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Dangote Refinery and Its Crude Supply Wars

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By Akpandem James

Ever since the Dangote Refinery began production late last year, it has faced numerous challenges. It has been in conflict with many major players in the oil and gas industry, including the national oil company, Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd.

), as well as the two industry regulators: the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and the Nigerian Midstream/Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA).
The management of the facility has accused these entities of either directly sabotaging the refinery or attempting to do so by limiting its access to the required crude supply and penetration of the local markets.In the past two months, conflicts have been commonplace between the refinery’s management and the strategic operator and regulators.
NNPC Limited and the regulators have denied all the accusations and maintained that their operations comply with the laws outlined in the Petroleum Industry Act, 2021 and the accompanying regulations.While Dangote Refinery’s management is presumably striving to meet its extensive demands, there is a concern among industry players that the new refinery owners are aiming to monopolise the sector without regard for existing rules and conventions governing global industry practice.Observers outside the industry view the ongoing conflict between Dangote Refinery and key players and regulators in the petroleum industry as a recurring pattern in the Dangote conglomerate’s business strategy. This strategy appears to involve eliminating competition and establishing a monopoly, as seen in previous conflicts in the cement, sugar and consumables’ markets.But the war in the oil sector intensified with accusations flying in all directions, including toward the NNPC, NMDPRA and, more recently, the NUPRC.It would be improper to assume that one would start such a huge venture and become complacent in the face of threats. However, there is still a debate on whether the Dangote Group adequately planned for a steady supply of raw materials when they first set up the refinery. Did they consider the issue of adequate raw material supply during the planning stage of such a mammoth refinery, or did they just assume that everything would fall in place once they commenced production?There have been many stories about the planning and building of the refinery. The extent of the Nigerian government’s involvement in the project is not widely known because both the organisation and the national oil company, NNPC Ltd, have been indecisive at different stages. It is unclear whether the issue of crude supply, which Dangote is insisting on, was part of the original agreement. If not, why would a private company, regardless of its importance to the national economy, try to dictate how it should be supplied?Dangote has complained several times about unfair competition allegedly caused by the activities of the NMDPRA and NNPC, as well as a shortfall in the supply of crude oil from the national oil production. The organisation claims that it has been unable to obtain its full crude oil requirements from domestic production. It also claims to purchase Nigerian crude oil from international traders at an additional premium of $3 to $4 per barrel.Because of the commotion caused by the flying allegations, the Federal Executive Council approved with the seal of the President that local refiners, including Dangote should have access to Nigeria’s crude oil which should be sold in the local currency, not in the United States Dollars – a significant industry policy shift.After the intervention, Dangote now acknowledges that it is receiving its share of supplies from NNPC Limited. However, it claims that the international oil companies (IOCs) are not following the oil supply guidelines set by the NUPRC. Initially, Dangote urged the NUPRC to enforce the Domestic Crude Supply Obligation (DCSO) in accordance with the requirements of the Petroleum Industry Act 2021. Later, it accused the Commission of being reluctant to enforce the provision, but the regulator strongly rejects this accusation.In an elaborate explanation through a statement, NUPRC asserted that it has consistently exercised its regulatory oversight to ensure that Dangote Refinery, along with other domestic refineries, receives a fair share of crude oil allocations, which is part of the Commission’s commitment to supporting the growth and success of the domestic refining sector in Nigeria.According to Section 109 of PIA 2021, the Commission is mandated to develop procedures for imposing DCSO based on the crude oil needs of domestic refineries. It claimed that as part of a strategic commitment to Nigeria’s energy security, the Commission facilitated the supply of 32,088,122 million barrels of crude oil to nine local refiners within the first half of 2024. Dangote Refinery alone had 29,047,098 million barrels of that volume.The Commission insists that, in order to ensure smooth operations, it collaborated with industry stakeholders to establish the Production Curtailment and Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation (DCSO) Regulation in 2023. Subsequently, it operationalised the PIA and the DCSO regulations to avoid shortages of crude oil supply to refineries. A tripartite committee was formed to recommend a template for the Commission’s consideration. It was the Committee’s recommendations that were used to develop guidelines for the operationalisation of the DCSO.The Commission claims that it not only started implementing metrics that require companies to dedicate between 29% and 34% of their production for sales to domestic refineries but also included Dangote and other domestic refiners as observers in Curtailment meetings to enable them to gain firsthand information about available cargoes before they are released to the market.The Commission also claimed that it engaged Dangote and local refiners on several occasions to ensure that their supply quota was met in line with the provisions of the PIA. It insisted that the operators have been kept informed throughout the process, so there was no question of reluctance to enforce crude supply against presumed erring operators.NUPRC however admitted that in strictly exercising its mandate on crude supply, it countered some challenges including the Mode of Crude Oil Production, the Doctrine of Sanctity of Contracts, and Pricing of Crude to Domestic Refineries. These have to do largely with the capital-intensive nature of petroleum upstream operations which require companies going into various financing arrangements, with pre-export financing obligations, resulting in production encumbrances.The Commission’s position is that while the law mandates all stakeholders in the upstream petroleum sector to supply crude to domestic refineries, there is also a disagreement regarding the pricing of the volume transferred to local refineries. As a consequence, the Commission is responsible for facilitating willing buyer and willing seller transactions without price control as well as ensuring that supplies to the refineries are not overpriced. It explained that while the Commission has capped the Federation Crude Equity (FCE) by the trading arm of the NNPC Limited, the same cannot be done for the Private Equity Crude (PEC) which belongs to other operators because of existing obligations.The explanation given was that, in attempting to enforce the Direct Crude Swap Offtake (DCSO) pre-existing commitments of operators must be considered because some operators are constrained by their financing arrangements and are already committed to entities that have provided funding for their operations, and are entitled to recover through crude supply. And this is not peculiar to Nigeria; it is an industry practice. “Much as the NUPRC has tried to ensure the enforcement of the provisions of Section 109 of PIA, 2021, the producers have equally responded to the regulator saying that conventionally oil production is funded through pre-export financing.”Although the law mandates the withdrawal of a license from an operator who fails to comply with industry regulations, the Commission insisted such power must not be used presumptuously and arbitrarily because of its negative implications on the country’s investment climate, oil production, revenue and the oil and gas sector. It would lead to a substantial reduction in royalties and taxes going to the federation account.NUPRC is curious about the needs of the Dangote management but emphasises that the Commission will continue to prioritise the development of a transparent and well-regulated upstream petroleum sector. This includes providing support to all stakeholders, including Dangote Refinery, while ensuring that the industry operates in compliance with the law and upholds the highest standards of contractual integrity. This approach aligns with Nigeria’s broader economic goals.James is a Fellow of the Nigerian Guild of Editors

Foreign News

Trump’s Historic Peace Deal for DR Congo Shattered after Rebels Seize Key City

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US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said Rwanda’s actions in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are “a clear violation of” the peace deal brokered by Donald Trump last week.

In a post on X, he said the US would “take action to ensure promises made to the President are kept”, without going into details.

Trump hailed the deal signed with great fanfare in Washington between DR Congo’s President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame as “historic” and “a great day for Africa, great day for the world”.

But the M23 rebel group said it has “fully liberated” the key city of Uvira in an offensive the US and European powers say is backed by Rwanda.

UN experts have previously accused it of having “de facto control” of the rebel force’s operations.

Rwanda denies the allegations, however, its presence in Washington was a tacit acknowledgment of its influence over the M23.

The rebels were not signatories to Trump’s deal – and have been taking part in a parallel peace process led by Qatar, a US ally.

The latest fighting risks further escalating an already deeply complex conflict.

Prof Jason Stearns, a Canada-based political scientist who specialises in the region, said that the view in M23 circles was that “they need more leverage in the negotiations”, while the feeling in the Rwandan government is that Tshisekedi cannot be trusted.

He added that the assault on Uvira, in South Kivu province, “flies in the face of all the negotiations that are under way”.

The M23’s new offensive in South Kivu started a few days before Kagame and Tshisekedi flew to Washington last week to ratify the agreement first hammered out in June.

Bram Verelst, a Burundi-based researcher with the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) think-tank, said the assault appeared to be an attempt to force Burundi to withdraw the troops it had in eastern DR Congo backing the army against the rebel forces and Rwanda.

He pointed out that Uvira – which lies just 27km (17 miles) from Burundi’s capital, Bujumbura, on the northern tip of Lake Tanganyika – was of strategic importance because of the presence of at least 10,000 Burundian troops in South Kivu.

Yale Ford, an Africa Analyst for the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute, pointed out that Uvira, which had a population of about 700,000, was the DR Congo government’s last major foothold and military hub in South Kivu.

He added that the M23 was now likely to establish a parallel administration in the city, and use its military gains “as a bargaining chip in peace talks”.

As for the DR Congo government, it has not acknowledged its latest military setback, but says that the “gravity of the situation is compounded by the now proven risk of regional conflagration”.

Burundi has been a natural ally of DR Congo for years because of its enmity with Rwanda.

Both accuse the other of backing rebel groups seeking to overthrow their respective governments.

The neighbours share a similar language and ethnic make-up – with Tutsi and Hutu communities often vying for power – and both have suffered terrible ethnic-based massacres.

But unlike Rwanda, which is headed by a Tutsi president, the majority Hutus are in power in Burundi.

Burundi’s government fears that if the M23 cements its presence in South Kivu, it would strengthen a Burundian rebel group called Red Tabara.

Based in South Kivu, it is mainly made up of Tutsis – and has attacked Burundi in the past.

In an apparent attempt to placate Burundi’s fears, the M23 said it had “no sights beyond our national borders”.

Burundi has shut its border with DR Congo, but, according to Mr Verelst, it is still allowing people to cross into its territory after carrying out security checks.

Aid agencies say that about 50,000 people have fled into Burundi in the past week.

Burundian troops – along with the Congolese army and allied militias – fought to block the rebel advance towards Uvira, but the city itself fell “without much fighting”, Verelst said.

The fall of Uvira would hit Burundi’s already struggling economy as the country has been suffering from a severe shortage of foreign currency and fuel, and had been heavily dependent on eastern DR Congo for both, he said.

The M23 began a major advance earlier this year when it captured Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, on the border with Rwanda.

At the time, South African troops were deployed to help DR Congo’s army, but they were forced to withdraw after the M23 seized the city in January.

Shortly afterwards the rebels captured the next big city in eastern DR Congo, Bukavu, capital of South Kivu.

The move on Uvira came after the rebels broke the defence lines of the DR Congo army, militias allied with it and Burundian troops.

Prof Stearns said the M23 was estimated to have more than 10,000 fighters, but there was likely to have been an “Influx” of Rwandan troops for the recent offensive to capture Uvira.

The US lays the blame for the recent fighting squarely on Rwanda.

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Foreign News

Five Arrested over Plot to Attack German Christmas Market

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Five men have been arrested in Germany suspected of being involved in a plot to drive a vehicle into people at a Christmas market.

Three Moroccans, an Egyptian and a Syrian were detained on Friday over the plan to target a market in the southern Bavarian state. Authorities said they suspected an “Islamist motive”.

Prosecutors said the Egyptian – a 56-year-old – was alleged to have “called for a vehicle attack… with the aim of killing or injuring as many people as possible”.

The Moroccans allegedly agreed to carry out the attack.

Officials in Germany have been on high alert after previous attacks at Christmas markets, including in Magdeburg last December that killed six people.

Authorities did not say when the planned attack was supposed to take place or which market was the target, though said they believed it to be one in the Dingolfing-Landau area, north east of Munich.

German newspaper Bild reported the Egyptian man was an imam at a mosque in the area.

Police said the Moroccan men – aged 30, 28 and 22 – were arrested accused of having agreed to commit murder, while the Syrian man, a 37-year-old, was accused of encouraging the suspects “in their decision to commit the crime”.

The five suspects appeared before a magistrate on Saturday and remain in custody.

Joachim Herrmann, Bavaria’s state interior minister, told Bild the “excellent cooperation between our security services” had helped to prevent “a potentially Islamist-motivated attack”.

Christmas markets are popular festive attractions throughout Germany, frequently attracting large crowds and significant tourism.

Security at events has been increased in recent years, since an attack in Berlin in 2016 when a man drove a lorry into a market crowd, killing 12 people.

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NEWS

NAF Begins Nationwide Aptitude Test for 2025 Recruitment of 20,000 Candidates

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No fewer than 20,000 applicants nationwide are participating in the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) Zonal General Aptitude Test for the 2025 Basic Military Training Course (BMTC) 46 recruitment exercise.

The Director, Public Relations and Information of NAF, Air Commodore Ehimen Ejodame, in a statement on Sunday, said the aptitude test began on Saturday across the country.

Ejodame, who described the test as a key stage of the recruitment process, said, it was being conducted simultaneously at 15 zonal centres located in Sokoto, Minna, Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Maiduguri, Yola, Makurdi, Jos, Ilorin, Ipetu-Ijesa, Enugu, Benin, Port Harcourt and Ikeja.

He said the nationwide spread of the centres reflected NAF’s commitment to inclusiveness, equal opportunity and a transparent, merit-based recruitment system that allows qualified Nigerians from all parts of the country to compete fairly.

According to him, the large turnout underscores the sustained confidence of Nigerian youths in the Air Force as a disciplined, professional and patriotic institution, as well as its resolve to attract capable, motivated and resilient personnel to strengthen national defence and internal security operations.

Speaking on the exercise, the Chief of the Air Staff (CAS), Air Marshal Sunday Aneke, said the recruitment process was guided by fairness, integrity and strict adherence to established standards.

According to CAS, the NAF remains firmly committed to recruiting the best candidates by merit, “as the quality of our personnel is fundamental to operational effectiveness and the successful execution of our constitutional mandate.”

He added that the aptitude test was a critical step toward building a motivated and mission-ready force, assuring Nigerians of the NAF’s continued support to internal security operations and the protection of lives and property.

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