OPINION
Dave Umahi: Tirades of Lord of The Manor Against Ohanaeze
By Law Mefor
When Lord Aton, the British historian, stated that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, he had some leaders like Governor Dave Umahi in mind. The governor of Ebonyi state reminds one a lot about the Lord of the Manor, the English lord who enjoyed manorial rights (the rights to establish and occupy a residence, known as the Manor House and demesne) as well as seigniory, the right to grant or draw benefit from the remainder.
That is how Governor Umahi perceives himself as governor of Ebonyi and chairman of the Southern Governors Forum. His sense of entitlement is absolute as can be found with an emperor or an absolute monarch.
The South-East is beneath his feet and at his beck and call. This explains why he feels personally betrayed at the APC presidential primary and its appalling outcome for Ndigbo of which he is one of the chief architects.In case you missed it, Ebonyi state governor and APC presidential aspirant, David Umahi, lamented what he described as sabotage and betrayal of the 2023 South-East presidency project by delegates and some leaders of the zone, including the President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Professor George Obiozor. Umahi said in the media days ago: “I am ashamed of the President of Ohanaeze Ndigbo. He can no longer be my president. It is a very big shame every Igbo man should be weeping for himself”. But the question is: Has Umahi been pro-Igbo or allowed Professor George Obiozo to be his president? In what ways has he supported Ohanaeze since he became governor? When did Ebonyi state under him as governor remit any money to Ohanaeze
Confused and immature leaders suffer from three psychological disorders. One of such ailments is misplaced aggression. This roaming, unfocused aspect of anger is sometimes referred to as displaced aggression, which psychologists define as retaliatory aggression that is misdirected from an initial source of provocation and turned instead upon an innocent other. Otherwise, how can one explain Umahi’s labour in dragging George Obiozor into the APC presidential primary, an endeavour that lays far-flung from Obiozor’s office and mandate?
Yes, if Dave Umahi had permitted it, Ohanaeze could have played some role in articulating what could be called South-East or Igbo strategic interest. Though one is not a spokesman of Ohanaeze, one is aware that delegates at party primaries are persons handpicked by the governors, and South-East governors have never allowed Ohanaeze to play any role in such a process. The delegates to both PDP and APC presidential primaries were generated much the same way, a process that offers even party members no opportunity to decide who becomes a delegate, let alone Ohanaeze. Yet, despite operating from the fringes, Ohanaeze in close collaboration with the leaders of the Southern and Middle Belt Forum rallied by the same George Obiozor did its utmost best for the South-East for Nigerian President Project. So, does Dave Umahi have to go guttural and like a drowning man, catch at anything just to remain afloat?
Dave Umahi knows that other South-East delegates emerged much the same that Ebonyi delegates emerged, and should know that talking to handpicked delegates at the convention or anywhere was a waste of time. He should rather be talking to the powers who handpicked them of which he is a supreme leader. He was full of praise for Ebonyi delegates for standing by him but he knows that those men and women were already de-balled and couldn’t have done otherwise with all the threats drenched in piper syndrome.
One also wonders why he did not blame his fellow APC governor in the South-East, Hope Uzodinma, who got his Imo delegates to vote for a northern candidate. Out of 100 APC delegates from the state, the presidential aspirants from Imo, namely Emeka Nwajiuba, secured only a single vote while Rochas Okorocha, a former governor of Imo state, scored zero votes. Unlike Umahi, both Emeka Nwajiuba and Rochas could not accuse Imo delegates, knowing that the ‘game’ (to use their word). Of course, they know the delegates had no power or will of their own and that Hope Uzodinma would never have the delegates he put together to vote for Rochas, his mortal enemy. That would have been over his dead body. So, what exactly is Umahi saying?
Umahi does not need to be reminded that his solo runs robbed the South-East of the presidential ticket of the two major political parties. First, he left the PDP for APC without any consultations or assurances. He presumed that the entire South-East was bound to herd on to wherever he goes while making no efforts to organize the South-East political elites to work together.
Beyond doubt, the role played by Umahi had a telling effect on the push for the two political parties to respect zoning and the prevailing national sentiment that power should be South by 2023. Like every other need for the South-East collective kicked down by Dave, the drive for the Nigerian president of South-East extraction could not be orchestrated to present a coherent force mainly because of Umahi’s poor leadership; he did not see how the collective push would favour him as an individual. Umahi and other Southern governors could not present a coherent argument and unified positions. Umahi did not attend one or two of the meetings called by Southern Nigerian governors to harmonies their position on such a critical matter.
Another psychological disorder such leaders suffer is called Egolalia, the tendency to speak almost exclusively about oneself. To Dave Umahi, it is always ‘me’, ‘I’ and ‘myself’. On live TV he claimed he was a billionaire at 25. He further hinted to the viewing public how in 2019 he was privy to the award of 32 % of the president during the presidential election. Only God knows the billions spent on branded bags of Ebonyi rice in support of the president and billions of Ebonyi state public funds he wasted on his ill-fated presidential/vice-presidential ambition. Ndigbo are republicans and do not have anything to do with characters who cannot submit to the common good. Ndigbo is always clear about this; they do not follow imperial majesties or those who wish to create one. The leadership style that succeeds among Ndigbo are servant leadership and transformational leadership and Dave does not fit the bill.
Dave Umahi achieved quite a bit in the infrastructural development of Ebonyi state. But that’s the job even the commissioner of works can handle well. The hard part of leadership is bringing sides together. Ebonyi state much like Nigeria under Buhari is, by far, more divided than at any time in history.
Insecurity in the South-East grew exponentially to this intractable proportions under the Ebonyi governor as the chairman of the South-East Governors Forum, to the point that Anambra state prided as the safest place in Nigeria up till May last year, became the home of unknown gunmen(UGM). The outgone governor of Anambra state, Willie Obiano, once told the world that those perpetrating insecurity – killing, maiming and kidnapping – in Anambra state hailed from a particular state and everybody knew where he was pointing to.
Umahi’s leadership failure is best illustrated in how he handled security in Ebony state and in the South-East as a whole, which indeed is a disaster. For example, there was an understanding with the South-West governors that the South-East would follow immediately with Ebube-Agu regional security outfit, once the South-West established Amotekun as a regional security outfit. To date, there is no Ebube-Agu in the South-East except the amorphous group he coupled in the state to hound political opponents. The Ebube-Agu implementation committee was set up by the South-East Governors Forum in conjunction with Ohanaeze Ndigbo led by the same Obiozo he now vilifies. The committee had Abel Obi Umahi, Dave Umahi’s younger brother, a retired major general in the Nigerian army as chairman.
General Abel Umahi had to resign, stating that after months of waiting, nothing was provided for the takeoff of the outfit, not even an office space. So, it was obvious that Dave Umahi had led the South-East governors to play politics with the lives of Ndigbo, and many have avoidably perished, millions of naira lost to kidnapping while the so-called UGM are allowed free rein and to establish physical camps in forests of the South-East.
As said, Umahi, who secured 38 votes out of the 39 delegates’ votes from Ebonyi, blamed the outcome of the convention on South-East delegates, whom he accused of selling their votes for money. What is perplexing is his berating of the apex Igbo socio-political organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, over the voting at the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Megalomania is a major psychological disorder when it comes into the leadership mix and it has blighted the leadership perception of Dave Umahi greatly. Its derivative is grandiose delusions (GD), as a subtype of delusional disorder also manifesting as a narcissistic personality disorder, and characterized by fantastical beliefs that one is famous, omnipotent, or all-powerful. That is the type of governor the South-East is saddled with today.
Governor Umahi should nurse his self-inflicted injury alone and leave Professor George Obiozo and Ohanaeze out of it. He should also know that Ndigbo is praying and counting the days for this set of governors led by him to be phased out and a new political leadership enthroned for the South-East.
Ndigbo has never had it this bad or been this vulnerable and miserable all through history, no thanks to Governor Dave Umahi whose leadership of the zone has been so toxic for leaving the place worse than he met it.
OPINION
Nigeria’s Security: Between Self-defence and Community Policing

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi
As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.
These challenges are not confined to the North. In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape. Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security. He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.
OPINION
This Trial of Oloyede
By Tunde Akanni
It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.
I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanniOPINION
Democracy, Institutions, and the Rule of Law

By Kator Ifyalem
Democracy, often hailed as the cornerstone of modern governance, is a system that empowers citizens to participate in the decision-making processes that shape their lives. However, the mere existence of elections is not enough to ensure a fair, just, and prosperous society.
Without robust institutions, the rule of law, and ingrained values, democracy can become a hollow shell, susceptible to corruption, manipulation, and eventual collapse. At its core, democracy is built on the principle that power resides with the people. This power is exercised through fair elections, where citizens choose representatives to govern on their behalf. The effectiveness of this system relies heavily on the strength of supporting institutions, adherence to the rule of law, and shared values that guide societal behaviour.Institutions serve as the backbone of a democratic society, translating the will of the people into action. These include governmental bodies such as the legislature, executive, and judiciary, as well as independent organizations like electoral commissions, anti-corruption agencies, and human rights commissions. These institutions provide checks and balances, ensuring that no single entity or individual can accumulate too much power. They create a framework for accountability, transparency, and effective governance.An independent judiciary is crucial for upholding the constitution and protecting individual rights. Without it, laws can be manipulated or ignored by those in power, leading to tyranny. Similarly, a free and independent media acts as a watchdog, informing citizens and holding those in power accountable. When media institutions are weakened or controlled by vested interests, the flow of information is compromised, and citizens are unable to make informed decisions.The rule of law is another critical component of a functioning democracy. It ensures that all citizens, regardless of their status or position, are subject to the same laws and legal processes. This principle is fundamental to creating a fair and just society where everyone’s rights are protected. A robust legal framework, consistently and fairly enforced, provides the predictability and security necessary for social and economic development. It protects property rights, enforces contracts, and creates an environment conducive to investment and growth.Moreover, the rule of law is essential for protecting minority rights and preventing the tyranny of the majority. In a true democracy, the rights of all citizens must be respected, even if they are not part of the ruling majority. This protection is enshrined in laws and enforced through effective legal institutions.Values form the third pillar of an effective democracy. These shared beliefs and principles guide societal behaviour and inform policy-making. Democratic values include respect for human rights, tolerance of diversity, commitment to justice, and belief in the equality of all citizens. When these values are deeply ingrained, they act as a safeguard against authoritarian tendencies and help preserve the integrity of democratic institutions.For instance, a healthy democracy can be likened to a three-legged stool, where institutions, the rule of law, and democratic values form the legs. Just as a stool cannot stand stably without all three legs being strong and balanced, a democracy cannot function effectively if any of these elements is weak or missing. In Nigeria’s case, we’ve seen how weaknesses in one area, such as institutional challenges in election management, can put stress on the other legs, requiring the judiciary (rule of law) and civil society (democratic values) to bear more weight to maintain stability.Education plays a crucial role in instilling these values. A well-informed citizenry, aware of their rights and responsibilities, is better equipped to participate meaningfully in the democratic process. Civic education programs that teach the principles of democracy, the importance of institutions, and the value of the rule of law are essential for creating engaged and responsible citizens.The interplay between institutions, the rule of law, and values creates a self-reinforcing cycle that strengthens democracy. However, this cycle can also work in reverse. Weak institutions often lead to a breakdown in the rule of law, eroding democratic values and further weakening the system. This negative spiral will ultimately lead to the collapse of governance, even if the outward trappings of democracy remain.To prevent this decline, concerted effort is required on multiple fronts. Institutional capacity must be built and maintained through adequate funding, training, and support. The rule of law must be consistently enforced, with mechanisms in place to address corruption and abuse of power. This requires not only strong legal frameworks but also a commitment to their implementation.International cooperation also plays a role in strengthening democracy. Countries learn from each other’s experiences, share best practices, and provide support for development. However, it’s crucial to recognize that democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be nurtured from within.True democracy requires more than just the act of voting; it demands a comprehensive system of governance that respects the rights of all citizens, upholds justice, and promotes the common good. Strengthening these fundamental pillars (institutions, the rule of law, and values), is crucial in building more resilient, effective, and truly representative democracies that serve the needs of all citizens and contribute to global stability and prosperity. Where does Nigeria as a nation stand on this scale?