EDITORIAL
Twenty Years of the Maputo Protocol: Progress, Challenges and Prospects
By Olufunke Baruwa
Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa (the Maputo Protocol), adopted in 2003 by African Union heads of state and government, was a milestone addition to human rights frameworks in the continent. By their intent, human rights frameworks are meant to ensure the protection, promotion, and fulfilment of rights.
These frameworks provide a structured approach to addressing various aspects of human rights, guiding governments, organisations, and societies in their efforts to create a just and equitable world. However, this intent is only as effective as the implementation of the frameworks.The Maputo Protocol was adopted, as an addition to the human rights frameworks under the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, in June 1981 by the 18th Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU).
The instrument entered into force on the 25th of November 2005, only two years after its adoption – a testament to the commitment of African governments to women’s rights. Since then, 44 of 55 member states have ratified the Protocol, while 49 have signed it.One of the key strengths of the Maputo Protocol lies in its emphasis on practical implementation. It calls for legislative and policy reforms, institutional mechanisms, and capacity-building initiatives, to effectively translate its provisions into action.
What Progress Has Been Recorded?
Since its adoption in 2003, the Maputo Protocol has marked a significant step forward in advancing women’s rights across Africa. The progress made under this protocol can be assessed through its ratification levels, national policies, regional frameworks and tangible progress in women’s empowerment and gender equality.
The ratification of the Maputo Protocol has been a notable measure of its acceptance and endorsement by African nations. Over the past 20 years, the protocol has garnered substantial support, with a majority (44 out of 55 Member States) of the African Union ratifying or acceding to it. The ratification of the Protocol signifies a collective acknowledgement of its importance in addressing the myriad of issues African women face, from gender-based discrimination and violence to being sidelined in political and public representation.
The Nigerian Case
Nigeria is one of the early countries that ratified the Maputo Protocol. It follows a slew of other international frameworks to which Nigeria has signed.
Since 2003, the country has also consistently developed national gender policies. An important milestone was the passage of the 2015 Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act, which aims to eliminate violence in private and public life, with specific prison terms for crimes. Yet, even with the passage of the VAPP Act, not all states in Nigeria have ratified the law, and there are currently three states yet to domesticate the Act. Besides, for states that have domesticated the VAPP Act, there is still the need for a comprehensive, coordinated approach, involving law enforcement, healthcare, and community engagement, to adequately address GBV as a deeply rooted issue in Nigerian society.
Some tangible changes have also been experienced in the country, particularly the improvement in the political consciousness of young women about the democratic governance space, in terms of participation and representation; increasing demand for gender justice by women’s rights groups; as well as resilience in continuing to push for the voice, agency and power of women in nationhood.
However, implementing the Maputo Protocol in Nigeria has witnessed mixed progress across various aspects of women’s rights. The representation of women in politics remains an area with room for improvement. While the protocol emphasises the importance of women’s participation in decision-making, Nigerian politics still faces challenges in achieving gender parity. Despite policy provisions, including the Nigerian National Gender Policy, which stipulates a 35 per cent minimum threshold for women’s political participation, women’s representation in political offices remains relatively low.
A glaring example can be seen in the number of women sworn into the nation’s 10th National Assembly shortly after the 2023 Nigerian elections. Currently, in the Nigerian Senate, out of the 109 senators, only three are women, while in the House of Representatives, sixteen women were sworn in out of the 360. While efforts to enhance women’s political participation continue, there is a gap between policy and implementation, signalling that more must be done to translate policy intentions into tangible results.
Furthermore, GBV remains a critical concern in Nigeria. While the Maputo Protocol addresses the need to eliminate violence against women, Nigeria continues grappling with high GBV rates. Domestic violence, sexual assault, and harmful traditional practices persist, often due to inadequate enforcement of laws and societal norms perpetuating gender inequality. Efforts to combat GBV have included legal reforms and awareness campaigns.
Similarly, conflicts in Nigeria, particularly in regions driven by insurgency and violence, disproportionately affect women. While the Maputo Protocol emphasises the protection of women during conflicts and their participation in conflict resolution and peacebuilding, women in conflict-affected areas in Nigeria face the heightened risks of sexual violence, displacement, and loss of livelihoods. The impacts, for instance, of the Boko Haram insurgency, have increased conflict-related sexual violence for millions of women and girls across the affected countries beyond Nigeria, including Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. The lack of comprehensive support services for victims of conflict-related sexual violence remains challenging in addressing violence against women (VAW).
Furthermore, climate-induced threats affecting Nigerian women’s livelihoods also present additional challenges the country has to reckon with. The Protocol underscores the link between environmental sustainability and women’s rights. Yet, Nigerian women are disproportionately affected by climate change, as they are often responsible for food production and water collection. In the last few years, changing rainfall patterns, environmental degradation, and insecurity have decreased agricultural productivity and increased resource scarcity, impacting women’s economic empowerment and exacerbating existing gender disparities.
Bridging the Gaps and the Way Forward
A comprehensive and multi-faceted approach is required to bridge the gaps and fully implement the Maputo Protocol in Nigeria. For instance, legal reforms and enforcement are needed to strengthen and enforce existing laws that protect women’s rights and address gender-based violence. The establishment of specialised courts to expedite legal proceedings for cases of violence against women, as we have seen in the Federal Capital Territory, is necessary for ensuring that abusers are not only reported but also prosecuted for their offences in a manner that is both timely, efficient and ensures that justice is served and the rights of women are protected.
Educating the public and creating awareness about women’s rights is also important. Done consistently, this will, over time, foster a cultural shift, especially if religious and other community leaders are involved in advocating for gender equality and challenging harmful gender norms and practices. Similarly, women’s social and political empowerment is crucial in ensuring they are represented in public and private organisations.
Furthermore, providing training and mentorship programmes to equip women with the skills needed for effective political engagement will ensure they are prepared to lead and effectively participate in democratic and governance processes, given the opportunity. Women, especially in rural areas, also need enhanced access to quality healthcare and support services, specifically for survivors of gender-based violence. Safe spaces and shelters for women and girls should be available across all levels to offer counselling, legal aid, and economic empowerment programmes that help women rebuild their lives.
Additionally, developing climate adaptation strategies that prioritise women’s needs and vulnerabilities, investment in sustainable agricultural practices, water resource management, and alternative livelihood options, are necessary for ensuring and protecting women’s economic resilience in the face of climate-induced threats.
Nigeria is poised to make significant strides towards fully implementing the Maputo Protocol. However, a deliberate and concerted effort involving relevant stakeholders across various levels in both public and private domains is needed to advance gender equality and create a society where women’s rights are protected, respected, and upheld.
Olufunke Baruwa is a Nigerian feminist, gender, and development practitioner. She is currently the Program Officer for Gender, Racial and Ethnic Justice at the Ford Foundation Office for West Africa where she leads work on ending violence against women and girls.
EDITORIAL
No to Sordid Politics of Branding Women Underwear in Kano State!
The people of Kano State have for ages defined themselves with public morality and decency. To uphold and project these moral fabrics, the State Government established the Hisbah Board; enshrined Sharia-compliant codes, and positioned itself as a guardian of cultural and religious values in Northern Nigeria.
That reputation is now being dragged through the mud by a political campaign so debased that it insults the very women it claims to empower.A viral social media post has shown what purports to be branded underwear distributed to women by state actors under the guise of an “empowerment programme.” But truly, this is not about women empowerment.
It is a moral and political abomination. And if false, the fact that it is believable enough to trend reveals how far the state’s political culture has sunk.True empowerment should lift women out of poverty through skills, capital, education, and access to markets. It should build businesses, pay school fees, and provide healthcare. Reducing “women empowerment” to the distribution of underwear emblazoned with political slogans is not only demeaning, it is a betrayal of every mother, wife, sister daughter, market woman, farmer and student the government claims to serve. It treats adult citizens as objects of ridicule rather than partners in development. The dignity of not just Kano women but all women in Nigeria is not a campaign poster. Their needs are not lingerie.
Kano cannot claim to police public morality through Hisbah raids on dress codes, alcohol and public conduct, while its political class engages in stunts that violate the very standards it imposes on the citizens of the state. Hisbah was created to uphold Islamic values of modesty, privacy, and decency. A government that purportedly brands and shares underwear for political gain makes a mockery of those values. It tells the world that morality in Kano is a tool to control the weak, not a principle that binds the powerful. That double standard corrodes the moral authority of the state and breeds cynicism among the youth.
This episode exposes the rot in campaign culture: the shift from policy to spectacle, from substance to stunts. When politicians cannot articulate a plan for jobs, security, or education, they resort to cheap tokenism. When they cannot defend their record, they distract with scandal. Distributing intimate items with party insignia is not grassroots outreach. It is political grooming disguised as charity. It sexualizes poverty and monetizes shame. No society that respects itself should tolerate this sordid campaign.
Kano is the commercial nerve centre of the North, home to scholars, traders, and industrialists. Its women run major markets, lead cooperatives, and educate the next generation. They deserve policies that expand credit for small businesses, protect girls’ education, and improve maternal health. They do not deserve to be campaign props. The state’s moral identity is not preserved by Hisbah patrols alone. It is preserved when leaders act with the same modesty and restraint they demand from citizens.
DAILY ASSET’s position on this setback is that if the state government sanctioned this distribution, it must apologize, bring those responsible to book and redirect funds to genuine empowerment schemes. The entire saga must be investigated to expose the culprits, and prosecute those using the state’s name to score cheap political points. Silence in this disturbing development amounts to complicity.
Kano cannot preach morality in the morning and practice indecency by noon. The Hisbah Board, religious leaders, women’s groups, and every citizen who believes in the state’s values must denounce this act unequivocally. Politics without ethics is just manipulation. And a state that loses its moral compass will soon lose everything else.
We equally urged organisations like the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), Federation of Muslim Women’s Association of Nigeria (FOMWAN), Kano League of Senior Lawyers, et al, to rise up and challenge this retrogressive and negative campaign targeted at women. They should swiftly investigate and unearth those behind such an act and initiate a court action to bring them to book.
Public interest litigation must be initiated by the Kano League of Senior Lawyers to enforce Section 34 of the Constitution of Nigeria (as amended) and seek declaratory judgment that such “empowerment” violates constitutional dignity.
The moral grounds on which Kano stands should not be eroded by a few miscreants by negative political campaigns.
EDITORIAL
Walida: Need for Thorough and Accelerated Adjudication
On Wednesday, February 28, 2026, the Department of Security Service (DSS) released Walida Abdulhadi, an indigene of Hadija in Jigawa state reportedly involved in a controversial relationship with an operative of the agency with whom she has a baby, to the Jigawa State Government.
She was handed over to Governor Umar Namadi and several top officials of the state government in Abuja, along with her baby. The release followed intense public debate over the relationship between the young woman and the DSS operative, Ifeanyi Onyewuenyi. All along, the debate had centred on the circumstances surrounding her alleged disappearance in 2023.The governor was accompanied to the SSS headquarters in Abuja by the Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Haruna Aliyu; the Attorney General and Commissioner of Justice, Bello Fanini; the Commissioner of Women Affairs, Hadiza Abdulwahab; and her counterpart in the Ministry of Environment, Nura Ibrahim, among others.
The Director General of the DSS, Adeola Ajayi, alongside principal officers of the Service, handed over Walida to Governor Namadi. The Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) was represented by the Deputy National Legal Adviser, Haroun Muhammad, and a member of the Expanded General Purpose Committee, Najib Jimoh.
The birth of a baby to the DSS operative and Walida’s alleged conversion to Christianity has dominated public discourse reminiscent of Ese Oruru saga who was kidnapped at the age 13 from her mother’s food shop in Yenagoa, Bayelsa, to Kano, where she was forcefully converted to Islam and married off to a commercial tricycle driver in 2015. After a prolonged legal tussle Oruru regained freedom and went to school. Interestingly, she has since graduated from the University of Ilorin with a Second Class Upper Division in Education Technology.
And today we are witnessing something similar to the case of Oruru, leading to the intervention of Jigawa state governor and other stakeholders all of whom are insisting on an independent investigation of the matter for a quick judicial process to determine who and what went wrong. That is the way to go because doing otherwise could be detrimental to religious harmony between Muslims and Christians in the country.
Furthermore, releasing Walida to her home state of Jigawa was a right step in the right direction, more so as the state government has assured of her safety and full recovery from whatever trauma she might have passed through.
Again, the move to keep her under the custody of the state government, pending the resolution of all the contentious issues surrounding the controversial relationship is commendable because it would give enough room for the controversy to be tabled before a law court for a snappy adjudication; so that peace can prevail in due course.
Aside individuals, other bodies that have publicly expressed divergent views on the Walida case include; National Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NCIA), Federation of Women Lawyers (FiDA), Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), Federation of Muslim Women’s Associations in Nigeria (FOMWAN), Muslim Students’ Organisation of Nigeria (MSO), Women in Da’awa, International Human Rights Commission Relief Fund Trust (IHRC-RFT), Arewa Youth Assembly (AYA), Women Voices and Accountability, and Gamji Lawchain. This is a clear demonstration of the intensity the Walida case has generated with palpable tension built up through the prism of divergent views.
DAILY ASSET believes that the controversy over Walida’s age, the circumstances surrounding her alleged abduction, and other contending issues would best be resolved by a competent court of law.
Considering the painfully slow process of Nigeria’s justice system and situating the plural society already struggling with mistrust and sectarian tension, there is a need for absolute urgency in resolving the matter. To this end, the judiciary should quickly swing into action. Mindful of time, it must set aside all forms of technicalities and delve headlong into the substance of the matter. This is the sure way to diffuse tension and permanently resolve the impasse, rather than subjecting the sensitive issue to linger on.
By and large, it is important for all aggrieved individuals, stakeholders, family members and other interested parties in the case to exercise restraint and wait for the final verdict of the court, as was the case during the Ese Oruru saga over a decade ago.
EDITORIAL
National Assembly Should Adopt Electronic Voting For Accountability
The recent controversy surrounding the voice vote in the House of Representatives highlights the need for the National Assembly to adopt an electronic voting system. The incident, which generated unnecessary tension and mistrust, could have been avoided if a more transparent and reliable method was deployed.
The two chambers of the National Assembly – the Senate and House of Representatives, are governed by specific rules.
In the Senate, Order 72 of the Senate Standing Rules outline three modes of voting; Voice Vote, Signing of Register in a division, or using an Electronic Voting device. The lower chamber too has provisions for voting after exhaustive debate on a motion. The chambers are both fitted with electronic voting devices with myriad benefits, which includes; transparency as votes are recorded, and verifiable, leaving no room for disputes.Also, the use of the electronic voting system erases human error and ensures accuracy. Again, it fosters faster voting processes and instant results. Above all, there will be accountability as lawmakers’ votes shall be on record for their constituents and the entire world to know their stance, thus promoting accountability.
In spite of enumerated advantages of using the electronic scoreboard, installed with millions of Naira of taxpayers money for resolution of heated debates, principal officers of the bi-camera Assembly, have totally abandoned the digital platform alternative for resolving thorny and critical issues confronting the country. Instead, they have continued to deploy crooked uncivilized voice votes that often create confusion. This is exactly what the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, did on February 17, 2026, during the heated debate raging across the country on real-time transmission of election results. The action of the Speaker led to a very rowdy session in the green chamber, prompting some members to stage a walk-out in protest over the controversial bill for the Electoral Amendment Act.
It started after a motion for the House to reverse its decision on the Electoral Act bill, passed on December 23, 2025. After a rigorous debate, the Speaker then put the motion to a voice vote. While the “nays” were louder than the “ayes”, he controversially ruled that the ayes had it, a development which triggered protests. The action of the Speaker amounts to total disrespect and disregard for millions of Nigerians, within and outside who were watching the event live on television.
There have been past instances where the none use of electronic scoreboard generated tension. For instance, during the debate for the declaration of State of Emergency proclaimed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in Rivers State, controversy erupted when the Speaker’s decision on the voice vote was hotly disputed, highlighting concerns about manipulation and lack of transparency. These incidents underscore the need for transparent voting methods, like electronic voting, to ensure accountability and credibility in Nigeria’s legislative process.
Given that the National Assembly has acquired and installed an electronic voting and results transmission device, it raises concern why it is not being utilized to boost public trust, transparency, and accountability.
The action of the Speaker, who glaringly turned down popular voices in favour of real time transmission of electronic votes in the Green Chamber, signals the unwillingness of the few who cling tightly unto power and would not allow popular voices in line with democratic tenants.
Such a unilateral decision from the Speaker might further embolden those peaceful protesters (some of whom have been camping at the entrance gate of the National Assembly) and indeed across the country to continue to escalate their agitation. Already, a coalition of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) are insisting on Real-Time Transmission 0f Election Results or nothing. The CSOs have teamed up with other pro-democracy activists in Abuja, to keep their agitation live. They are demanding mandatory electronic transmission, which they believe is essential to strengthening electoral integrity and reducing malpractices.
DAILY ASSET is hereby urging the National Assembly to embrace technology and adopt total electronic voting for transparency and accountability.
The parliament is the bastion of democracy. It is the only arm that stands out to defend the masses. Therefore, members of the National Assembly who constantly gauge the mood of their constituents and vote in line with aspirations of their constituencies should not be blacked out through a nebulous voice vote. Their stance on topical issues confronting the country should not be buried. It is the fundamental right of every Nigerian to track the views of elected representatives in order to hold them to account.


