David Torough, Abuja

A university scholar, Prof. Uji Wilfred of the Department of History and International Studies, Federal University of Lafia, has called on the Federal Government to establish a National Bureau for Ethnic Relations to strengthen inter-group unity and address the deep-seated ethnic tensions in Nigeria, particularly in the North Central region.

Prof.

Wilfred, in a paper drawing from years of research, argued that the six states of the North Central—Kwara, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Plateau, and Nasarawa share long-standing historical, cultural, and economic ties that have been eroded by arbitrary state boundaries and ethnic politics.

According to him, pre-colonial North Central Nigeria was home to a rich mix of ethnic groups—including Nupe, Gwari, Gbagi, Eggon, Igala, Idoma, Jukun, Alago, Tiv, Birom, Tarok, Angas, among others, who coexisted through indigenous peace mechanisms.

These communities, he noted, were amalgamated by British colonial authorities under the Northern Region, first headquartered in Lokoja before being moved to Kaduna.

He stressed that state creation, which was intended to promote minority inclusion, has in some cases fueled exclusionary politics and ethnic tensions. “It is historically misleading,” Wilfred stated, “to regard certain ethnic nationalities as mere tenant settlers in states where they have deep indigenous roots.”

The don warned that such narratives have been exploited by political elites for land grabbing, ethnic cleansing, and violent conflicts, undermining security in the sub-region.

He likened Nigeria’s ethnic question to America’s historic “race question” and urged the adoption of structures similar to the Freedmen’s Bureau, which addressed racial inequality in post-emancipation America through affirmative action and equitable representation.

Wilfred acknowledged the recent creation of the North Central Development Commission by President Bola Tinubu as a step in the right direction, but said its mandate may not be sufficient to address ethnic relations.

He urged the federal government to either expand the commission’s role or create a dedicated Bureau for Ethnic Relations in all six geo-political zones to foster reconciliation, equality, and sustainable development.

Quoting African-American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois, Prof. Wilfred concluded that the challenge of Nigeria in the 21st century is fundamentally one of ethnic relations, which must be addressed with deliberate policies for unity and integration.

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