OPINION
Military Versus Civilian Regimes: Between IBB at 82 and Buhari at 81
By Yushau A. Shuaib
It was on the platform of the Arewa Economic Forum (AEF) that intellectuals, business people and retired public functionaries debated which one performed better between the military regime of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) and the civilian administration of General Muhammadu Buhari.
While IBB was born on the 17th of August, 1941 in Niger State, Buhari was born on the 17th of December 1942 in Katsina State.
Both of them not only served in the Nigerian Armed Forces as military officers and fought on the federal side during the Civil War of 1967 to 1970, they have both also been fortunate to serve the country at the highest level as heads of state, with Buhari having the added honour of serving as a two-term civilian president, between 2015 and 2023, after his earlier stint as a military ruler. IBB was the first and only Military President of Nigeria from 1985 to 1993.Strangely, Colonel Sambo Dasuki facilitated the coup that brought Buhari to power on December 31, 1983, after the Shehu Shagari-led civilian government was overthrown. Major Jokolo, a former Aide de Camp to Buhari, confirmed this.
Interestingly, Dasuki also allegedly played a major role in the overthrow of Buhari from power on August 27, 1985, with General Babangida being posed as a better and more affable replacement to the stolid Buhari. Dasuki, who afterward served as ADC to IBB, was later appointed the National Security Adviser (NSA) to the government of President Goodluck Jonathan in 2012, in order to renew the vigour of the fight against the then rampaging Boko Haram terrorists.
While Babangida spent eight years of uninterrupted power from 1985, until his resignation in 1993 as military ruler, Buhari had a similar uninterrupted eight-year tenure as an elected civilian President, before handing over to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu earlier this year.
Immediately after his inauguration in 2015, Dasuki was the first victim of Buhari’s illegal incarcerations, which defied repeated court orders calling for his release, and which continued until after his re-election in 2019. It was after winning a second term in office that he decided to release the Sokoto Prince.
The administrations of IBB and Buhari are often compared in case studies on the difference between a military and a civilian government. In the social media platforms of the AEF and other similar groups, the facts are evident on the performance of these leaders on our nation’s security, socio-economic and political landscape.
In their preference for the administration of General IBB, his supporters always cite the progressive manner in which he restructured the Nigerian federation through the creation of 11 states, thereby reducing local restiveness as the yoke of group dominance was reduced across the different zones of the country. The states that IBB created comprise Akwa Ibom, Delta, Edo, Ekiti, Enugu, Jigawa, Katsina, Kebbi, Osun, Taraba and Yobe.
His enthusiasts also list the establishment of security agencies such as the State Security Service (SSS), National Intelligence Agency (NIA), and Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), and Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), to a lesser extent, as some of his enduring legacies when in power.
Similarly, they cite the construction of the Third Mainland Bridge in Lagos, the Shiroro Hydroelectric Power Station in Niger, the Toja Bridge in Kebbi, Jibia Water Treatment Plant in Katsina, the Kano Challawa Cenga Dam, Abuja Dual Carriageway, and the Aluminium Smelter Company in Ikot Abasi, as some in his catalogue of major achievements in office.
In the areas of works and housing, the Babangida administration constructed the ECOWAS Headquarters in Abuja, Aso Rock Villa, the Federal Secretariat, International Conference Centre, the National Assembly complex, Central Bank building, International Airport Phases 1 and 2, military barracks, and the opening and development of significant districts, such as Asokoro, Maitama, Garki, Wuse and Jabi Districts, within the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.
At the state level, the Babangida administration constructed the Federal Housing Authority estates, High Court buildings, water supply schemes, specialised hospitals, nationwide offices for the two political parties – SDP and NRC, and branches of the Federal Mortgage Bank across the country.
In a deliberate effort to revitalise the education sector, the military regime of General Babangida established the National Primary Education Commission; Nigeria Educational Research and Development Council; National Commission for Nomadic Education; National Commission for Mass Literacy, Adult and Non-formal Education; Federal School of Surveying; National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure; among others.
IBB’s supporters further claim that his administration maintained the fiscal stability of the country by subsidising petroleum products in a way that helped to curtail inflation and the cost of living crisis, whilst securing the foreign exchange rate and paying the salaries and pension of workers when due.
Meanwhile, the devotees of the Buhari administration list his achievements as including the establishment of the most extensive Social Investment Programme in Africa to act as safety net for the poor and vulnerable; and the expansion of agricultural productivity through the Anchor Borrowers Programme, which enabled Nigeria to become the largest rice producer in Africa within five years.
They also mention the diversification of the economy from its wholesale dependency on oil production, while providing a combination of budget support, revenue refunds and debt restructuring of more than N3 trillion to state governments to prevent the erosion of the country’s sub-national economies. More so, Buhari is routinely lauded for his comprehensive efforts in re-equipping the Nigerian military, in enhancing security in the country.
According to the Buhari supporters, he oversaw the most significant legislative reform programme in Nigeria’s history through the assent into law of a raft of noteworthy and progressive proposed legislation, which subsequently became the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), the Startup Act, the revised Corporate and Allied Matters (CAMA) Act, the revised Electoral Act, the Suppression of Piracy and Other Maritime Offences (SPOMO) Act, the Business Facilitation Act, Police Act, Not Too Young To Run Act, etc. He also signed over 16 constitutional amendment bills into law and issued 14 Presidential Executive Orders, as his administration launched the new Enhanced Electronic Passport, the new visa policy, and the visa-on-arrival policy.
While he established the Presidential Infrastructure Development Fund (PIDF) and issued the landmark Executive Order Number 7 of 2019 (Road Infrastructure Development and Refurbishment Investment Tax Credit Scheme), he also completed the Lagos-Ibadan Standard Gauge rail line and the extension of the railway to the Apapa Port.
President Buhari completed the Second Niger Bridge, the 700MW Zungeru Power Plant, the 186-kilometre Abuja-Kaduna Standard Gauge rail line, the Abuja light rail, the new international airport terminals in the six geopolitical zones of the country, the Kashimbila Dam and Power Plant, the Dadin Kowa Power Plant, and the concession of the Onitsha River Port.
Apart from launching the Presidential Power Initiative with Siemens, towards an accelerated transformation of the power sector, the Buhari administration kick-started the NLNG Train 7, the 614-kilometre AKK Gas Pipeline, the Kano-Maradi Standard Gauge Rail, and a total overhaul of the Port Harcourt refinery. The former president also supported the construction of the largest single-train refinery in the world, the Dangote Refinery; the first deep-sea port in Nigeria; the first large-scale commercial gold mine; several modular refineries; and more than 60 fertiliser blending plants in Nigeria.
Further to his slew of achievements in office, President Buhari approved a new extended retirement age of 65 for civil servants such as teachers, an increased length of service (40 years) and a new Special Teachers Salary Scale (TSS). He equally established the Nigeria Police Trust Fund, paid Biafra Police Pensioners decades after their pardon, and commenced the Clean-Up programme on oil spills in the Ogoni area.
One of the best decisions his administration took was in the appointment of Professor Isa Ali Pantami as the Minister of Communication and Digital Economy. Pantami spearheaded record-setting contributions to the country’s GDP from the ICT sector, at the rate of 18.44 per cent in the second quarter of 2022, up from 14.07 per cent in the first quarter of 2020. Under Pantami’s leadership, the launch of 5G in the telecom industry generated over $500 million in licensing fees at the spectrum auction to successful private companies.
The establishment of the National Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics (NCAIR) and Nigeria Data Protection Bureau (NDPB) are among other notable achievements of the Buhari civilian administration.
Rather interestingly, while the supporters of both administrations sought to spotlight what were the high points and massive gains made under the different leaders, I however observed that most of them deliberately refused to mention the fight against corruption – possibly the greatest culprit in the country’s lack of sustained development till date – as an attainment of either administration.
This is probably because the average Nigerian was never carried away by the rhetoric of the different administrations, which were more on the level of articulation than action, as members of each dug their hands deeper into the commonwealth, while engaging the game of facile generalisations.
More worrisome was the fact that the anti-corruption fight became a selective game of persecution of enemies of each administration and the opposition, while the cronies of those in power were accorded official protection as they went about their own prebendal activities.
By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi
As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.
These challenges are not confined to the North. In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape. Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security. He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.
By Tunde Akanni
It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.
I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanni
By Kator Ifyalem
Democracy, often hailed as the cornerstone of modern governance, is a system that empowers citizens to participate in the decision-making processes that shape their lives. However, the mere existence of elections is not enough to ensure a fair, just, and prosperous society.
Without robust institutions, the rule of law, and ingrained values, democracy can become a hollow shell, susceptible to corruption, manipulation, and eventual collapse. At its core, democracy is built on the principle that power resides with the people. This power is exercised through fair elections, where citizens choose representatives to govern on their behalf. The effectiveness of this system relies heavily on the strength of supporting institutions, adherence to the rule of law, and shared values that guide societal behaviour.Institutions serve as the backbone of a democratic society, translating the will of the people into action. These include governmental bodies such as the legislature, executive, and judiciary, as well as independent organizations like electoral commissions, anti-corruption agencies, and human rights commissions. These institutions provide checks and balances, ensuring that no single entity or individual can accumulate too much power. They create a framework for accountability, transparency, and effective governance.An independent judiciary is crucial for upholding the constitution and protecting individual rights. Without it, laws can be manipulated or ignored by those in power, leading to tyranny. Similarly, a free and independent media acts as a watchdog, informing citizens and holding those in power accountable. When media institutions are weakened or controlled by vested interests, the flow of information is compromised, and citizens are unable to make informed decisions.The rule of law is another critical component of a functioning democracy. It ensures that all citizens, regardless of their status or position, are subject to the same laws and legal processes. This principle is fundamental to creating a fair and just society where everyone’s rights are protected. A robust legal framework, consistently and fairly enforced, provides the predictability and security necessary for social and economic development. It protects property rights, enforces contracts, and creates an environment conducive to investment and growth.Moreover, the rule of law is essential for protecting minority rights and preventing the tyranny of the majority. In a true democracy, the rights of all citizens must be respected, even if they are not part of the ruling majority. This protection is enshrined in laws and enforced through effective legal institutions.Values form the third pillar of an effective democracy. These shared beliefs and principles guide societal behaviour and inform policy-making. Democratic values include respect for human rights, tolerance of diversity, commitment to justice, and belief in the equality of all citizens. When these values are deeply ingrained, they act as a safeguard against authoritarian tendencies and help preserve the integrity of democratic institutions.For instance, a healthy democracy can be likened to a three-legged stool, where institutions, the rule of law, and democratic values form the legs. Just as a stool cannot stand stably without all three legs being strong and balanced, a democracy cannot function effectively if any of these elements is weak or missing. In Nigeria’s case, we’ve seen how weaknesses in one area, such as institutional challenges in election management, can put stress on the other legs, requiring the judiciary (rule of law) and civil society (democratic values) to bear more weight to maintain stability.Education plays a crucial role in instilling these values. A well-informed citizenry, aware of their rights and responsibilities, is better equipped to participate meaningfully in the democratic process. Civic education programs that teach the principles of democracy, the importance of institutions, and the value of the rule of law are essential for creating engaged and responsible citizens.The interplay between institutions, the rule of law, and values creates a self-reinforcing cycle that strengthens democracy. However, this cycle can also work in reverse. Weak institutions often lead to a breakdown in the rule of law, eroding democratic values and further weakening the system. This negative spiral will ultimately lead to the collapse of governance, even if the outward trappings of democracy remain.To prevent this decline, concerted effort is required on multiple fronts. Institutional capacity must be built and maintained through adequate funding, training, and support. The rule of law must be consistently enforced, with mechanisms in place to address corruption and abuse of power. This requires not only strong legal frameworks but also a commitment to their implementation.International cooperation also plays a role in strengthening democracy. Countries learn from each other’s experiences, share best practices, and provide support for development. However, it’s crucial to recognize that democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be nurtured from within.True democracy requires more than just the act of voting; it demands a comprehensive system of governance that respects the rights of all citizens, upholds justice, and promotes the common good. Strengthening these fundamental pillars (institutions, the rule of law, and values), is crucial in building more resilient, effective, and truly representative democracies that serve the needs of all citizens and contribute to global stability and prosperity. Where does Nigeria as a nation stand on this scale?
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