OPINION
Is Jonathan Constitutionally Allowed to Run?

By Chinonso Ndukwe
Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan handed over power to President Mohammadu Buhari in 2015 without hesitation and that stamped a tag of a hero on him, which was unfortunate, as well as a huge surprise to many who were privy to his administrative weakness, his multidimensional failure, poor economic choices and disastrous handling of power, energy, and insecurity the main reasons Nigeria has remained underdeveloped today.
The same person Wole Soyinka described in 2015 as a “problematic candidate”: In a BBC interview where the Noble Laureate laceratingly presented a robust proof of the former president’s encagement by what he called ‘sinister forces’ of evil and obvious doom.
In a time of economic boom between 2012 and 2015 that Goodluck Ebele Jonathan couldn’t fix power generation once and for all in Nigeria, and build a lasting energy security model, should have been tagged the worst crime in the history of leadership in the world.
A man whose 6 years political peregrination oozed overwhelmingly of grace misused, opportunity squandered, waste amplified, corruption maximized, insecurity escalated, cronyism in governance entrenched should be tagged incapable of a return to power.
That legal luminaries such as Femi Falana are only denouncing his candidacy based on constitutionality is not bright enough at all given that the constitution is as vague as ever on this matter.
Femi Falana is missing the point after all for arguing that Goodluck Ebele Jonathan isn’t eligible to run for Presidential election in 2023 citing a law that was just enacted 4 years ago. Based on the constitutionality argument alone former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan would rise to power again to worsen Nigeria’s predicament. People hardly change. The subtle reoccurrence of 1984 between 2015 and 2022 should have taught Nigerians a lesson.
Take a look at the item in the constitution added in 2018 that Mr Femi Falana deployed in his argument last week: “Section 137(3) of the fourth alteration to the 1999 constitution reads: “A person who was sworn in to complete the term for which another person was elected as president shall not be elected to such office for more than a single term””.
He argued that Goodluck Ebele Jonathan isn’t fit for presidency based on that law. His argument attracted many commentators who disagree with him, based on the same piece of legislation.
This section of the constitution which the learned Senior Advocate of Nigeria deployed was an addition to the constitution, and that section clearly excluded the possibility of retrospectivisation because it was enacted three years after Jonathan had left office, and the legislators didn’t expressly clarify whether it will apply from when it was enacted in the Electoral Act Amendment 2018, in their bid to stop VP Yemi Osibanjo and any other Vice President in the future who may take over from a sitting President as former president Goodluck Ebele Jonathan did.
The law was enacted in the heat of President Buhari’s illness. The law took its validity from Act number 16, already approved speedily by President Buhari, which was to ensure that a Vice President or a deputy governor who succeeds and completes the tenure of a president or governor can only run for the office one more time.
Goodluck Ebele Jonathan had already ran for the second time in 2015. Act 16 has a specific intent to ensure that where a Vice President succeeds the president and where a deputy governor succeeds a governor, he can no more contest for that office more than once more. This perhaps should begin from 2018 when it was enacted.
Shouldn’t it? Unless it is clearly stated or it is targeting particular persons and that person should be Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan or the current Vice President Prof. Yemi Osibanjo (SAN). And the fact would be that Mr Goodluck Jonathan having taken the oath as President once, and can only contest for once again and no more.
His contest in 2011 would be tagged enough. That is the intent of this amendment. But Jonathan had already contested in 2015. The law didn’t specify that it affects those in the past.
Mr Mike Ozekhome in his view agrees with this position that based on the constitution that former president Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has the right to run for election in 2023. He argued that those trying to deny Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s legal, moral, constitutional rights are doing so out of selfish interests: “They have probably not adverted their minds to sections 141 of the Electoral Act, 2010, as amended, and section 285(13) of the same fourth alteration to the 1999 constitution, as amended, which they are relying on”, he added in an interview with Channels Tv last week. He also pointed that Section 137(3) cannot apply retrospectively. That that section didn’t clearly state that it included past leaders means that it cannot be applied to President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.
However, the same Section 141 of the Electoral Act 2010 that Mr Ozekhome cited to further buttress his support for Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has been a subject of controversy.
On July 22, 2011, an Abuja Federal High Court voided Sections 140(2) and 141 of the Electoral Act 2010 as amended. The court also declared the two sections null, void and unconstitutional. The court therefore ordered that the two sections should not be binding on any ongoing election tribunal following the April general elections held across Nigeria.
Uwakwe and Nwabuchili in a 2017 paper published by the European Centre for Research, Training and Development contended that the National Assembly acted in excess of its legislative powers when enacting Sections 140(2) and 141 of the Electoral Act 2010 as Amended, and any action taken by any of the authorities without or in excess of its legal authority or power is ultra vires the Constitution and therefore void.
In the same line of argument, the section 137(3) cited by Mr Femi Falana was not clearly written as to who it applies to and when it begins to apply. Even at that we can see that both amendments namely 2010 and 2018 Electoral Acts were done in bad faith without clarity. The constitution is full of contradictions. Which makes for heavy legal consequences even when arguing about the eligibility of former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.
As I have been suggesting, Nigeria needs an improved constitution. The current constitution is so muddled and messy. It really hampers the maintenance of justice and make the job of lawyering and citizenship hard.
The best argument to stop Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan is on the grounds of capacity. When he was a president what did he do that would warrant PDP or APC to give him the opportunity to come back to Aso Rock?
That he even intends to go back to APC that pushed him out of power indicates extreme lack of integrity and policy, stability and capability to stand with what he believes. It is like President Donald Trump joining the Democratic Party. It is never done by any serious leader.
Under Goodluck Ebele Jonathan Nigeria couldn’t fix its power and energy generation problem, we had worst level of fuel scarcity annually, oil theft was enormous, insecurity was the norm as it is today.
Nigeria needs a new breed, a detribalized individual who eligible and capable to solve the power problems in the north and south of Nigeria. Nigeria needs a strong-willed leader who can unite Nigerians. Nigeria needs a man who has the capacity to respect freedom of speech, rebuild the educational system, revolutionize agriculture, railways and transportation system and other infrastructure. A man who will not come and begin to argue that stealing isn’t corruption.
In terms of constitutionality and capability former President Goodluck Jonathan is a problem candidate.
Goodluck Ebele Jonathan could be a hero, but he is not the most capable hand or most constitutionally eligible personality in Nigeria today for the Presidential office. There are many people who are capable and more constitutionally eligible. I ask again: Is Jonathan capable to run?
Chinonso Ndukwe PhD, wrote from Abuja.
OPINION
Buhari: Lessons in Leadership and Patriotism

By Ismail Abdulaziz
On July 13, retired Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, former President of Nigeria, passed away after the mid-day prayers at a London Clinic at the ripe age of 82.Many testimonies about his life and times indicate a man of civility, discipline and patriotism not adding his avowed principle of living a Spartan life and commitment to eradication of corruption.
President Bola Tinubu, paid a glowing tribute. ‘’Buhari was to the very core, a patriot, a soldier, a statesman; his legacy of service and sacrifice endures.“He served Nigeria with unwavering dedication, first as a military leader from January 1984 to August 1985, and later as a democratically elected President from 2015 to 2023; duty, honour, and a deep commitment to the unity and progress of our nation defined his life.“He stood firm through the most turbulent times, leading with quiet strength, profound integrity, and an unshakable belief in Nigeria’s potential.“He championed discipline in public service, confronted corruption head-on, and placed the country above personal interest at every turn,’’ the president said.Similarly, the revered Islamic scholar, Mufti Ismail Menk, said Buhari was an upright man, who never missed his prayers and a very disciplined believer who served his people to the best of his ability.“His name was synonymous with integrity.“He was definitely one of those who made me develop a much better perception of Nigerians as a people,’’ he said.The U.S. Mission in Nigeria also condoled with Nigeria.“Buhari was a leader whose life was defined by service, discipline, and a commitment to restore integrity to public office.“His legacy includes his efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s democratic institutions,’’ it said.The Chinese embassy in Nigeria also expressed its condolences.‘’We mourn a resolute leader whose unwavering dedication to Nigeria’s unity and progress leaves an enduring legacy.“His pivotal contributions to advancing China-Nigeria relations will forever remain etched in our shared history,’’ it said.Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who was also a former military Head of State like Buhari, said the late president was a comrade, a cool patriot, who as a soldier, played his role.“As an administrator, he played his role as an administrator; as a statesman, he played his role as a statesman.“At a time like this, we need the totality of the experience and what I may call statesmanship of all those who have had opportunities to run the affairs of this country to get us out of the situation we are in; he will be sorely missed; may his soul rest in perfect peace,” Obasanjo said.Tributes have also come in from the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali, Sierra Leone President Julius Maada Bio as well as World Trade Organisation Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala.During his campaign in 2015, something spectacular happened.The masses of Nigeria decided to contribute their widows’ mites for his success.What else can a human want than the general believe in his capacity and ability to lead them to the Promised Land?This singular act was a burden placed on him by the people to rectify the past.Analysts say the history of Nigeria will be replete with the roles Buhari played during his three terms leading the country.First, as a military head of state and subsequently, as a democratically elected president between 2015 and 2023.For history to be kind to him, the testimonies of those around him during his time will shape the final options.As an elder statesman, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida once said: “History will be kind to you for taking a decision, but will never be kind to you for not taking a decision.”Buhari accepted most of the mistakes he took while serving the people as exemplified in one of his statements in the course of his handing over the reign of leadership to President Tinubu.“Whoever thought that there has been some form of injustice on him we are all humans, there is no doubt I hurt some people, and I wish they would pardon me and those who think that I have hurt them, please pardon me.”The man that peacefully handed over power to Buhari, former President Goodluck Jonathan, has some comforting words.‘’He will be remembered as a courageous leader, a disciplined officer, and a committed public servant who made considerable contributions towards the peace and progress of our dear nation.“The late President was deeply admired across the strata of society for his decency, integrity and exemplary life of service.“As a leader, he was selfless in his commitment to his duty and served the country with character and a deep sense of patriotism.‘’In his passing, Nigeria has lost one of its foremost leaders, and I have lost a respected colleague and elder.“His legacy will continue to endure in the hearts of all who value sacrifice, integrity, perseverance and devotion to national ethos,’’ Jonathan said.Buhari was born on Dec. 17, 1942 in Daura, Katsina State to Adamu and Zulaiha Buhari.He was raised by his mother, following the death of his father when he was about four years old; he had his primary school education in Daura and Maidua from 1948 to 1952, before proceeding to Katsina Middle School in 1953.He joined the Nigerian Army in 1961 when he was admitted to the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna.Buhari underwent Officer Cadets training at Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot, England from 1962 to 1963, and was commissioned as Second Lieutenant in January, 1963.He attended the Nigerian Military College, Kaduna for the Platoon Commanders’ Course from 1963-1964Buoyed by a deep sense of patriotism and commitment to national service, Buhari entered politics in 2003, following Nigeria’s return to a democratic dispensation in 1999.Buhari joined the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) and contested the presidential election on its platform that year.He lost to the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Olusegun Obasanjo.Undeterred by defeat, Buhari continued his political struggle, and on Dec. 18, 2006, he emerged as the consensus presidential candidate of the ANPP for the 2007 elections.His main challenger in the April 2007 presidential polls was the ruling PDP candidate, Umaru Yar’Adua.In the election, Buhari officially scored 18 percent of the total votes cast, against 70 percent for Yar’Adua.In March 2010, Buhari left the ANPP and formed, with some of his supporters, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).Buhari was nominated as the CPC presidential candidate on April 16, 2011 for that year’s general election.He ran against the then incumbent, President Jonathan of the ruling PDP, Malam Nuhu Ribadu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Ibrahim Shekarau of the ANPP, and other candidates of smaller parties.Using the platform of the CPC, a newly formed party, Buhari was able to garner 12, 214, 853 votes, coming second to Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP), who polled 22, 495, 197 votes.In 2015, under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Buhari won the presidential elections of March 28, defeating the incumbent Jonathan of PDP.He was sworn into Office as President, Commander-In Chief of the Armed Forces, and Federal Republic of Nigeria on May 29, 2015.After eight years in office, Buhari ensured a smooth transition process; in May 29, 2023, he handed over power to President Bola Tinubu who was also elected under the platform of APC in the February, 2023 presidential election.(NAN)OPINION
Naira Spraying Crackdown: Cultural Policing or Economic Necessity?

In recent months, Lagos has witnessed a sharp intensification of the crackdown on spraying naira notes at social events, with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission leading enforcement efforts to uphold currency integrity.In April 2025, popular Lagos socialite Emeka Okonkwo, known as E-Money, was arrested for allegedly spraying both naira and US dollars at public gatherings, an act that violates Nigeria’s currency laws.
In the same month, two social media influencers, Tobilola Olamide (TobiNation) and Peter Olaitan (TDollar), were convicted and sentenced to six months imprisonment or a fine for spraying naira notes at a Lagos event, based on viral TikTok videos that triggered EFCC investigations. These cases underscore the government’s renewed commitment to enforcing the Central Bank Act provisions against currency abuse, amid growing concerns over inflation and economic stability.Beyond Lagos, notable Nigerians have also faced arrest and conviction for spraying naira under the Central Bank Act. Idris Okuneye (Bobrisky) was convicted in April 2024 and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment after his March arrest for spraying at Lagos events.Actress Oluwadarasimi Omoseyin was arrested in February 2023 for spraying and stepping on new naira notes at a wedding in Lagos, receiving a six-month jail term with an option of a fine. A makeup artist, Abdullahi Huseini (Amuscap), was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in Kano for spraying at his wedding. Cubana Chief Priest was also arrested, etc.We praise the EFCC and the government for doing a great job of protecting the integrity of the naira by ensuring that abusers are punished. We wish and pray that the same swiftness and assurance of convictions be visited on other issues, such as political corruption and insecurity.According to a report by Daily Post 2021, Mr Akin Adewale from a first-generation bank said it was good so that money would not be devalued. What the CBN said was that it spent a lot of money printing it, and the cost is passed on to the economy in the long run. He said, “If the money is rough or torn, its life span is reduced, and printing becomes more frequent, which leads to inflation.”Any person who has been in the country since 2021 will know that the devaluation of the Nigerian currency is closely related to inflation.But what about the cultural significance of spraying money among Nigerian communities?To criminalise spraying money without acknowledging its cultural weight risks violating the social rhythms that bind communities together.In Yoruba culture, spraying money is a revered symbol of honour and respect. It is a way to publicly celebrate and support the success and status of loved ones, affirming social bonds and communal pride. For the Igbo, spraying is an expression of joy and solidarity, a ritual that marks milestones and reinforces communal support. Among the Hausa-Fulani, though less common, similar acts of generosity during celebrations symbolise goodwill and social harmony. The same is also true of many other ethnic groups in the country.Beyond mere festivity, spraying money is a powerful social symbol; it represents abundance, generosity, and the collective sharing of fortune. It is a language of respect, a way to uplift individuals while strengthening community ties. To clamp down on this practice without sensitivity is to risk eroding a cherished cultural expression that nurtures social cohesion.No doubt, many countries have laws prohibiting the mutilation or defacement of currency to protect their integrity. Singapore, Sri Lanka, Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada all enforce penalties, ranging from fines to imprisonment, against damaging their money.These regulations reflect a global consensus that currency is both a medium of exchange and a national symbol essential for economic stability. It means Nigeria’s Central Bank Act similarly criminalises currency abuse, including spraying naira notes, to safeguard the naira in line with the value that other nations of the world uphold.By implication, therefore, the culture of enjoying money spraying as a social bonding avenue is an aberration that followed normal political impunity in Nigeria. It’s not really a piece of culture rooted in African cosmology.Political and class dimensions also raise concerns about selective justice and unequal treatment of the elite versus ordinary people. Many countries indeed criminalise the mutilation or defacement of currency to protect its integrity, and Nigeria’s Central Bank Act follows this global practice by outlawing acts like spraying naira notes. However, this raises a deeper question: is criminalising currency abuse more important than implementing policies that genuinely uplift the lives of Nigerians?One must wonder whether the Nigerian government’s crackdown is driven by a sincere commitment to economic reform or simply an attempt to imitate other nations without addressing more pressing issues. It is normal for governments to prioritise certain policies, but if the focus is on enforcing currency laws, then why has there been so little progress in prosecuting terrorists, corrupt officials, or those who steal public funds? Why are governors and government officials rarely held accountable under the law, including the Bank Act?For instance, an online report showed that Thomas Ekpemupolo, known as Tompolo, a former Niger Delta militant leader, was caught in a viral video from his April 54th birthday celebration dancing while N1,000 notes were sprayed and stepped on, actions considered naira abuse under Nigerian law.Following public outcry, the EFCC vowed in May to investigate and hold him accountable, stressing, “Nobody is above the law.” As of late June, there has been no public update on his arrest or arraignment. If the case of the former Niger Delta militant leader could go this way, how about when a governor or senator is seen committing such an offence? Yet the government ought to look into a balanced approach to naira spraying.No one is in support of mutilating the currency, but a balanced approach to the naira spraying crackdown could help preserve cultural heritage while protecting the currency’s integrity. One solution is public education to raise awareness about the legal restrictions and the economic impact of currency mutilation, encouraging celebrants to handle naira notes with care rather than abandoning the tradition altogether.Additionally, regulated practices could be established where spraying is done respectfully and with minimal damage, such as using designated fresh notes or limiting the amount sprayed, distinguishing between cultural honour and currency abuse. This middle ground respects the ritual’s social significance while aligning with legal and economic concerns.Outright bans risk alienating communities and eroding cultural identity, whereas education, innovation, and sensible regulation offer a path to harmonise tradition with the imperative to protect Nigeria’s fragile economy.Most importantly, instead of merely emphasising the sanctity of the naira, Nigeria should strive to uphold the true rule of law, ensuring justice, fighting corruption, and protecting citizens, just as many other countries do. Without this broader commitment, focusing solely on currency integrity risks appearing superficial and disconnected from the urgent needs of the people.Dr Mbamalu, a Jefferson Journalism Fellow, member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors and media consultant, is the publisher of Prime Business AfricaOPINION
Two Sides of Late Major General Muhammadu Buhari

The late Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who famously overthrew the government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari, struck like a thunderbolt. His death, announced yesterday, July 13, 2025, shocked the nation, especially as he appeared healthier than when he was elected President of Nigeria in 2015.
In reflecting on his life and legacy, it is essential to compare the two distinct eras of Buhari’s leadership: first as a military ruler and later as a democratically elected president. As a military president, Buhari was often perceived as a no-nonsense leader who implemented significant reforms that impacted the political, economic, and social landscape of Nigeria. His initiatives included:i. War Against Indiscipline;ii. Import Substitution Industrialization Policy;iii. Go Back to Land Programme; andiv. Foreign Policy InitiativesThe announcement of his coup triggered panic among second Republic politicians, who went into hiding, fearing the unknown. Their concerns were not unfounded; the brutal orders that followed forced many into detention without trial for extended periods. While these policies are attributed to General Buhari, some believe they were largely orchestrated by General Tunde Idiagbon, his Chief of Staff, a bold and incorruptible officer who played a crucial role in implementing Buhari’s agenda.Ambassador Lawal Rafindadi, the Director General of the National Security Organization (NSO), also significantly influenced Buhari’s policies. Under his leadership, the NSO detained numerous Nigerians and a few foreigners without trial, while also investigating high-profile corruption cases, including that of Umaru Dikko.Buhari’s name incited a mix of fear and admiration among Nigerians; while his policies benefitted many, they caused distress for others. There is a prevailing belief that Idiagbon and Rafindadi were the true engines of governance during Buhari’s regime. His subsequent overthrow by General Ibrahim Babangida and the ensuing years of incarceration were reminiscent of the betrayal faced by Julius Caesar.When Buhari returned to power as the elected president in 2015, many Nigerians expressed hope that he would revive the transformative policies of his military rule. However, the reality was starkly different; the economy continued to plummet, corruption surged, and social cohesion deteriorated.This raises the question: Were the key figures who had previously supported Buhari—such as Tunde Idiagbon and Lawal Rafindadi—absent during his second tenure? Observing Nigeria’s political and economic landscape at the time, one might conclude that the nation had made progress in governance compared to Buhari’s first administration. Yet, familiar advisers from his earlier days remained influential, including figures like Malam Maman Daura, the late Mamud Tukur, Alhaji Magaji Danbatta, Professor Ango Abdullahi, and General Aliyu Gusau.Some critics have suggested that Buhari’s second coming could be summed up by the adage “once bitten, twice shy.” Rumor has it he confided to close friends that, in his youth, his aspirations to save Nigeria were thwarted; thus, he was unwilling to dedicate his later years to a country that had not recognized his contributions.Despite this backdrop, Buhari’s integrity remained intact. He personally rejected corruption; however, it appeared he overlooked the corrupt practices of those around him. His presence will be missed as a Nigerian statesman capable of fostering stability in various regions. His immediate family and allies will mourn his passing, as will many Nigerians who knew him well.As we ponder Buhari’s legacy, it remains unclear how history will ultimately judge him. Will he be remembered with fondness or skepticism? Only time will tell, as historians analyze his contributions and their impact on Nigeria.Simon Shango MFR writes from Abuja