OPINION
Nigeria’s Security: Between Self-defence and Community Policing

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi
As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.
These challenges are not confined to the North. In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape. Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security. He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.
OPINION
New Wave of Malnutrition and the Road to 2027

By Dakuku Peterside
As the political season begins in Nigeria ahead of the 2027 elections, we are beginning to see another round of promises, slogans, and declarations of vision. Billboards will soon rise, rallies will be held, and political actors jostle for public attention.
But beneath this loud, choreographed performance, a quieter tragedy unfolds in the country’s northern belt — children are wasting away, not in war, not in displacement, but in silence. The contrast is jarring while politicians vie for airtime, a grave, slow-motion emergency is eroding the potential of an entire generation. Across northeast and northwest geopolitical zones, severe acute malnutrition has reached levels comparable to what is often seen in war times. Yet no formal war is raging. Instead, an absence of attention, of priority, of leadership is doing the damage.I first sensed the scale of that dissonance on a sweltering July afternoon in my visit to one of the northern states. A nurse at a community health post held up a measuring tape — green for health, red for danger — around the twig‑thin arm of a three‑year‑old girl. The dial fell deep into crimson. “We see wartime numbers,” the nurse whispered, shaking her head, “but there is no war.” That single sentence captures the moral puzzle now facing Nigeria: How can such devastation grow in the relative calm of peacetime?In clinics scattered across the North, community health workers continue their daily rituals: measuring the circumference of toddlers’ arms, documenting weight loss, and trying, with limited resources, to stem a tide of hunger that has outpaced both state responses and national outrage.According to the International Committee of the Red Cross, over 3.7 million people are acutely food insecure in northern Nigeria. However, this figure, as dire as it is, likely underestimates the accurate scale of the crisis. Many remote villages receive no formal visits, no surveys, no clinical screenings — only the steady arrival of hunger and poverty. Factor them in, and the count edges toward five million. Even these aggregates blur the lived reality. In Zamfara’s dusty hamlets, entire households survive on a single meagre meal; in Yobe’s IDP camps, mothers dilute porridge to stretch one cup for three children.The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) had warned that in 2024 alone, more than 700,000 children in the region suffered from severe acute malnutrition (SAM), with over 100,000 of them at imminent risk of death without urgent medical intervention.The figures in 2025 will be even more staggering, given the recent evidence of malnutrition in the area. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), also known as Doctors without Borders, has raised alarm over the growing number of malnourished children in Nigeria, revealing that it admits more than 400 cases daily in Kebbi State alone.Malnutrition is rarely dramatic — it arrives in shrunken bellies and dulled eyes, in children too tired to cry and mothers too weak to breastfeed. It creeps in through drought, displacement, conflict, food inflation, and broken systems. And because it does not explode, it often does not make headlines. Unlike terrorism or natural disasters, it is quiet. But it is just as deadly. Every single day in Nigeria, approximately 2,300 children under five die, and malnutrition is a contributing factor in nearly half of these deaths.The painful truth about this crisis is its preventability. Hunger in northern Nigeria is not a natural disaster, but a consequence of a system that values political optics over structural reform. During campaigns, politicians often launch food drives and cash transfers with great fanfare — short-term gestures that provide immediate relief and long-lasting headlines.However, these interventions are rarely part of a long-term strategy. They do not enhance food production, maternal health, access to clean water, or early detection systems. There are no incentives to invest in reforms that take years to show results. Why build resilience when elections are won by what people can see now?The cost of ignoring malnutrition is profound and enduring. A stunted child is not just a personal tragedy but a national one. Nigeria has the second-highest burden of stunted children globally, with an estimated twelve million under the age of five affected by chronic undernutrition.Nearly one in three Nigerian children is stunted, which means their physical and mental growth is permanently impaired. These children will likely do worse in school, earn less over their lifetimes, and face greater risks of chronic illness. The World Bank estimates that malnutrition can reduce a country’s GDP by up to 11 per cent when you account for lower productivity, higher health costs, and lost potential.Every untreated case of malnutrition is an invoice deferred to the future. Neuroscientists remind us that the first 1,000 days of life shape the brain’s wiring. A stunted child may never fully catch up cognitively, no matter the quality of later schooling. Economists convert those impairments into lost productivity, estimating that Nigeria could be forfeiting 2 to 3 per cent of its GDP annually.Public‑health accountants tally the hospital admissions for pneumonia and diarrhoeal disease that soar when immune systems are starved of zinc, iron, and vitamin A. Sociologists track the link between food scarcity and unrest, noting how hunger can erode social trust faster than any televised grievance. Put differently: malnutrition is not just a humanitarian concern — it is a stealth saboteur of national security, economic diversification, and educational reform. Ignore it, and every other development target becomes more complex and more expensive to hit.Children who come to school hungry are less likely to concentrate, more likely to drop out, and far less likely to escape poverty in adulthood. In northern states like Kebbi and Zamfara, school absenteeism is often directly linked to hunger. According to UNICEF, 70 per cent of school-age children in food-insecure households miss more than three days of school a month. The cycle is cruel and self-reinforcing: hunger leads to poor learning, which in turn leads to unemployment and poverty; poverty then feeds back into hunger.And yet, there are glimmers of what is possible when leadership is guided by vision and conscience. A state in the southeast has introduced a “one balanced diet a day” policy for all school-age children, recognising the devastating effects of hunger on education, health, and long-term human capital.This singular act, although modest in scale, presents a transparent and replicable model that other states should adopt urgently. It shifts nutrition from being an emergency response to a daily, institutionalised commitment, integrating school feeding with agricultural and health systems.Already, early evaluations show improved school attendance, weight gains in children, and even local economic stimulation through the sourcing of produce from nearby farms.Dr Ali Pate, Nigeria’s Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, is leading a comprehensive national effort to combat malnutrition as a public health emergency. His multi-sectoral approach combines immediate treatment with long-term prevention strategies.Treatment centres equipped with locally produced, ready-to-use therapeutic foods (RUTF) have been established in the northeast and northwest, achieving recovery rates of up to 90%. Funding has significantly increased, with $11 billion allocated by the federal government and an additional $60 million from UNICEF to support healthcare infrastructure and nutrition programs.Community-level early detection systems using MUAC tapes are being scaled up, and over 40,000 health workers are being trained to identify and manage malnutrition. Through the National Strategic Plan of Action on Nutrition and the N774 programme, nutrition services now reach most local government areas.Nationwide implementation of standardised guidelines, micronutrient supplementation, food fortification, and public nutrition education campaigns has reached many caregivers. Crucially, Dr. Pate has unified efforts across ministries and sectors through a central coordination platform, accompanied by new accountability mechanisms, to track progress and ensure sustainability.What is a pragmatic roadmap between now and 2027? Make nutrition politically contagious. Party manifestos must feature explicit, budgeted nutrition targets — malnutrition cannot survive the scrutiny of voters. Scale what already works.Community Management of Acute Malnutrition (CMAM) programmes, when fully funded, can treat a child for less than the daily cost of a campaign rally. Mandatory fortification of flour, cassava, and cooking oil can reach millions silently and efficiently — re-engineer agriculture for climate reality. Drought‑tolerant millet varieties, solar‑powered boreholes, and warehouse‑receipt systems to curb post‑harvest loss will outlast any campaign poster. None of these actions requires reinventing the wheel. They demand, instead, a political imagination wide enough to see past the next podium.Still, the work ahead remains monumental. These initiatives, while promising, must be scaled aggressively and protected from the shifting winds of politics. If Nigeria is to stand any chance of reversing the tide of child malnutrition, this moment—this narrow window between now and 2027 — must become the tipping point.Every state must follow the example set by Anambra. Every governor must internalise that a child fed today is a citizen empowered tomorrow. Every candidate must treat child nutrition not as a talking point but as a policy cornerstone.If Nigeria’s political class decides that malnutrition is not a side issue but the central test of stewardship, the nascent election season for the 2027 elections could mark the start of a renaissance in child survival and, by extension, national renewal. The road is narrow, the window short. Yet history is replete with moments when political will, once awakened, turned statistics into stories of recovery.The children of northern Nigeria deserve that pivot — deserve to swap the colour red on a measuring tape for the bright green of health, growth, and possibility. If Nigeria’s political class truly wishes to build a country that works for all, it must start by ensuring no child falls through the cracks of neglect. Let the road to 2027 be paved not just with promises, but with full bellies, thriving children, and a generation finally given a fair start.Dakuku Peterside, a public sector turnaround expert, public policy analyst and leadership coach, is the author of the forthcoming book, “Leading in a Storm”, a book on crisis leadership.OPINION
Super Falcons: Queens of Africa

By Reuben Abati
Nigeria’s senior female soccer team, the Super Falcons are the Queens of Africa given their superlative, dominant and creative performance, their resilience, and agility at the just concluded Women’s African Cup of Nations (WAFCON) organised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) in Morocco, 5–26 July.
Since the inception of the tournament in 1998, the Super Falcons have won 10 times out of the 13 times that the event has held: 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2016, 2018, and now 2024, missing the trophy only thrice in 2008, 2012 – won by Equatorial Guinea, and in 2022 – South Africa. Ahead of the 2024 WAFCON in Morocco, the manager of the team, Justin Madugu had declared that they were going on a Mission X, that is to win the trophy for a record 10th time.Their victory is the accomplishment of that dream, and a reaffirmation of Nigeria’s supremacy in female football. But the road to that moment was in no way easy. The Falcons beat Tunisia, 3-0 in their opening match, and further defeated Botswana 0-1 to get to the competitions’ knock-out stage.The next match against Algeria was a goalless draw, but the Falcons had enough points to go through to the quarter finals, having led Group B. Their next opponent was the Copper Queens of Zambia, who had led Group A, and were supposed to be something of a threat.The Super Falcons trounced them 5–0. Then they got to the semi-finals to face defending Champions, and a rival team, the Banyana Banyana of South Africa. It was a nail-biting, nerve-wracking, tension-soaked match. The South Africans were determined.Nigeria scored through a spot kick in the 45th minute converted by team captain Rasheedat Ajibade. In the 60th minute, the South Africans also levelled the score through a penalty kick making the match 1-1. It looked as if the game was heading for extra time, until Michelle Alozie scored in the 94th minute turning a pass from Esther Okoronkwo into a dramatic win for the Falcons.The final match on Saturday, 26 July was no less stunning. The Falcons were trailing 2-0 down by the end of the first half, in front of a crowd of Moroccans solidly behind their home team. It was a different ball game, however, in the second half.The Falcons returned to the pitch fighting as if their lives were at stake. Esther Okoronkwo scored against the Moroccans in the 63rd minute, Folashade Ijamilusi followed up with another goal in the 71st minute, and in the 88thminute Jennifer Echegini, settled the matter with a Nigerian goal that was celebrated across the country.It was an amazing comeback, reminiscent of the Miracle of Damman in 1989, when during the quarter final match between Nigeria’s U-20 football team, the Flying Eagles came back from four goals down to beat the USSR team and went on to win the match subsequently on penalties, 3-5. Women’s football has grown in Africa, and Nigeria’s Super Falcons are the Queens.It is instructive that the individual and collective talent of the Super Falcons is now being rated against the capability of the Super Eagles. Failure is an orphan; success has many parents. This is in part the trite lesson of the Miracle of Rabat.The Falcons returned home yesterday, touching down at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja at approximately 2:26 pm. to a well-appointed celebration in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, in an open-bus parade across the city before presenting the trophy to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, his wife and other senior government officials at the Presidential Villa.The President had told the Super Falcons that he was waiting to receive the trophy, and he played his part by ensuring that bonuses and allowances for the Falcons were duly paid, but this team didn’t play for money. They played for glory and they brought honour home. They brought history home too, creating a significant moment of celebration. They are Champions, the tenth time. They are also the first to win the newly redesigned WAFCON trophy. They won a title prize of one million dollars.The ladies were exceptional on the field of play: four of them made it to the WAFCON Best XI list. Rasheedat Ajibade was crowned Player of the Tournament, having won Player of the Match thrice, Esther Okoronkwo was Player of the Match in the final against Morocco, Chiamaka Nnadozie was recognised as Goalkeeper of the Tournament having conceded only three goals.Michelle Alozie was also a standout star. The team manager, Justin Madugu, from. Adamawa state, was recognized as the Coach of the Tournament. He was just appointed an interim coach of the Super Falcons in September 2024, and now he has proven that he is a man of pedigree. Other members of the team were just as brilliant: Asisat Oshoala (who says she is not retiring by the way, and nobody should carry fake news), Rinsola Babajide, Chinwedu Ihezuo, Osinachi Ohale, Folashade Ijamilusi, Chioma Okafor.Two members of the team – Ashleigh Plumptre, and Chioma Okafor deserve special praise. Plumptre is a British-Nigerian, Chioma Okafor’s mother is from Malawi. At a time when the likes of Kemi Badenoch and Favour Ofili are rejecting Nigeria, these two ladies opted to stand up for Nigeria.President Tinubu showed a nation’s appreciation by bestowing the National Honour of OON on the Super Falcons and the entire technical team. He also gave a three-bedroom apartment in Abuja to each of the players and the technical crew and the naira equivalent of $100,000 (N153 million) to each of the 24 players and $50,000 to the 11-man technical crew.Great. But can we possibly extend this honour to those who won the WAFCON nine times earlier and are no longer in the Super Falcons team? They deserve to be appreciated too.The South African team won the fair play award for their on-and-off-field behaviour as well as respect for opponents and officials. They were composed. They were disciplined. They certainly deserve the recognition, but the spirit of sportsmanship that was generally demonstrated at the tournament should be remarked upon and underlined.During the Nigeria-South Africa semi-final, Gabriela Salgado, South African winger was injured in the 87th minute and had to be stretchered off the field, and rushed to the Mohammed VI University Hospital where she underwent surgery in the left leg.The entire Falcons team visited Salgado, the following day at the hospital and presented her with a signed Nigerian jersey and a statement expressing solidarity and wishing her speedy recovery. Salgado also received solidarity messages from Ghana’s Black Queens, CAF, other teams at the tournament, and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. This show of humanity is noteworthy. There are perhaps lessons that male footballers can learn from women footballers both in Africa and worldwide, and the Libyan Football Federation in particular which maltreated the Super Eagles in October 2024 has lessons to learn too.There may have been instances of on-pitch fights and intense altercations in women’s football but they are relatively less frequent. Football should not turn into war by other means, which is why it is shocking that after the WAFCON, Morocco has now reportedly lodged a protest with CAF questioning the nationality of two Nigerian players: Ashleigh Plumptre and Michelle Alozie.Morocco wants Nigeria to lose the title. They don’t have a case. They were beaten fair and square. Plumptre’s grandfather is from Lagos, Nigeria; Alozie’s parents are Nigerians. Nigerians born and raised abroad have a right to Nigerian citizenship under Section 25 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria.CAF deserves commendation for organising a successful 2024 WAFCON, with the quality of officiating, deployment of technology and Morocco for being good hosts (let them not ruin that though by lodging frivolous and vexatious complaints against Nigeria).The weekend that just passed was, altogether, a special moment for women’s football, with the WAFCON final played at Rabat on Saturday, followed by the Euro 2025 final between Spain and England in Basel, Switzerland on Sunday. While the Super Falcons were arriving Abuja yesterday, the Lionesses of England were also touching down in London to a similar heroes’ welcome.They had successfully defended their European title on Sunday, beating Spain on penalties, 3-1. They would have an open-bus parade on Tuesday after they were received by the Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner at No. 10. There were anxieties and doubts about the capability of the Lionesses to defend their European title. Many wrote them off.Mary Earps and Fran Kirby had retired a few weeks before Euro 2025. Millie Bright also withdrew from the selection. When the Tournament began, England lost their opening game to France. But as if it was a fairy-tale unfolding, they went on to beat the Netherlands and then, Wales. During the quarter-final against Sweden, the Lionesses were two goals down but luck was on England’s side.They went on to win on penalties. During the semi-finals against Italy, they were also 1-0 down, until Michelle Agyeman scored an equaliser in the 96th minute, and Kelly Chloe put in the winner for England in the 119th minute.Spain led 1-0 in the final match on Sunday, but England still came back to win a penalty shoot-out 3-1. The English ladies were driven by determination, faith and belief. Hannah Hampton who kept the goal, emerged from the shadows of Mary Earps and saved four penalties for England during the tournament, two during the quarter final against Sweden and the other two during the final match against Spain, winning Player of the Match in both instances.Michelle Agyeman was the Best Young Player of the Tournament. Each time she was introduced as a sub, the flow of the game changed. Lucy Bronze played with a fractured leg. At 37, she was the oldest player at Euro 2025, and yet she played for a total of 598 minutes. The Lionesses have given England what has been described as “the greatest achievement in English football” – the first time England has won a major trophy on foreign soil.The Lionesses are the Queens of Europe. Sarina Wiegman, the manager, has won two finals back-to-back reinventing the glorious days of Emma Carol Hayes, former manager of the Lionesses, who is now the head coach of the United States women’s national team. Wiegman has been a head coach in five successive European finals.What is common to both the Falcons and the Lionesses was their sheer determination, focus, defiance and a sense of purpose. The ladies were self-motivated, they wanted to win, they fought for national pride, and they worked together as a team.The two head coaches also knew their onions. Each time Madugu or Wiegman substituted a player, the replacement proves to be just the tonic that the side needs, be it Deborah Abiodun in the 81st minute of Nigeria’s semi-final against South Africa, or Christy Ucheibe, Esther Okoronkwo and Chiwendu Ihezuo or Jennifer Echegini in the final against Morocco. England came from behind in three of the knock-out stage matches in Euro 2025 (against Sweden, Italy, Spain) but Wiegman used substitutes to telling effect, notably Chloe Kelly, Ella Toone and Michelle Agyeman.Football coaching has become more technical than ever, and the modern manager must be a tactician. Both teams displayed the Never-Say-Die spirit to overcome adversity. Men’s football may still be ahead of women’s football in terms of salary, compensation and eyeballs, but without doubt the future of female football is assured.The aggregate attendance at Euro 2025 was over 600, 000, far more than the aggregate of 574, 875 in 2022. More people worldwide are showing interest in female football, and a future generation of girls will be inspired by current examples to take to the game.Football glory is always a source of unity and faith for the average Nigerian. The men’s national team, the Super Eagles should draw inspiration from the Super Falcons. The main challenge before them is how to qualify for the 2026 World Cup in the US, Mexico and Canada.The next phase of the qualifying series would soon commence with Nigeria having four matches at hand: beginning with the Amavubi of Rwanda on September 6 at home, an away march in South Africa on 9 September, and two last games against Lesotho and the Benin Republic in October.The country is currently fourth in the qualifying Group C with seven points, six points behind South Africa who lead the group with 13 points. The Super Eagles have had a new head coach since March 2025, the French-Malian Eric Chelle, whose main charge is to take the Super Eagles to the next World Cup.The last time Nigeria qualified for the World Cup was as far back as 2018 in Russia, a very long time ago. Nigerians have high expectations. The Super Eagles must not disappoint them.Reuben Abati, a former presidential spokesperson, writes from Lagos.OPINION
Advancing Nigeria’s Security Strategies through Unmanned Aerial Systems

By Patricia Amogu
In the face of Nigeria’s deepening security crisis, marked by terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, and communal violence, a glimmer of hope is on the horizon as homegrown security innovations gain momentum.These indigenous initiatives are gradually taking centre stage, lifting the spirits of millions and giving balance to the lives of many vulnerable and displaced communities across the country.
Recently, a groundbreaking collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) birthed the first and largest indigenous attack drones and bomb systems in Nigeria and Africa. Unveiled at the company’s Abuja headquarters, this cutting-edge technology is being hailed by stakeholders as a potential game changer in the fight against insurgency and organised crime.According to Mr Bright Echefu, Chairman of EIB Group and founder of Briech UAS, the innovation became imperative as extremist groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP increasingly weaponised commercial drones to spy on troops, coordinate ambushes, and conduct aerial attacks.“Our enemies are adapting fast; they are using off-the-shelf drones to launch crude but deadly strikes.“We cannot afford to rely on outdated tools anymore,” he said.Echefu said that as Nigeria continued to invest in indigenous defense manufacturing, the country might potentially become a player in defence and security issues of many countries.Of interest, the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) characterises Nigeria’s security situation as complex and deteriorating, citing armed banditry and widespread kidnappings as the leading causes of instability.Available data indicates that in 2023 alone, more than 75 per cent of conflict-related deaths were reported in the northern region.Attacks by Islamist groups, counter-insurgency operations, separatist tensions, and herder-farmer clashes continue to fuel widespread displacement and humanitarian distress.The North-East, in particular, has seen entire communities fleeing for safety as armed groups impose levies and destroy essential infrastructure.According to EUAA figures, more than 21,000 Nigerians applied for asylum in the EU+ between January 2023 and March 2024, signaling a troubling trend of migration driven by insecurity.A security expert said Briech UAS’s new technology promised to enhance Nigeria’s ability to detect, deter, and respond to security threats in real-time.“For the fast rising tech company, some features stand out an advanced surveillance and thermal imaging for wide-area monitoring, real-time intelligence gathering to support on-ground tactical operations, rapid response capabilities to intercept or neutralise threats before escalation and cost-effective, scalable solutions for ongoing border and community surveillance“These drones also have potential applications beyond combat, such as disaster response, infrastructure inspection, and search-and-rescue efforts.“As traditional security methods struggle to match the speed and complexity of modern threats, indigenous technological solutions like Briech’s are increasingly vital.“The partnership with the Nigerian Army reflects a broader strategic shift—one that embraces innovation, local expertise, and adaptive warfare tactics to restore safety and rebuild public confidence.“As Briech UAS positions Nigeria at the forefront of drone-powered security innovation in Africa, citizens and stakeholders alike are watching with cautious optimism there is a dim light at the end of the tunnel,’’ he said.The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Christopher Musa, described the initiative as a significant step in Nigeria’s journey toward self-reliance in defence technology and national security enhancement.He said that the innovation was a game-changer in an era of complex and asymmetric security threats, emphasising the significance of producing local military solutions, especially in the face of global politics and procurement challenges.“These force multipliers will play a vital role in enhancing the operational effectiveness of our military, particularly in a world where global politics surrounding the procurement of advanced military hardware have become more intricate.’’The CDS said that countries that did not produce such solutions faced bureaucratic bottlenecks and diplomatic hurdles when acquiring the critical platforms.“We are facing such challenges directly, if you do not produce what you need, you will be at the mercy of others, even when you have the financial resources to acquire them,” he said.He said that the drones would help Nigeria respond swiftly to security challenges, cutting down on dependence on foreign equipment.In his submission at the unveiling, Gov. Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau said that homegrown solutions had great impact for the country’s security needs.He emphasised on the importance of protecting national sovereignty and safeguarding the country from activities of non-state actors.“We have made a mistake by allowing non-state actors to acquire capabilities that rival those of state actors,” Mutfwang said.He said that Plateau was actively working with local manufacturers like Briech UAS, with drones already deployed in the state, improving the effectiveness of security operations.Deserving no less attention, Echefu, during a media tour of the firm’s security facilities, said that through innovation and advanced technology, Nigeria could handle its security challenges.According to him, the company provides intelligence support for Nigeria’s security agencies though digital forensics, tracking and critical assets as well as supply of combat and surveillance drones.He said it manufactured Arginin Reconnaissance Drones configured for high-performance reconnaissance and surveillance missions.“The company also produces Arsenio BFLY and Xander Reconnaissance drones among other super precise attack drones that can navigate difficult environments.“These systems are crucial in combating insurgent groups, adopting different drones for reconnaissance and attack missions.“The primary purpose was to demonstrate the capabilities of the security apparatus deployed to fight insurgency, its potential is to enhance counter-insurgency operations and mitigate the threats posed by insurgent groups.“The significance of this effort lies in stressing the potential of the equipment to enhance intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities.’’Echefu said the tools would also improve force protection and reduce troop casualties by minimising reliance on manned reconnaissance missions.According to him, the use of commercial drones by insurgent groups presents significant challenges for security forces.“To address this, the security apparatus is leveraging technologies like drone detection and jamming systems, improved intelligence gathering, and counter-drone systems.“The system will generate insights from the collected data, allowing for better decision-making and improved resource allocation.“This system will provide at-a-glance dashboards showing the status and location of monitored items, including parameters like satellite imagery and intelligence gathering capabilities to support security agencies,’’ he said.Echefu said with the right support and increased investment, indigenous companies had the capacity to provide the needed logistics support to the military in the fight against insecurity.He acknowledged the support from government to the indigenous security firms and called for more policies to foster Nigerian companies’ growth, especially those in defence and security sector.“I can tell you that I am not the only one that is into supporting the various sectors, by local activities, local productions; there is a lot going on. People are even producing tractors in Nigeria now.“Nigeria has 100 per cent capacity right now to end this urgency with the number of local companies that are investing heavily.“The Nigerian military strongly supports local manufacturers through research collaboration and support,” Echefu said.Security analysts are of the view that more states should embrace drones for comprehensive surveillance, especially for hard-to-reach areas.They say collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech will boost cross-border counter-terrorism operations and strengthen internal control over weapons systems and logistics. (NAN)