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OPINION

APC: The Limits of Propaganda

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By Toby Okechukwu

On May 29, 2015, TheCable online newspaper catalogued the 81 promises with which the All Progressives Congress (APC) wooed Nigerians ahead of the 2015 presidential election. Nigerians were given postdated cheques that APC was ab initio aware would bounce.



However, time crystallizes everything.
Had the APC not come to power, albeit on the strength of their “Change” propaganda, they would have probably remained the best government Nigeria never had.
But today, they have unravelled. Evidently, APC was empanelled to capture power but lacked the capacity to govern. Virtually seven years after they grabbed power, Nigeria is at crossroads, as the ruling party has exhibited manifest contradictions in all facets of our life.
Nigeria has become a laboratory of the absurd, experiencing chaotic and combustible economic, security, and social services conditions.
Perhaps, nothing exposes APC’s hypocrisy better than the chaotic energy situation sufficiently manifest in the multiple collapses of the national grid; disjointed subsidy regime evident in the import of toxic fuel and the interminable fuel queues across the country; the pyric rescue of a collapsed aviation sector by the national assembly; and the dysfunction of the railway sector where trains break down in the middle of nowhere, leaving stranded citizens at the mercy of marauding bandits.
From serially declaring fuel subsidy as “sheer fraud and corruption” before they came to power to ‘baptising’ it as under-recovery, the APC has presently made a volte-face on fuel subsidy removal, demanding over N3 trillion for the purpose to continue with the same “sheer fraud and corruption”. It is an evident lack of capacity by a government to confront the ghost of its deceptive past.
Prior to 2015, the APC claimed that 30 million litres daily fuel consumption during the Goodluck Jonathan administration was fraudulent, but under the APC government, Nigeria claims to consume over 100 million litres of fuel daily, with little or no certainty of statistics regarding Nigeria’s needs. Even after the minister of state for petroleum resources, Timipre Sylva, recently described it as “crazy figures”, the bazaar continues with the comedy of errors and corruption.
Nigerians will not forget in a hurry that the APC met the refineries working at what they admittedly described as “minimal capacity”. But we were meeting a bit of our daily needs. Today, they have run the refineries aground, completely. Not only have they been unable to fix the refineries for nearly seven years or build new ones as promised, but they have also jeopardized the chances of doing so. Despite awarding a contract of $1.5 billion in March 2021 (about N575 billion at the time) to fix the Port Harcourt Refinery, they are unable to deliver a litre of refined products. Yet the refineries recorded a whooping N10.27 billion in “operational expenses” in 2020 for producing nothing. And instead of fixing our refineries; instead of withdrawing subsidies to apply it to the capital development of the country and freeing us from loan burdens, they have destroyed our economy by throwing money at problems yet again.
Furthermore, the party that promised cohesion and new direction for Nigeria has been enmeshed in intractable crisis and unable to constitute, since inception in 2013, a board of trustees as stated by their party’s constitution. While the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is issuing guidelines for the 2023 election, deservedly nicknamed the “All Progressives Confusion” by the prolific Mahmud Jega, is in crisis as always. Laden with caretaker committees, their attempts at organizing congresses have snowballed into numerous factional chairmen and multiple lawsuits in almost all the states. Unfortunately for Nigeria, it is this interminable crisis that they have constantly imported into our national life. They have been unable to manage themselves, let alone manage a vast nation like Nigeria.
There is complete disarticulation in their government marked by flip-flops on policies. Citizens have been treated to theatres of the absurd, as government functionaries engage themselves in street fights – governors against governors, ministers against ministers, cabals against cabals, leaders against leaders while government agencies drag one another to court. Nigeria has never had it this bad.
Even long after the APC would have been gone, Nigerians will live with their stockpiled debts, which are never borrowed based on any reliable projected direction, but on an ad hoc arrangement. Nigeria’s debt stock has shut up from N12.1 trillion inherited by President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration on May 29, 2015, to N38.005 trillion by the end of September 2021. A whopping N2.540 trillion of the debt burden was recorded between June and September 2021 alone. According to FG’s National Development Plan 2021-2025, the federal government hopes to push its public debt stock to N50.22 trillion by 2023, with domestic debt standing at N28.75 trillion and external debt at N21.47 trillion. Only recently, the minister of transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, blamed the delay in completing some major projects, including railway projects on the paucity of funds occasioned by the stoppage of funding by China. “We are stuck with lots of our projects because we cannot get money. The Chinese are no longer funding. So, we are now pursuing money in Europe”. Who would blame China?
APC constitutes a clear and present danger to the Nigerian economy, as no sector of the country is working. Their economic strategy appears to be limited to borrowing and taxing citizens and businesses to death. Just before ex-President Jonathan handed over, Nigeria was Africa’s biggest economy, the country was equally projected by CNNMoney to be the third fastest-growing economy in the world after China and Qatar. But in May 2016, about a year after they captured power, the National Bureau of Statistics reported that the Nigerian economy had shrunk to its lowest in 25 years. While Zenith Bank, FCMB, and Ecobank laid off 1,200 staff, 700 staff, and 50% of its top management staff, respectively within a year of APC coming to power, the Abuja Chamber of Commerce reported that over 50,000 Nigerians had lost their jobs in Abuja alone.
The job losses have since worsened. Rather than blame the divestments from Nigeria by notable multinational businesses on government’s impulsive policies, reckless statements and de-marketing of Nigeria by the President himself, the needless six-month delay in constituting a cabinet, thoughtless policies on foreign exchange that triggered a panic in the system, the APC were busy blaming their ineptitude on 16 years of the PDP.
Even the promissory note of $1 to N1 exchange advanced to Nigeria during the 2015 campaigns has metamorphosed to $1 to nearly N600. In addition, while the APC is busy celebrating wood-inflated rice pyramids, Nigerians are piling away in hunger and destitution, ejected from their farms by insecurity. They closed the borders for over a year for no good reason, and reopened it for no reason, as they achieved nothing. Smuggling thrives and our borders have never been this leaky, while cross-border crimes and arms importation going on arbitrarily and unchecked.
Even worse, the APC for the past six years has been operating a government of revenge. They are not building national unity nor are they interested in the profitable management of our diversities. They have weaponised government against their own citizens to the point that for the first time in our history, all the geopolitical zones are simultaneously engulfed in one major crisis or the other: Boko Haram in the north-east, banditry and terrorism in the north-west and north-central; kidnapping, ritual killings, abductions, and separatist movements in the south-west; separatism, restiveness, and sit-at-home in the south-east.
In a report released in February 2022, SBM Intelligence, a socioeconomic research firm, put media-reported killings in Nigeria in the last quarter of 2021 at 2,085 persons. This figure, according to SMB Intelligence, brings to 10,366 the number of persons killed in violent incidents, including attacks from Boko Haram, militia herdsmen, abductions, gang clashes and terrorists in 2021. The 10,366 deaths represent a 47% increase in media reported killings when compared to 7,063 fatalities in 2020 to 10,366 in 2021. Add the downing of Nigeria’s fighter jets in the north-west and the “missing” fighter jet in Borno state in 2021, the mass kidnappings, the control and governance of parts of Nigerian spaces by insurgents and bandits, and the number of schools either destroyed or closed due to the activities of uninhibited criminal cartels, then it can be unarguably be concluded that the APC has plunged a whole country into the ocean like a drunk pilot. You would wonder where all the billions of dollars approved for arms purchase and security for the government have gone to.
Meanwhile, it is in this government that the auditor-general of the federation is reporting that 178,459 arms and ammunitions are missing, among them over 88,078 AK-47 rifles and 3,907 assorted rifles and pistols from the police armoury. The essence of government comes within the realms of the Leviathan principle, which vests legitimate coercive powers in the government alone, while the people donate parts of their liberties to the state in exchange for protection. But the state’s monopoly of Leviathan or legitimate coercive power has been badly diminished and even compromised. In fact, the government is on ‘AWOL’. It is only such contradiction that will make a chief security officer of a state – the governor – negotiate with arms-slinging bandits.
It is noteworthy that Nigeria has faltered on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index for a second consecutive year. In the latest report (2021), Nigeria scored 24 out of 100 points, and ranked 154 out of 180 countries surveyed, thus slipping five places from the rank of 149 in 2020 placing as the second most corrupt country in West Africa. Nigeria had earlier dropped from 26th place in 2019 to 25th in the 2020 assessment.
It took the interventions of the house of representatives for the so-called palliatives and social interventions to get to a fraction of Nigerians. For the past six years, they have voted N500 billion annually for the poor. This comes to N3 trillion. But when directed by parliament to publish names of beneficiaries, they disingenuously claimed the beneficiaries would be unhappy to be identified by the public as poor.

Education

Varsity Don Advocates Establishment of National Bureau for Ethnic Relations, Inter-Group Unity

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By David Torough, Abuja

A university scholar, Prof. Uji Wilfred of the Department of History and International Studies, Federal University of Lafia, has called on the Federal Government to establish a National Bureau for Ethnic Relations to strengthen inter-group unity and address the deep-seated ethnic tensions in Nigeria, particularly in the North Central region.

Prof.

Wilfred, in a paper drawing from years of research, argued that the six states of the North Central—Kwara, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Plateau, and Nasarawa share long-standing historical, cultural, and economic ties that have been eroded by arbitrary state boundaries and ethnic politics.

According to him, pre-colonial North Central Nigeria was home to a rich mix of ethnic groups—including Nupe, Gwari, Gbagi, Eggon, Igala, Idoma, Jukun, Alago, Tiv, Birom, Tarok, Angas, among others, who coexisted through indigenous peace mechanisms.

These communities, he noted, were amalgamated by British colonial authorities under the Northern Region, first headquartered in Lokoja before being moved to Kaduna.

He stressed that state creation, which was intended to promote minority inclusion, has in some cases fueled exclusionary politics and ethnic tensions. “It is historically misleading,” Wilfred stated, “to regard certain ethnic nationalities as mere tenant settlers in states where they have deep indigenous roots.”

The don warned that such narratives have been exploited by political elites for land grabbing, ethnic cleansing, and violent conflicts, undermining security in the sub-region.

He likened Nigeria’s ethnic question to America’s historic “race question” and urged the adoption of structures similar to the Freedmen’s Bureau, which addressed racial inequality in post-emancipation America through affirmative action and equitable representation.

Wilfred acknowledged the recent creation of the North Central Development Commission by President Bola Tinubu as a step in the right direction, but said its mandate may not be sufficient to address ethnic relations.

He urged the federal government to either expand the commission’s role or create a dedicated Bureau for Ethnic Relations in all six geo-political zones to foster reconciliation, equality, and sustainable development.

Quoting African-American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois, Prof. Wilfred concluded that the challenge of Nigeria in the 21st century is fundamentally one of ethnic relations, which must be addressed with deliberate policies for unity and integration.

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OPINION

The Pre-2027 Party gold Rush

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By Dakuku Peterside

The 2027 general elections are fast approaching, and Nigeria’s political landscape is undergoing a rapid transformation. New acronyms, and freshly minted party logos are emerging, promising a new era of renewal and liberation.To the casual observer, this may seem like democracy in full bloom — citizens exercising their right to association, political diversity flourishing, and the marketplace of ideas expanding.

However, beneath this surface, a more urgent reality is unfolding.
The current rush to establish new parties is less about ideological conviction or grassroots movements and more about strategic positioning, bargaining leverage, and transactional gain.
It is the paradox of Nigerian politics: proliferation as a sign of vitality, and as a symptom of democratic fragility. With 2027 on the horizon, the political air is electric, not with fresh ideas, but with a gold rush to create new political parties.Supporters call it the flowering of democracy. But scratch the surface and you will see something else: opportunism dressed as pluralism. This is not just politics; it is political merchandising. Parties are being set up like small businesses, complete with negotiation value, resale potential, and short-term profit models. Today, Nigeria has 19 registered political parties, one of the highest numbers in the world behind India (2,500), Brazil (35), and Indonesia (18).History serves as a cautionary tale in this context. Whenever Nigeria has embraced multi-party politics, the electoral battlefield has eventually narrowed to a contest between two main poles. In the early 1990s, General Ibrahim Babangida’s political transition programme deliberately engineered a two-party structure by decreeing the creation of the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP).His justification was rooted in the observation — controversial but not entirely unfounded — that Nigeria’s political psychology tends to gravitate toward two dominant camps, thereby simplifying voter choice and fostering more stable governance. Pro-democracy activists condemned the move as state-engineered politics, but over time, the pattern became embedded.When Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) emerged as the dominant force, facing off against the All People’s Party (APP) and Alliance for Democracy (AD) coalition. The 2003 and 2007 elections pitted the PDP against the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP); in 2011, the PDP contended with both the ANPP and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).By 2015, the formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC) — a coalition of the CPC, ANPP, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) — restored the two-bloc dynamic. This ‘two-bloc dynamic’ refers to the situation where most of the political power is concentrated within two main parties, leading to a less diverse and competitive political landscape. Even when dozens of smaller parties appeared on the ballot, the real contest was still a battle of two heavyweights.And yet, here we are again, with Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) registering nineteen parties but facing an avalanche of new applications — 110 by late June, swelling to at least 122 by early July. This surge is striking, especially considering that after the 2019 general elections, INEC deregistered seventy-four parties for failing to meet constitutional performance requirements — a decision upheld by the Supreme Court in 2021.That landmark ruling underscored that party registration is not a perpetual license; it is a privilege conditioned on meeting electoral benchmarks, such as a minimum vote share and representation across the federation. The surge in party formation could potentially lead to a more complex and fragmented electoral process, making it harder for voters to make informed decisions and for smaller parties to gain traction.So, what explains the surge in the formation of new parties now? The reasons are not mysterious. Money is the bluntest answer, but it is woven with other motives. For some, creating a party is a strategic move to position themselves for negotiations with larger parties — trading endorsements, securing “alliances,” and even extracting concessions like campaign funding or political appointments.Others set up “friendly” parties designed to dilute opposition votes in targeted constituencies, often indirectly benefiting the ruling party. Some political entrepreneurs build parties as personal vehicles for regional ambitions or as escape routes from established parties, where rival factions have captured the leadership.Some are escape pods for politicians frozen out of the ruling APC’s machinery. There is also a genuine democratic impulse among certain groups to create platforms for neglected ideas or underrepresented constituencies. But the transactional motive often eclipses these idealistic efforts, leaving most new parties as temporary instruments, rather than enduring institutions.The democratic consequences of this kind of proliferation are profound. On one hand, political pluralism is a constitutional right and an essential feature of democracy. On the other hand, too many weak, poorly organised parties can fragment the opposition, confuse voters, and degrade the quality of political competition.Many of these micro-parties lack ward-level presence, a consistent membership drive, and ideological coherence. Their manifestos are often generic, interchangeable documents crafted to meet registration requirements, rather than to present a distinct policy vision. On election-day, their presence on the ballot can be more of a distraction than a contribution, and after the polls close, many vanish from public life until the next cycle of political registration. This is not democracy — it is ballot clutter.This is not uniquely Nigerian. In India, a few thousands registered parties exist, yet only a fraction of them is active or competitive at the state or national level. Brazil, notorious for its highly fragmented legislature, has struggled with unstable coalitions and governance deadlock; even now, it is reducing the number of effective parties.Indonesia allows many parties to register but imposes a parliamentary threshold — currently four per cent of the national vote — to limit legislative fragmentation. These examples, along with others from around the world, suggest that plurality can work, but only when paired with guardrails: stringent conditions for registration, clear criteria for participation, performance-based retention, and an electoral culture that rewards sustained engagement over fleeting visibility.Nigeria already has a version of this in place, courtesy of INEC’s power to deregister. We deregistered seventy-four parties in 2020 for failing to meet performance standards, and five years later, we are sprinting back to the same cliff.Yet, loopholes remain especially, and the process is reactive rather than proactive. Registration conditionalities are lax. This is where both INEC and the ruling APC must shoulder greater responsibility. The need for electoral reform is urgent, and it is time for all stakeholders to act.For INEC, the task is to strengthen its oversight by tightening membership verification, enhancing financial transparency, and expanding its geographic spread requirements, as well as introducing periodic revalidation between election cycles.For the ruling party, the challenge lies in upholding political ethics: resisting the temptation to exploit party proliferation to splinter the opposition for short-term gain. A strong ruling party in a democracy wins competitive elections, not one that manipulates the field to run unopposed. Strong democracy requires a credible opposition, not a scattering of paper platforms that cannot even win a ward councillor seat.Here is the truth: this system needs reform. Reform doesn’t mean closing the democratic space, but making it meaningful and orderly. Democracy must balance full freedom of association with the need for order. While freedom encourages many parties, order requires limiting their number to a manageable level.For example, Nigeria could require parties to have active structures in two-thirds of states, a verifiable membership, and annual audited financials. Parties failing to win National Assembly seats in two consecutive elections could lose registration.The message to new parties is clear: prove you’re more than just a logo and acronym. Build lasting movements — organise locally, offer real policies alternatives, and stay engaged between elections.Democracy is a contest of ideas, discipline, and trust. If the 2027 rush is allowed to run unchecked, we will end up with the worst of both worlds — a crowded ballot and an empty choice. Mergers should be incentivised through streamlined legal processes and possibly electoral benefits, such as ballot priority or increased public funding. At the same time, independent candidates should be allowed more room to compete, ensuring that reform does not entrench an exclusive two-party cartel.Ultimately, the deeper issue here is the erosion of public trust. Nigerians have no inherent hostility to new political formations; what they distrust are political outfits that emerge in the months leading up to an election, strike opaque deals, and disappear without a trace. Politicians must resist the temptation to treat politics as a seasonal business opportunity and instead invest in it as a long-term public service.As 2027 approaches, Nigeria stands at a familiar but critical juncture. The country can indulge the frenzy — rolling out yet another logo, staging yet another press conference, promising yet another “structure” that exists mainly on paper. Or it can seize this moment to rethink how political competition is structured: open but disciplined, plural but purposeful, competitive but coherent.Fewer parties will not automatically make Nigeria’s democracy healthier. But better parties — rooted in communities, committed to clear policies, and resilient beyond election season — just might. And that is a choice within reach, if those who hold the levers of power are willing to leave the system stronger than they found it.Dakuku Peterside, a public sector turnaround expert, public policy analyst and leadership coach, is the author of the forthcoming book, “Leading in a Storm”, a book on crisis leadership.

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OPINION

Call for National Youth Career Development Initiative

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By Blessing Adeoti

Nigerian youths are intelligent and hardworking, but very few have a solid career development plan. It doesn’t matter whether a student graduates with first-class honours or shows great potential; most focus on just one goal: earning a degree or certificate from a higher institution and then seeking job opportunities.

The main issues are the lack of available jobs, and nowhere in the world is it necessary for the government to guarantee employment for everyone.
Moreover, not every student who attends a higher institution needs to follow such a path.Most people may be better suited to alternative routes, such as technical or vocational training, to develop competent professionals in industries that lack sufficient specialised expertise, including electricians, carpentry, plumbing, welding, mechanics, computer skills, and others.
These are skills in high demand that will enable the youth to contribute meaningfully to the economy, even as entrepreneurs.Although President Bola Tinubu’s administration is trying to revive the technical colleges, what orientation do the students have to embrace the unique opportunities? Should we blame the youths for lacking this foresight? No! The root of the problem lies in the absence of structured career counselling in Nigeria’s educational system.Nigerian youths face the challenges of navigating the uncertainty in career pursuits. This is not because they lacked aspirations, but rather due to the near-total absence of a functional career counselling system within the Nigerian education sector. Nigeria’s career counselling vacuum dates to the colonial education system, which was mainly designed to produce clerks, administrators, and workers for the service sector. The focus was never on helping students discover their strengths or guiding them toward career paths that could help them achieve their full potential.After independence, the National Policy on Education of 1977, revised in 2013, mandated the introduction of guidance and counselling services in schools, but implementation has been significantly inadequate. Globally, the economic and job realities have changed. As a university lecturer, I have seen firsthand the struggles many students face, yet not one has ever had experience with a career guide or counsellor.In 2020, the Institute of Counselling in Nigeria revealed that only 15 per cent of secondary schools have functional counselling units, and many of these are staffed by untrained personnel. This neglect has produced a generation of aimless graduates, unemployment, underemployment, and skills mismatches. It signals a disconnect between the education system and the labour market, as graduates are often unprepared for the skills required in today’s economy.Economically, the World Bank estimates that youth unemployment costs Nigeria billions in lost GDP annually. The psychological effects are equally devastating. Career indecision is linked to anxiety, low self-esteem, and depression among young Nigerians, according to a 2021 study from the University of Ibadan, which found that many students trapped in unsuitable career paths experienced significant psychological distress.Socially, this has contributed to increased crime, cultism, extremism and terrorism across the country. Nigeria’s crime rate, ranked 7.28 out of 10 globally, is partly fuelled by jobless youth seeking alternative livelihoods.There is hope for change as President Bola Tinubu’s administration has shown a genuine commitment to supporting Nigerian youth. The President’s Renewed Hope agenda for education, including the Nigeria Education Loan Fund and the revitalisation of Nigeria’s technical and vocational colleges, is commendable.However, these efforts risk falling short without the addition of a well-structured national youth career development programme. There are proven models from around the world that Nigeria can adapt to address this challenge. For example, Finland, renowned for its world-class education system, places a strong emphasis on career guidance.From an early age, Finnish students receive career counselling as part of their school curriculum. Trained career counsellors work closely with students to identify their strengths, interests, and goals. Similarly, Singapore implemented the education and career guidance programme, which aligns student aspirations with workforce needs, helping the country maintain youth unemployment below 5 per cent (Singapore Ministry of Education, 2024).In Australia, the National Career Education Strategy prepares young people for the future of work by integrating career education into the school curriculum, emphasising transferable skills such as critical thinking, problem-solving, and adaptability.President Tinubu’s administration can rebuild Nigeria’s system by launching an aggressive youth career development initiative that ensures the President’s educational reforms translate into tangible outcomes.Such an initiative would equip students with the clarity and direction needed to fulfil both their personal aspirations and national economic needs. This is about giving young Nigerians the tools, confidence, and clarity to chart their career developmental paths.With renewed focus and investment, the government now has a real chance to correct past mistakes and help young Nigerians build brighter, more diverse career futures. There are many ideas for structures that could produce excellent results within a year, but Nigeria needs someone, or a team of passionate individuals, to turn them into reality.I recommend that President Tinubu appoint a special adviser for the National Youth Career Development Initiative to avoid the unnecessary bureaucracy that slows down many good initiatives. The special adviser must be an innovative thinker, a visionary leader with empathy and a deep understanding of Nigeria’s youth and job market dynamics, and a passion for empowering the next generation.The candidate would advise the President on a viable initiative for a national youth career development programme and work with other stakeholders. The government must take the lead by prioritising career counselling in its education policies and enforcing the establishment of functional guidance units in all schools.Dr Adeoti writes from Hong Kong via badeoti3@gmail.com

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