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APC: The Limits of Propaganda

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By Toby Okechukwu

On May 29, 2015, TheCable online newspaper catalogued the 81 promises with which the All Progressives Congress (APC) wooed Nigerians ahead of the 2015 presidential election. Nigerians were given postdated cheques that APC was ab initio aware would bounce.



However, time crystallizes everything.
Had the APC not come to power, albeit on the strength of their “Change” propaganda, they would have probably remained the best government Nigeria never had.
But today, they have unravelled. Evidently, APC was empanelled to capture power but lacked the capacity to govern. Virtually seven years after they grabbed power, Nigeria is at crossroads, as the ruling party has exhibited manifest contradictions in all facets of our life.
Nigeria has become a laboratory of the absurd, experiencing chaotic and combustible economic, security, and social services conditions.
Perhaps, nothing exposes APC’s hypocrisy better than the chaotic energy situation sufficiently manifest in the multiple collapses of the national grid; disjointed subsidy regime evident in the import of toxic fuel and the interminable fuel queues across the country; the pyric rescue of a collapsed aviation sector by the national assembly; and the dysfunction of the railway sector where trains break down in the middle of nowhere, leaving stranded citizens at the mercy of marauding bandits.
From serially declaring fuel subsidy as “sheer fraud and corruption” before they came to power to ‘baptising’ it as under-recovery, the APC has presently made a volte-face on fuel subsidy removal, demanding over N3 trillion for the purpose to continue with the same “sheer fraud and corruption”. It is an evident lack of capacity by a government to confront the ghost of its deceptive past.
Prior to 2015, the APC claimed that 30 million litres daily fuel consumption during the Goodluck Jonathan administration was fraudulent, but under the APC government, Nigeria claims to consume over 100 million litres of fuel daily, with little or no certainty of statistics regarding Nigeria’s needs. Even after the minister of state for petroleum resources, Timipre Sylva, recently described it as “crazy figures”, the bazaar continues with the comedy of errors and corruption.
Nigerians will not forget in a hurry that the APC met the refineries working at what they admittedly described as “minimal capacity”. But we were meeting a bit of our daily needs. Today, they have run the refineries aground, completely. Not only have they been unable to fix the refineries for nearly seven years or build new ones as promised, but they have also jeopardized the chances of doing so. Despite awarding a contract of $1.5 billion in March 2021 (about N575 billion at the time) to fix the Port Harcourt Refinery, they are unable to deliver a litre of refined products. Yet the refineries recorded a whooping N10.27 billion in “operational expenses” in 2020 for producing nothing. And instead of fixing our refineries; instead of withdrawing subsidies to apply it to the capital development of the country and freeing us from loan burdens, they have destroyed our economy by throwing money at problems yet again.
Furthermore, the party that promised cohesion and new direction for Nigeria has been enmeshed in intractable crisis and unable to constitute, since inception in 2013, a board of trustees as stated by their party’s constitution. While the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is issuing guidelines for the 2023 election, deservedly nicknamed the “All Progressives Confusion” by the prolific Mahmud Jega, is in crisis as always. Laden with caretaker committees, their attempts at organizing congresses have snowballed into numerous factional chairmen and multiple lawsuits in almost all the states. Unfortunately for Nigeria, it is this interminable crisis that they have constantly imported into our national life. They have been unable to manage themselves, let alone manage a vast nation like Nigeria.
There is complete disarticulation in their government marked by flip-flops on policies. Citizens have been treated to theatres of the absurd, as government functionaries engage themselves in street fights – governors against governors, ministers against ministers, cabals against cabals, leaders against leaders while government agencies drag one another to court. Nigeria has never had it this bad.
Even long after the APC would have been gone, Nigerians will live with their stockpiled debts, which are never borrowed based on any reliable projected direction, but on an ad hoc arrangement. Nigeria’s debt stock has shut up from N12.1 trillion inherited by President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration on May 29, 2015, to N38.005 trillion by the end of September 2021. A whopping N2.540 trillion of the debt burden was recorded between June and September 2021 alone. According to FG’s National Development Plan 2021-2025, the federal government hopes to push its public debt stock to N50.22 trillion by 2023, with domestic debt standing at N28.75 trillion and external debt at N21.47 trillion. Only recently, the minister of transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, blamed the delay in completing some major projects, including railway projects on the paucity of funds occasioned by the stoppage of funding by China. “We are stuck with lots of our projects because we cannot get money. The Chinese are no longer funding. So, we are now pursuing money in Europe”. Who would blame China?
APC constitutes a clear and present danger to the Nigerian economy, as no sector of the country is working. Their economic strategy appears to be limited to borrowing and taxing citizens and businesses to death. Just before ex-President Jonathan handed over, Nigeria was Africa’s biggest economy, the country was equally projected by CNNMoney to be the third fastest-growing economy in the world after China and Qatar. But in May 2016, about a year after they captured power, the National Bureau of Statistics reported that the Nigerian economy had shrunk to its lowest in 25 years. While Zenith Bank, FCMB, and Ecobank laid off 1,200 staff, 700 staff, and 50% of its top management staff, respectively within a year of APC coming to power, the Abuja Chamber of Commerce reported that over 50,000 Nigerians had lost their jobs in Abuja alone.
The job losses have since worsened. Rather than blame the divestments from Nigeria by notable multinational businesses on government’s impulsive policies, reckless statements and de-marketing of Nigeria by the President himself, the needless six-month delay in constituting a cabinet, thoughtless policies on foreign exchange that triggered a panic in the system, the APC were busy blaming their ineptitude on 16 years of the PDP.
Even the promissory note of $1 to N1 exchange advanced to Nigeria during the 2015 campaigns has metamorphosed to $1 to nearly N600. In addition, while the APC is busy celebrating wood-inflated rice pyramids, Nigerians are piling away in hunger and destitution, ejected from their farms by insecurity. They closed the borders for over a year for no good reason, and reopened it for no reason, as they achieved nothing. Smuggling thrives and our borders have never been this leaky, while cross-border crimes and arms importation going on arbitrarily and unchecked.
Even worse, the APC for the past six years has been operating a government of revenge. They are not building national unity nor are they interested in the profitable management of our diversities. They have weaponised government against their own citizens to the point that for the first time in our history, all the geopolitical zones are simultaneously engulfed in one major crisis or the other: Boko Haram in the north-east, banditry and terrorism in the north-west and north-central; kidnapping, ritual killings, abductions, and separatist movements in the south-west; separatism, restiveness, and sit-at-home in the south-east.
In a report released in February 2022, SBM Intelligence, a socioeconomic research firm, put media-reported killings in Nigeria in the last quarter of 2021 at 2,085 persons. This figure, according to SMB Intelligence, brings to 10,366 the number of persons killed in violent incidents, including attacks from Boko Haram, militia herdsmen, abductions, gang clashes and terrorists in 2021. The 10,366 deaths represent a 47% increase in media reported killings when compared to 7,063 fatalities in 2020 to 10,366 in 2021. Add the downing of Nigeria’s fighter jets in the north-west and the “missing” fighter jet in Borno state in 2021, the mass kidnappings, the control and governance of parts of Nigerian spaces by insurgents and bandits, and the number of schools either destroyed or closed due to the activities of uninhibited criminal cartels, then it can be unarguably be concluded that the APC has plunged a whole country into the ocean like a drunk pilot. You would wonder where all the billions of dollars approved for arms purchase and security for the government have gone to.
Meanwhile, it is in this government that the auditor-general of the federation is reporting that 178,459 arms and ammunitions are missing, among them over 88,078 AK-47 rifles and 3,907 assorted rifles and pistols from the police armoury. The essence of government comes within the realms of the Leviathan principle, which vests legitimate coercive powers in the government alone, while the people donate parts of their liberties to the state in exchange for protection. But the state’s monopoly of Leviathan or legitimate coercive power has been badly diminished and even compromised. In fact, the government is on ‘AWOL’. It is only such contradiction that will make a chief security officer of a state – the governor – negotiate with arms-slinging bandits.
It is noteworthy that Nigeria has faltered on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index for a second consecutive year. In the latest report (2021), Nigeria scored 24 out of 100 points, and ranked 154 out of 180 countries surveyed, thus slipping five places from the rank of 149 in 2020 placing as the second most corrupt country in West Africa. Nigeria had earlier dropped from 26th place in 2019 to 25th in the 2020 assessment.
It took the interventions of the house of representatives for the so-called palliatives and social interventions to get to a fraction of Nigerians. For the past six years, they have voted N500 billion annually for the poor. This comes to N3 trillion. But when directed by parliament to publish names of beneficiaries, they disingenuously claimed the beneficiaries would be unhappy to be identified by the public as poor.

OPINION

The Mokwa Tragedy

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By Zayd Ibn Isah

There are calamities so devastating that in their aftermath, they ought to bring a nation to a halt, inspiring somber moments that should pierce through the noise of our politics, our tribal squabbles, and our digital distractions.These are the sort of tragedies that should unite people in a collective sense of grief, shock and loss.

The recent flood in Mokwa, Niger State, where raging waters swept away hundreds of men, women, and children, is one such tragedy.
Unfortunately, this is the second major disaster to hit Niger State this year. Earlier, a fuel-laden tanker overturned, and instead of fleeing from the highly flammable spill, nearby residents rushed to have a fair share of the liquid black gold.
The inevitable explosion that followed is estimated to have killed nearly a hundred people. Just as the nation was still reeling from that terrible tragedy, Mokwa was plunged into even greater sorrow. According to recent statistics reported by Daily Trust, over 200 lives have been lost in the recent flood, and around 500 people remain missing.Beyond lives lost, this particular flooding has displaced thousands, destroyed properties and placed many in severe financial ruin.Sadly, disasters like this are not new to us. From the Ogunpa flood in Ibadan in 1980 that claimed more than 200 lives, to the catastrophic floods of 2012 that affected 30 of Nigeria’s 36 states and displaced over two million people, to the recent floods in Borno, where waters from the Dam left destruction in their wake, a clearly predictable pattern seems to constantly emerge, especially when the rainy season comes.Nigeria has become painfully familiar with the sight of submerged communities, displaced families, and dreams washed away. What makes these disasters particularly heartbreaking is not just their frequency, but how preventable they often are.Yes, climate change is real. Rainfall patterns are shifting, and rivers are swelling beyond their historical bounds. But we must also confront an uncomfortable truth: we are not entirely innocent victims of nature’s fury.Across Nigeria, it is disturbingly common to see houses, shops, and even schools built on floodplains and natural waterways. Rivers are choked by illegal settlements, often constructed without proper approval or in blatant disregard of environmental laws.Yet, when government agencies move to demolish these structures, we cry foul. We accuse them of ethnic bias, political witch-hunts, or insensitivity. We shout “persecution,” when the real culprit is our collective refusal to listen to reason.Mokwa is a painful reminder of what happens when planning is ignored and nature is provoked. Urban planning in Nigeria is in crisis, not merely because government agencies fail to enforce regulations, but because we, the people, treat these rules with contempt.We bribe our way through approvals, circumvent safety protocols, and then feign surprise when disaster strikes. But floods don’t negotiate. They also certainly don’t recognise tribe, religion, or political affiliation. They simply follow the laws of nature. And if we insist on living in their path, the consequences, however tragic, are entirely avoidable.We must recognise that lives are at stake and that for survivors, the process of trying to rebuild or relocate while dealing with grief and loss, is often a difficult experience. This is why we must begin to change the way we talk about demolition and enforcement. The government is not your enemy when it clears structures built on waterways.On the contrary, such actions, when carried out transparently and justly, are lifesaving. We must stop romanticising illegal construction as a symbol of resilience. More often than not, it is a death sentence in disguise.That said, this is not the time to trade blame. It is the time to chart a new course. Flooding is not just a Nigerian problem. It is a global emergency. In recent months, Germany and Belgium were overwhelmed by deadly flash floods that claimed hundreds of lives. Brazil witnessed entire communities buried under mudslides triggered by torrential rains.In Bangladesh and India, millions were displaced after rivers burst their banks. Even the United States, despite its infrastructure, has seen cities like Houston and New York struggle to cope with overwhelming rainfall.In many of these countries, governments responded decisively; issuing timely evacuation orders, mobilizing rescue operations, and, crucially, relocating people from high-risk zones.In Japan and the Philippines, public education on disaster preparedness is rigorous and widely embraced. In the Netherlands, the government has invested heavily in flood defenses like levees, water plazas, and adaptive urban design.But here in Nigeria, even when relevant government agencies issue warnings, or evacuation is proposed, people resist. Sometimes it’s the deep emotional bond we have with our ancestral land. Other times, it’s the justified fear that relocation means abandonment, that once we leave, no one will remember us. And often, it’s simply that we have nowhere else to go.Yet we must acknowledge a timeless truth: prevention is better than cure. A stitch in time saves nine. As such, we need long-term solutions: proper drainage systems, enforced building codes, updated flood risk maps, and continuous public education on environmental responsibility.But beyond all that, we need a cultural shift, a collective understanding that human life is more valuable than temporary shelter, and that following the law is not a punishment, but a protection.The tragedy in Mokwa must not become just another headline. It must be a turning point. We should not just fall back on “thoughts and prayers”, lamentations, and vague promises to offer relief to victims. Rather, this should spur us all to insist on strict environmental and infrastructural maintenance, as well as effective measures for disaster preparedness, particularly when imminent disasters are as a result of climate change.We need to plan the development of our cities better, especially when it comes to constructing and maintaining proper drainage channels, managing waste disposal and ensuring that waterways are not impeded by illegal structures. We also need to be united in ensuring this becomes a national moment of reckoning, especially one where we begin to rethink how we live with our environment, and with one another.If we continue to build on water, water will continue to subject us to the terrifying laws of nature.Zayd Ibn Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.com

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OPINION

Nigeria’s Security: Between Self-defence and Community Policing

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By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi

As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.

These challenges are not confined to the North.
In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape.
Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security.
He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.

In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.

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OPINION

This Trial of Oloyede

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By Tunde Akanni

It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.

I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May.
“Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”.
I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage.
I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanni

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