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OPINION

Tinubu and the Supplementary Budget: Matters Arising

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By Reuben Abati

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu recently proposed to the National Assembly a N2.18 trillion supplementary budget, the details of which have generated much interest in the public domain, especially those aspects of the budget relating to expenditures not considered of urgent importance but which have now been reintroduced into the existing framework.

During the campaigns for the 2023 presidential election, Tinubu as a candidate had promised that he, as someone with a financial background, would pay careful attention to Nigeria’s borrowing profile, and that he would not increase the country’s debt burden by borrowing more for reasons of consumption.

At the time, Nigeria’s debt burden was a problem: the external debt stock was about $41.69 billion in 2022, while the domestic public debt stock was in excess of US$100 billion.

The country’s Debt Management Office (DMO) even argued that the debt was sustainable, and that Nigeria in fact had one of the lowest debt-to-GDP ratios in Africa: in 2022, the debt-to-GDP ratio in Africa was 56 per cent, but in Nigeria it was 38 per cent.

 It was argued that Nigeria’s debt-carrying capacity was still strong. The World Bank recommends a tolerable debt-to-GDP ratio of 77 per cent. We were told that debt should not be a problem, after all the United States has a debt-to-GDP ratio of over 120 per cent, and the country still functions.

The counterpoint to this, however, is the debt-service ratio. It was established by professional economists and the opposition in 2023 that debt-service was/is the major problem. In 2021, Nigeria was spending about 19 per cent of its revenue on debt service; in 2023, this had increased to more than 90 per cent.

Nigeria, in 2023, had the fourth lowest revenue-to-GDP ratio in the world. Government revenue as a percentage of GDP is indeed abysmally low. With uncertainties in oil and gas revenues, and crude oil theft in the Niger Delta, Nigeria today is not so certain about its revenues. The default position has been to pay more attention to tax revenue.

Given this background, it is right to assume that the major priority for the Tinubu administration would be to address Nigeria’s debt burden and not worsen it, manage inherited circumstances prudently and give the people hope that there is truly a new dispensation in town.

Nigerians during the elections, beyond partisan considerations, had hoped that the new administration that would emerge would reduce the cost of poverty, generate employment, promote economic growth, give jobs to the people, and generally reduce the cost of governance.

There seems to have been a pervasive consensus that Nigeria is on the brink of insolvency, and that a new government by whatever label must act differently. The problem is not that President Tinubu asked for a supplementary budget. The questions are for what, how and why? At the recent presidential retreat for leaders of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), which had been long awaited and unnecessarily delayed, but which was better later than never all the same, the President said that borrowing is not a crime and that he is determined to borrow and increase Nigeria’s debt profile, more or less.

Even the dumbest economist on the street would tell you that countries can always borrow, but such borrowings must place the country in a situation where it can pay its debts, create budget surpluses, invest in infrastructure and support small businesses. A country can also borrow to diversify the economy for tangible benefits. No serious country borrows for luxury, consumption, or to indulge the taste of the men in power.

The current controversy about the Tinubu administration’s request for a N2.18 trillion supplementary budget must be seen in this light. The communication process has been bad. The management of the aftermath has equally been negligent. The details go beyond what is in the public domain.

The breakdowns show that the Federal Government is looking for more money for the Defence Headquarters, the Nigerian Army, Nigeria Navy, Nigerian Airforce, Defence Intelligence Agency, Police formations and command, the Federal Capital City Administration, Office of the National Security Adviser, Department of State Services, State House, Federal Ministry of Works; construction of highways in the North-East, North-West, South-East, South-West, South-South; agriculture, bridge interventions, and the Federal Ministry of Housing.

 It must be noted that Nigerians have not complained about aspects of this supplementary budget that would be of benefit to the Nigerian people. They have complained however about aspects of the budget relating to luxury items, particularly with regard to the needs of the Nigerian Presidency, namely: the proposed request for N4 billion for the renovation of the residential quarters for the President in Abuja; renovation of the residential quarters of the Vice President (Abuja) – N2.5 billion; renovation of Dodan Barracks, Lagos, official residence of the President – N4 billion; renovation of official quarters of the VP (Lagos) – N3 billion; construction of office complex in the Presidential Villa – N4 billion; purchase of presidential yacht – N5 billion; purchase of vehicles for the Office of First Lady – N1.5 billion; purchase of SUVs for the Presidential Villa – N2.9 billion; and replacement of operational vehicles for the Presidency – N2.9 billion. These details have sparked outrage, and in an understandable sense.

When President Tinubu assumed office on 29 May, he declared to Nigerians that fuel subsidy was gone. This has brought great and untold hardships upon the people: increase in the cost of living, with headline inflation now at over 26 per cent, the highest in 18 years; crisis with the naira, which has been yo-yo-ing against the dollar, further driving up the cost of living and the widespread pandemic of poverty in the country.

The consistent message by the Tinubu administration is that the people should be prepared to make necessary sacrifices: things may be rough, we have been told, but they will get better surely, so we the people must be patient. The sheer commonsense of it would be that while the people of Nigeria are facing serious hardship, their leaders who are prescribing austerity would also demonstrate that they are with them, on their side, and ready to suffer along with the people, until the country gets out of the woods.

More so, they have a President who has been there at the battle front of democracy, at the barricades, and who cannot claim that he does not understand how the people feel. His wife even recently boasted that she and her family do not need Nigeria’s money. So, what is the problem? Why do they want new cars and renovated quarters? Why can’t they wait?

The problem is that the President is sending wrong signals with regard to the issues highlighted above that need to be addressed. There is a tendency for people in government to live in the Rose Garden and dismiss the people as ignorant. This would be a wrong approach as it was in the past, as it is now, as it would always be. The people have both the need and the right to know.

At the risk of over-simplification, it is the duty of the government to continuously explain to the people and re-build their trust and confidence, even when the matter appears mundane, self-evident, and self-explanatory. One of the major risks of democracy is that those who govern may be dealing with a patently dumb population, but the people must never be treated as dumb, because they may be quick to learn and ask the right questions and their dumbness could become historical wisdom. True sovereignty in that regard belongs to the people. Power belongs to the people, as the lesson has been learnt in such places as France in 1789, 1830, and 1848; and in Brazil in 1835, 1964 and 1972.

It is therefore important to listen carefully to what the people of Nigeria are saying. They seem to be saying that it is wrong for President Tinubu to tell them during the campaigns that brought him into office that he will reduce Nigeria’s debt stock, and would focus more on productivity, then now come around to announce that borrowing is not a crime.

 Nobody has ever said that borrowing is a crime. It is what you do with the borrowed funds that matter; and when you make a promise, you keep it – as a matter of honour. We admit that most of the details in the supplementary budget are not controversial, except those sections relating to luxury.

 New vehicles for the office of the First Lady! ‘What on earth is that?’, an average Nigerian who is finding it difficult to buy an ordinary recharge card, or buy fuel, is bound to ask. They didn’t vote for Mrs Tinubu, they seem to be asking. So why should her office show up in the budget of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? Again, the State House wants to change vehicles? Nigerians have had cause to draw attention to the example of President Hakainde Hichilema of Zambia who refused to change official vehicles after assuming office.

There is a video of the Zambia President out there, which simply says he wants to serve, not to indulge in the pleasures of office. For those who are in doubt, at least one Nigerian newspaper has written a full editorial on the subject: The Daily Trust asks: “Why should the Presidency make a budget for a new fleet of cars for the First Lady’s entourage? What happened to the vehicles used by former First Lady Aisha Buhari? What happened to the pool cars used by former President Muhammadu Buhari? What happened to the cars used by former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo? How many times will the Presidential lodges be renovated?” (Monday, 6 November).

 But what really stands out, and looks like a scandal is the reported plan to buy a yacht for the President under the budget of the Nigerian Navy. A Yacht for the President, at a time when the people find it difficult to pay for transportation? The outrage has been loud and deafening.

As it happened, the House of Representatives resolved that the N5 billion earmarked for this yacht should be added to the proposed supplementary budget for students’ loans – in itself another controversial proposal, with the details so opaque. A budget is a proposal after all.

It is not binding until it is appropriated by the National Assembly. But the narrative that later came out is that the controversial Presidential Naval Yacht was actually ordered by the Nigerian Navy under the previous Buhari administration. It was delivered in June. It showed up in the 2022 Supplementary Budget proposed by President Tinubu because Nigeria has an obligation to pay on delivery.

International transactions are governed by strict laws under the rules of international trade. Without being pedantic by quoting the rules and structures of international trade, it looks like in this particular transaction, Nigeria has bought itself a presidential yacht. The country has an obligation to pay. The documents of sale have been received. The yacht has been delivered, and this really looks like a CIF sale. The seller is not obliged to worry about Nigeria’s domestic politics. The details of the contract of sale not being in the public domain, this is the best assumption that can be made.

However, what Nigerians must note is that Nigeria used to have a Presidential Yacht. Nigeria had a yacht called NNC Runa Yaro. It was later named AMARIYA. The luxury boat was seized from a former Governor of Rivers State and handed over to the Nigerian Navy. It was re-purposed for both luxury and training operations. President Shehu Shagari used it.

General Babangida also travelled on the yacht once to the Republic of Benin to attend an ECOWAS meeting. President Olusegun Obasanjo hosted visiting Presidents on the vessel. In 2011, the vessel was decommissioned. Indeed in 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari had asked for the vessel to be used to take the Prince of Wales to sea only to be told that the vessel had been decommissioned.

The Nigerian Navy was then told to source for a new option. This is the background, but it is not even the entire story. There is another story that the Nigerian Navy had in fact, as far back as June 2010, asked the Nigerian Government (Dr Goodluck Jonathan was President at the time) to review the Presidential Naval fleet and buy a new yacht ahead of the country’s 50th Independence celebrations. President Jonathan reportedly turned down the request.

Nigerians are angry again because not even the United States has a presidential yacht. The last Presidential yacht in the US, the USS Sequoia, was decommissioned in 1977 by President Jimmy Carter and sold off. The key difference is that whereas the Americans have many options, most Nigerian Naval vessels cannot function. They are like the refineries.

Even our flagship NNS Aradu cannot move, and with that being the case, Nigerians have every reason to be angry that anyone at all can talk about a yacht, the simple dictionary definition of which is about pleasure and luxury! Should there be a military challenge against Nigeria tomorrow, are we likely to go to the battlefield with a luxury boat and Big Brother Naija actors? But we have bought a luxury boat guys, and we are obliged to pay for it. While other countries of the world are getting serious, we are busy thinking of luxury for staff and wives and… What a country! No yacht for President Tinubu.

OPINION

Buhari: Lessons in Leadership and Patriotism

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By Ismail Abdulaziz

On July 13, retired Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, former President of Nigeria, passed away after the mid-day prayers at a London Clinic at the ripe age of 82.Many testimonies about his life and times indicate a man of civility, discipline and patriotism not adding his avowed principle of living a Spartan life and commitment to eradication of corruption.

President Bola Tinubu, paid a glowing tribute.
‘’Buhari was to the very core, a patriot, a soldier, a statesman; his legacy of service and sacrifice endures.“He served Nigeria with unwavering dedication, first as a military leader from January 1984 to August 1985, and later as a democratically elected President from 2015 to 2023; duty, honour, and a deep commitment to the unity and progress of our nation defined his life.
“He stood firm through the most turbulent times, leading with quiet strength, profound integrity, and an unshakable belief in Nigeria’s potential.“He championed discipline in public service, confronted corruption head-on, and placed the country above personal interest at every turn,’’ the president said.Similarly, the revered Islamic scholar, Mufti Ismail Menk, said Buhari was an upright man, who never missed his prayers and a very disciplined believer who served his people to the best of his ability.“His name was synonymous with integrity.“He was definitely one of those who made me develop a much better perception of Nigerians as a people,’’ he said.The U.S. Mission in Nigeria also condoled with Nigeria.“Buhari was a leader whose life was defined by service, discipline, and a commitment to restore integrity to public office.“His legacy includes his efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s democratic institutions,’’ it said.The Chinese embassy in Nigeria also expressed its condolences.‘’We mourn a resolute leader whose unwavering dedication to Nigeria’s unity and progress leaves an enduring legacy.“His pivotal contributions to advancing China-Nigeria relations will forever remain etched in our shared history,’’ it said.Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who was also a former military Head of State like Buhari, said the late president was a comrade, a cool patriot, who as a soldier, played his role.“As an administrator, he played his role as an administrator; as a statesman, he played his role as a statesman.“At a time like this, we need the totality of the experience and what I may call statesmanship of all those who have had opportunities to run the affairs of this country to get us out of the situation we are in; he will be sorely missed; may his soul rest in perfect peace,” Obasanjo said.Tributes have also come in from the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali, Sierra Leone President Julius Maada Bio as well as World Trade Organisation Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala.During his campaign in 2015, something spectacular happened.The masses of Nigeria decided to contribute their widows’ mites for his success.What else can a human want than the general believe in his capacity and ability to lead them to the Promised Land?This singular act was a burden placed on him by the people to rectify the past.Analysts say the history of Nigeria will be replete with the roles Buhari played during his three terms leading the country.First, as a military head of state and subsequently, as a democratically elected president between 2015 and 2023.For history to be kind to him, the testimonies of those around him during his time will shape the final options.As an elder statesman, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida once said: “History will be kind to you for taking a decision, but will never be kind to you for not taking a decision.”Buhari accepted most of the mistakes he took while serving the people as exemplified in one of his statements in the course of his handing over the reign of leadership to President Tinubu.“Whoever thought that there has been some form of injustice on him we are all humans, there is no doubt I hurt some people, and I wish they would pardon me and those who think that I have hurt them, please pardon me.”The man that peacefully handed over power to Buhari, former President Goodluck Jonathan, has some comforting words.‘’He will be remembered as a courageous leader, a disciplined officer, and a committed public servant who made considerable contributions towards the peace and progress of our dear nation.“The late President was deeply admired across the strata of society for his decency, integrity and exemplary life of service.“As a leader, he was selfless in his commitment to his duty and served the country with character and a deep sense of patriotism.‘’In his passing, Nigeria has lost one of its foremost leaders, and I have lost a respected colleague and elder.“His legacy will continue to endure in the hearts of all who value sacrifice, integrity, perseverance and devotion to national ethos,’’ Jonathan said.Buhari was born on Dec. 17, 1942 in Daura, Katsina State to Adamu and Zulaiha Buhari.He was raised by his mother, following the death of his father when he was about four years old; he had his primary school education in Daura and Maidua from 1948 to 1952, before proceeding to Katsina Middle School in 1953.He joined the Nigerian Army in 1961 when he was admitted to the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna.Buhari underwent Officer Cadets training at Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot, England from 1962 to 1963, and was commissioned as Second Lieutenant in January, 1963.He attended the Nigerian Military College, Kaduna for the Platoon Commanders’ Course from 1963-1964Buoyed by a deep sense of patriotism and commitment to national service, Buhari entered politics in 2003, following Nigeria’s return to a democratic dispensation in 1999.Buhari joined the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) and contested the presidential election on its platform that year.He lost to the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Olusegun Obasanjo.Undeterred by defeat, Buhari continued his political struggle, and on Dec. 18, 2006, he emerged as the consensus presidential candidate of the ANPP for the 2007 elections.His main challenger in the April 2007 presidential polls was the ruling PDP candidate, Umaru Yar’Adua.In the election, Buhari officially scored 18 percent of the total votes cast, against 70 percent for Yar’Adua.In March 2010, Buhari left the ANPP and formed, with some of his supporters, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).Buhari was nominated as the CPC presidential candidate on April 16, 2011 for that year’s general election.He ran against the then incumbent, President Jonathan of the ruling PDP, Malam Nuhu Ribadu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Ibrahim Shekarau of the ANPP, and other candidates of smaller parties.Using the platform of the CPC, a newly formed party, Buhari was able to garner 12, 214, 853 votes, coming second to Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP), who polled 22, 495, 197 votes.In 2015, under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Buhari won the presidential elections of March 28, defeating the incumbent Jonathan of PDP.He was sworn into Office as President, Commander-In Chief of the Armed Forces, and Federal Republic of Nigeria on May 29, 2015.After eight years in office, Buhari ensured a smooth transition process; in May 29, 2023, he handed over power to President Bola Tinubu who was also elected under the platform of APC in the February, 2023 presidential election.(NAN)

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OPINION

Naira Spraying Crackdown: Cultural Policing or Economic Necessity?

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In recent months, Lagos has witnessed a sharp intensification of the crackdown on spraying naira notes at social events, with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission leading enforcement efforts to uphold currency integrity.In April 2025, popular Lagos socialite Emeka Okonkwo, known as E-Money, was arrested for allegedly spraying both naira and US dollars at public gatherings, an act that violates Nigeria’s currency laws.

In the same month, two social media influencers, Tobilola Olamide (TobiNation) and Peter Olaitan (TDollar), were convicted and sentenced to six months imprisonment or a fine for spraying naira notes at a Lagos event, based on viral TikTok videos that triggered EFCC investigations.
These cases underscore the government’s renewed commitment to enforcing the Central Bank Act provisions against currency abuse, amid growing concerns over inflation and economic stability.Beyond Lagos, notable Nigerians have also faced arrest and conviction for spraying naira under the Central Bank Act. Idris Okuneye (Bobrisky) was convicted in April 2024 and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment after his March arrest for spraying at Lagos events.Actress Oluwadarasimi Omoseyin was arrested in February 2023 for spraying and stepping on new naira notes at a wedding in Lagos, receiving a six-month jail term with an option of a fine. A makeup artist, Abdullahi Huseini (Amuscap), was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in Kano for spraying at his wedding. Cubana Chief Priest was also arrested, etc.We praise the EFCC and the government for doing a great job of protecting the integrity of the naira by ensuring that abusers are punished. We wish and pray that the same swiftness and assurance of convictions be visited on other issues, such as political corruption and insecurity.According to a report by Daily Post 2021, Mr Akin Adewale from a first-generation bank said it was good so that money would not be devalued. What the CBN said was that it spent a lot of money printing it, and the cost is passed on to the economy in the long run. He said, “If the money is rough or torn, its life span is reduced, and printing becomes more frequent, which leads to inflation.”Any person who has been in the country since 2021 will know that the devaluation of the Nigerian currency is closely related to inflation.But what about the cultural significance of spraying money among Nigerian communities?To criminalise spraying money without acknowledging its cultural weight risks violating the social rhythms that bind communities together.In Yoruba culture, spraying money is a revered symbol of honour and respect. It is a way to publicly celebrate and support the success and status of loved ones, affirming social bonds and communal pride. For the Igbo, spraying is an expression of joy and solidarity, a ritual that marks milestones and reinforces communal support. Among the Hausa-Fulani, though less common, similar acts of generosity during celebrations symbolise goodwill and social harmony. The same is also true of many other ethnic groups in the country.Beyond mere festivity, spraying money is a powerful social symbol; it represents abundance, generosity, and the collective sharing of fortune. It is a language of respect, a way to uplift individuals while strengthening community ties. To clamp down on this practice without sensitivity is to risk eroding a cherished cultural expression that nurtures social cohesion.No doubt, many countries have laws prohibiting the mutilation or defacement of currency to protect their integrity. Singapore, Sri Lanka, Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada all enforce penalties, ranging from fines to imprisonment, against damaging their money.These regulations reflect a global consensus that currency is both a medium of exchange and a national symbol essential for economic stability. It means Nigeria’s Central Bank Act similarly criminalises currency abuse, including spraying naira notes, to safeguard the naira in line with the value that other nations of the world uphold.By implication, therefore, the culture of enjoying money spraying as a social bonding avenue is an aberration that followed normal political impunity in Nigeria. It’s not really a piece of culture rooted in African cosmology.Political and class dimensions also raise concerns about selective justice and unequal treatment of the elite versus ordinary people. Many countries indeed criminalise the mutilation or defacement of currency to protect its integrity, and Nigeria’s Central Bank Act follows this global practice by outlawing acts like spraying naira notes. However, this raises a deeper question: is criminalising currency abuse more important than implementing policies that genuinely uplift the lives of Nigerians?One must wonder whether the Nigerian government’s crackdown is driven by a sincere commitment to economic reform or simply an attempt to imitate other nations without addressing more pressing issues. It is normal for governments to prioritise certain policies, but if the focus is on enforcing currency laws, then why has there been so little progress in prosecuting terrorists, corrupt officials, or those who steal public funds? Why are governors and government officials rarely held accountable under the law, including the Bank Act?For instance, an online report showed that Thomas Ekpemupolo, known as Tompolo, a former Niger Delta militant leader, was caught in a viral video from his April 54th birthday celebration dancing while N1,000 notes were sprayed and stepped on, actions considered naira abuse under Nigerian law.Following public outcry, the EFCC vowed in May to investigate and hold him accountable, stressing, “Nobody is above the law.” As of late June, there has been no public update on his arrest or arraignment. If the case of the former Niger Delta militant leader could go this way, how about when a governor or senator is seen committing such an offence? Yet the government ought to look into a balanced approach to naira spraying.No one is in support of mutilating the currency, but a balanced approach to the naira spraying crackdown could help preserve cultural heritage while protecting the currency’s integrity. One solution is public education to raise awareness about the legal restrictions and the economic impact of currency mutilation, encouraging celebrants to handle naira notes with care rather than abandoning the tradition altogether.Additionally, regulated practices could be established where spraying is done respectfully and with minimal damage, such as using designated fresh notes or limiting the amount sprayed, distinguishing between cultural honour and currency abuse. This middle ground respects the ritual’s social significance while aligning with legal and economic concerns.Outright bans risk alienating communities and eroding cultural identity, whereas education, innovation, and sensible regulation offer a path to harmonise tradition with the imperative to protect Nigeria’s fragile economy.Most importantly, instead of merely emphasising the sanctity of the naira, Nigeria should strive to uphold the true rule of law, ensuring justice, fighting corruption, and protecting citizens, just as many other countries do. Without this broader commitment, focusing solely on currency integrity risks appearing superficial and disconnected from the urgent needs of the people.Dr Mbamalu, a Jefferson Journalism Fellow, member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors and media consultant, is the publisher of Prime Business Africa

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OPINION

Two Sides of Late Major General Muhammadu Buhari

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The late Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who famously overthrew the government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari, struck like a thunderbolt. His death, announced yesterday, July 13, 2025, shocked the nation, especially as he appeared healthier than when he was elected President of Nigeria in 2015.

In reflecting on his life and legacy, it is essential to compare the two distinct eras of Buhari’s leadership: first as a military ruler and later as a democratically elected president.
As a military president, Buhari was often perceived as a no-nonsense leader who implemented significant reforms that impacted the political, economic, and social landscape of Nigeria. His initiatives included:i. War Against Indiscipline;ii.
Import Substitution Industrialization Policy;iii. Go Back to Land Programme; andiv. Foreign Policy InitiativesThe announcement of his coup triggered panic among second Republic politicians, who went into hiding, fearing the unknown. Their concerns were not unfounded; the brutal orders that followed forced many into detention without trial for extended periods. While these policies are attributed to General Buhari, some believe they were largely orchestrated by General Tunde Idiagbon, his Chief of Staff, a bold and incorruptible officer who played a crucial role in implementing Buhari’s agenda.Ambassador Lawal Rafindadi, the Director General of the National Security Organization (NSO), also significantly influenced Buhari’s policies. Under his leadership, the NSO detained numerous Nigerians and a few foreigners without trial, while also investigating high-profile corruption cases, including that of Umaru Dikko.Buhari’s name incited a mix of fear and admiration among Nigerians; while his policies benefitted many, they caused distress for others. There is a prevailing belief that Idiagbon and Rafindadi were the true engines of governance during Buhari’s regime. His subsequent overthrow by General Ibrahim Babangida and the ensuing years of incarceration were reminiscent of the betrayal faced by Julius Caesar.When Buhari returned to power as the elected president in 2015, many Nigerians expressed hope that he would revive the transformative policies of his military rule. However, the reality was starkly different; the economy continued to plummet, corruption surged, and social cohesion deteriorated.This raises the question: Were the key figures who had previously supported Buhari—such as Tunde Idiagbon and Lawal Rafindadi—absent during his second tenure? Observing Nigeria’s political and economic landscape at the time, one might conclude that the nation had made progress in governance compared to Buhari’s first administration. Yet, familiar advisers from his earlier days remained influential, including figures like Malam Maman Daura, the late Mamud Tukur, Alhaji Magaji Danbatta, Professor Ango Abdullahi, and General Aliyu Gusau.Some critics have suggested that Buhari’s second coming could be summed up by the adage “once bitten, twice shy.” Rumor has it he confided to close friends that, in his youth, his aspirations to save Nigeria were thwarted; thus, he was unwilling to dedicate his later years to a country that had not recognized his contributions.Despite this backdrop, Buhari’s integrity remained intact. He personally rejected corruption; however, it appeared he overlooked the corrupt practices of those around him. His presence will be missed as a Nigerian statesman capable of fostering stability in various regions. His immediate family and allies will mourn his passing, as will many Nigerians who knew him well.As we ponder Buhari’s legacy, it remains unclear how history will ultimately judge him. Will he be remembered with fondness or skepticism? Only time will tell, as historians analyze his contributions and their impact on Nigeria.Simon Shango MFR writes from Abuja

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