OPINION
Nigeria’s Party-political Season of “Philanthropy” Primaries

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu
We may pretend about it, but we know their money is criminal and their “donations” are low grade racketeering.
They are too lazy to do politics and have taken to plunder in order to pay their way at the auction of Nigeria. That is the new normal and the real crime is that these crimes are committed under the cover of impunity and immunity from those who should bring them to an end.In the pantheon of current politicians in Nigeria, the most successful of them all seem to come from generous families with deep pockets and family trust funds. Or don’t they?
Ahead of the country’s 2023 general elections, both of Nigeria’s leading parties – the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – have placed the country at the disposal of these generously monied political specimens, who are ready to go bidding for the rights to bring the country under the control of their non-existent family trusts of unknown provenance.
To advance their case for the rights to run Nigeria as part of these wholly-owned family charities, these scions of unknown money are spending the generosity of their apocryphal family trusts with the enthusiasms of the mythical drunken sailor. That apparently is the new dialect of political entitlement.
One of them, for example, the sole owner of a piece of political real estate that also doubles as a federating unit, has been spraying money around the country. By some coincidence, he happens unashamedly to covet the presidency of Nigeria as his “lifelong ambition.”
In Katsina, President Buhari’s home State, last month, he sprayed N50 million from his family trust fund for the benefit, it was said, of victims of a market fire disaster. Impressively, all this money was given not to a representative of the victims of the fire or of the market union but to the State governor, who happens to determine most of the delegates of the ruling party in the contest for its presidential ticket.
Two weeks later, the same man was in Kaduna, where, as in Katsina, he also gave N50 million from his generous family trust fund to the State governor for the victims of the terrorist attack on the train that took place on March 28. It did not matter that this act of uncommon generosity took place while most of the victims were still in captivity nor did he show any interest in or ask how they could be freed. None of that was going to stand in the way of dispensing the generosity authorised by the family trust.
In Kano, the most populous State in northern Nigeria, this past week, this family trust has distributed lorry-loads of branded bags of stomach infrastructure, with instructions for these to be shared to party delegates to celebrate Eid.
On the day of the presidential election in February 2019, by the way, the same family trust released funds in bullion vans in Lagos, which financed unknown operations on election day.
Contemporaneously in the opposition party, another family trust from the Niger Delta has unlocked its vaults for its favourite son, who just happens by accident to have designs on the presidency in 2023.
The amount of money being dispensed in the name of these unknown family trusts endowed by unknown parents with unknowable wealth is stupefying. Their unconcealed interest is in hoovering up delegates for the presidential primaries. Meanwhile, the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB), Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)…all appear to be happy clappers….He goes around the country in a private jet to dispense the family’s generosity.
When fire gutted the Sokoto central market in January 2021, he flew into the state with N500 million for the state government to rebuild the market.
When he visited Kaduna State in the third week of April, he made the State government richer by N200 million from the family trust for the care of victims of the same train attack who are still captives of their abductors. That sum, by the way, was four times more than what the Governors’ Forum gave.
For his visit to Anambra State in South-East Nigeria, the family trust unlocked access to its domiciliary account and, by the time he left the state, the party delegates were enthusiastically back-slapping one another as they danced in a dollar rain.
These people traversing the country with truckloads of Ghana-Must-Go bags full of mint-fresh notes from non-existent but generous family trusts do not pretend to be interested in ensuring that their rain of supposedly charitable money achieves any public good.
In comparison, when he raised N250 million for orphanages in Nigeria in the last quarter of 2021, award-winning singer, David Adeleke, constituted a process to ensure the selection of beneficiaries and effective administration of the resources. He even provided a full report to the public when all that was done.
The amount of money being dispensed in the name of these unknown family trusts endowed by unknown parents with unknowable wealth is stupefying. Their unconcealed interest is in hoovering up delegates for the presidential primaries.
Meanwhile, the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB), Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and other sundry institutions of financial integrity and anti-corruption all appear to be happy clappers, enjoying these scenes of financial crime with unadulterated admiration, occasionally distracted by the whiff of ladies’ intimate fabrics.
Despite the less-than-sanguine reputation of its politics, Nigeria’s elected leaders, until now, have not exactly been famous for the depth of their pockets or their contrived political philanthropy. Today, by contrast, Nigeria appears to produce only unknown family trusts and to consume their politics that neither feeds the stomach nor nourishes the country.
Political parties are supposed to chaperone competition for access to the mandate to superintend the public good. In Nigeria instead right now, they are to conduct auctions to buy and sell the country.
How we got here is a story for another time and the story of how the country corrupted politics and politicised corruption is too well known to bear undue repetition here. What is clear is that by the time he left office in 2007, President Obasanjo who was, reportedly, barely saved from bankruptcy when he returned from prison in 1998 before running for the presidency in 1999, had become a billionaire.
How we got here is a story for another time and the story of how the country corrupted politics and politicised corruption is too well known to bear undue repetition here. What is clear is that by the time he left office in 2007, President Obasanjo who was, reportedly, barely saved from bankruptcy when he returned from prison in 1998 before running for the presidency in 1999, had become a billionaire. Since then, party politics has established itself as an assured path to quick and stupendous wealth.
It was not always so. In the First Republic, there was clear water between money and power. Nigeria’s richest, like Sanusi Dantata, Louis Odumegwu-Ojukwu and Adeola Odutola, were businessmen who were not much invested as such in controlling party politics or running for office, even if they had their own sympathies. Abubakar Tafawa-Balewa, the country’s prime minister at Independence, barely could afford a house. Ahmadu Bello, Obafemi Awolowo, and Nnamdi Azikiwe were interested in power, made a lot of name and did not appear to much care about making a lot of money for themselves.
Shehu Shagari, who was elected Nigeria’s president in 1979, was not exactly anyone’s idea of a rich man. Dissolute as his administration was in parts, no one seriously accused Shagari of personal corruption or money making.
When, 40 years ago, billionaire businessman, Moshood Abiola, went about dispensing his money with the aim of unsettling the political fortunes of the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) of President Shagari, Umaru Dikko, the Transport minister and unofficial party enforcer, infamously advised him with dry brutality that “the presidency is not for sale.”
In a huff, Abiola stormed off the ruling party, his presidential ambitions in ruins and, ultimately, deferred until after eternity. It was immaterial that at the time the Chairman of the NPN was, like Abiola, another Yoruba man, Augustus Meredith Akinloye.
In 1965, Time Magazine celebrated the industry of Nigeria’s millionaires, writing that they “made their money by competing with the white man for his trade.” In their place, Nigeria’s trillionaires today occupy the inner sanctums of power or parade their corridors, perpetrating state plunder and spoliation in a shameless state capture enterprise with official imprimatur.
The same Time Magazine story from 58 years ago quotes Adeola Odutola as having proudly boasted that “[t]he time is coming when we will produce more than we can consume and we will have to look outside Nigeria for markets.” Today, Nigeria produces politicians who in turn make nothing. The citizens consume stomach infrastructure, and the money goes to the auctioneers who are happy to knock the country down to the highest bidder.
We may pretend about it, but we know their money is criminal and their “donations” are low grade racketeering. They are too lazy to do politics and have taken to plunder in order to pay their way at the auction of Nigeria. That is the new normal and the real crime is that these crimes are committed under the cover of impunity and immunity from those who should bring them to an end.
Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a lawyer and teacher, can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu.
OPINION
Why the Sun Has Not Risen on the Mambilla Project
By Iliyasu GaduIf
you have visited the Mambilla plateau in Sardauna Local Government of Taraba state, you probably will not behold a better Eldorado in Nigeria.
Everything about the place from the temperate weather, to the bewitching scenic beauty, to the agricultural produce and livestock is something you can never find in any part of Nigeria. The weather is so clement all year round that you do not need an air conditioner in your home. The bananas are huge and succulent you will mistake them for plantain. Coffee, tea and beverages abound here as well as grapes, and avocado. Mambilla is also a potential tourist haven. The highest elevation in Nigeria, Chappal Wadi peak is one of the several wonders of nature in Mambilla.Adding to the scenic, breath taking beauty, the place hosts a variety of flora and fauna that if properly harnessed would rank as a top tourist destination not only in Nigeria but Africa. If Taraba state where Mambilla is located is likened and called “Nature’s gift to the Nation’’, then Mambilla can rightly be termed ‘’Nature’s gift to Taraba’’.Mambilla used to be part of Cameroon but due to the plebiscite organized by the United Nations for the English speaking parts of the country, the northern areas of which Mambilla right up to Mubi in Adamawa voted to join with Nigeria.The southern English speaking part of course decided to stay in Cameroon and we are all witnesses to the consequences of that decision on the area. For convincing the northern part of Cameroon which constitute parts of Taraba and Adamawa states today, we need to thank Sir Ahmadu Bello, the late premier of Northern Nigeria who campaigned vigorously in these areas and for whom the Sardauna Local Government where Mambilla is located, after his traditional title of ‘’Sardauna’’.But for all these beautiful attributes of Mambilla, there is an ugliness that cannot be hidden. Among the many useful things about the place is that it can also be a source for a massive power project of up to 3,000 megawatts. Surveys carried out decades ago had indicated that across the river that runs through Mambilla, a dam of that capacity can be built to supply power and irrigate the land for greater agricultural productivity.The reports of the baseline studies on this project had been in abeyance until 2003 when the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration as part of its power development programme decided to award a six billion dollar contract for the construction of the dam.Sunrise Power, a company owned by a well-known Lagos based wheeler dealer Leno Adesanya was the beneficiary of this contract which was signed off by Olu Agunloye the then Minister of Power during the Obasanjo administration.Before he was appointed as Minister of Power, we knew the tall Physicist and Ondo-born Agunloye as one time boss of the Federal Road Safety Corp. I can be too sure that both Agunloye and Leno Adesanya had ever visited Mambilla and what they knew of the place if at all may just be enough to fill the back of a postage stamp. But here they were, given the power to award and supervise the construction of a multi-billion dollar power project in what can be termed the boondocks of Nigeria.One can be sure that with such fellows at the helm and against such setting, the project will never see the light of day (no pun intended); never mind that the contractor goes by the name ‘’Sunrise’’ (No pun intended here).As it has now come to light 22 years later since the contract was awarded in 2003, earth had been shifted to clear the site of the project not to talk of turbines installed to power the dam and provide energy. But what is sure is that vast amounts of money has been expended so far mainly on litigations and ‘’investigations’’ into the project. The latest news on the project is that two former Nigerian leaders Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari appeared before a court of arbitration in Paris, France to explain what they knew about the project.And why was this necessary?I recognise that the matter is sub judice both locally and abroad but I will take the liberty allowed under fair comment and the overriding interest of the right of the public to know, to shed some light on the shenanigans that have dogged the project.The long and short of it is that Sunrise was paid some mobilization money but did not for whatever reasons execute the contract fully. And to protect its contractual propriety over the project in order to prevent it from being re awarded to another contractor, Sunrise put a caveat emptor on the projector. This meant that for any consideration on the projector in whatever form, Sunrise had the right of first refusal over any other party including even the Nigerian government.This much came to light when the Buhari administration sought to revive the project from a decade of abeyance. The attempt by the Buhari administration to engage a Chinese contractor to do the project was stonewalled by Sunrise which took the matter to an International Arbitration court in Paris. As the Presidents under whose tenure the Mambilla project featured, both Obasanjo and Buhari were thus obligated to appear before the court of arbitration which they did.Another twist to the project is the role which Buhari’s second minister of power, Saleh Mamman played in the whole sordid saga. His predecessor in the ministry Babatude Fashola (SAN) being the smart lawyer that he is gave the project a wide berth knowing the legal entanglements associated with it. But Saleh Mamman who incidentally is an indigene of Taraba state and even has filial connections to the Mambilla area is now under investigation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on allegations of misappropriating 32 billion naira under his watch as minister.Among the issues that had come to light is his alleged role in the Mambilla project where he claimed to have spent huge sums in paying compensation to owners of the land and clearing of the site for the project. This also included an engagement session for stakeholders of the project which took place at Transcorp Hotel Abuja. All these were in anticipation of the takeover of the project by the Chinese. But as we all know now the Sunrise’s decision to seek international arbitration stymied the move.In what had also added a dark shadow over the issue, a BBC on the spot investigation showed that despite the huge sums that were claimed to have been expended, nothing on ground justified such.This prompts us to ask why some pertinent questions.Why was Sunrise a company with no proven track record of handling energy projects of this nature awarded the Mambilla power project in the first place. Was it meant to be a flag contract in which a company without capacity is awarded such a contract on the understanding that it will be a conduit through which funds will be funnelled to parties unconnected to the project?Why did the Obasanjo and subsequent governments allow Sunrise which did little to commence the project after reportedly collecting some mobilization funds, to put a lock hold on the project for 22 years now, thereby stalling its take off? Where are the vocal anti-corruption watchdogs who all too often are quick and vigorous when similar issues occur in certain parts of the country?As it is, now that the issue had been taken to international arbitration it is likely that Nigeria’s quest to boost its power sector through the 3,000 megawatt capacity Mambilla power project will be delayed for long if not totally scrapped. And this will be down to a Nigerian company ironically called ‘’Sunrise’’ which rather than be the harbinger of power and energy as its name implies, has instead decided to do the opposite.Gadu can be reached via Ilgad2009@gmail.com and 08035355706 (Texts only).OPINION
Lt. Col James Y. Pam jssc. MFR and the Mutiny in Tanganyika

The history of the country called Tanganyika began in 1885 when the Germans
colonized East Africa.
as German East Africa.
Following the defeat of Germany in World War I, its colonies were divided among
the victors under the treaty of Versailles.
The British named their colony Tanganyika and ruled over it from 1919 to 9 th of
December 1961 when it gained independence. Its first Prime Minister was Julius
Nyerere.
In 1964, the country merged with the island of Zanzibar to form a new nation
called the United Republic of Tanzania. The reason for the merger was for mutual
economic benefits and to integrate the peoples that lived on the mainland
Tanzania and the smaller island of Zanzibar.
At independence, the Tanzanian Army was formed from about one and a half
battalions of the colonial regional Army known as the King’s African Rifles which
had a sizeable number of British officers as well as nationals from other East
African countries.
Several factors led to the mutiny of the Tanzanian Army (the “Tanganyika Rifles”).
One was low pay and poor conditions. Another was the slow pace of
“Tanganyikalisation” of the army. Thirdly, there was an attempt to recruit fifteen
Israeli trained youth leaders into the army. The soldiers felt that the men were
unsuitable and the method of recruitment irregular.
Political interference by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Defence, Oscar
Kambono did not help matters. He preferred to appoint to key positions officers
who had risen through the ranks with years of service, rather than young well
educated officers.
In the early hours of January 20 th 1964, under the leadership of Sgt. Hingo Ilogo,
the soldiers rounded up both British and African officers and locked them up at
Colito barracks. They then moved into Dar-es-Salaam and took effective control of
the city. Seventeen persons lost their lives in the ensuing melee.
Prime Minister Julius Nyerere fled the country but Oscar Kambono, remained
behind and began negotiations with the mutineers. Eventually, the British officers
were released from the guardrooms and flown out of the country.
Meanwhile, Nyerere made a written request for assistance from the British
government to quell the mutiny, through diplomatic channels. On the morning of
the 25 th January 1964, Royal marine commandos from the carrier Centaur situated
on the East African coastline of the Indian ocean, fanned into the city and put an
end to the mutiny.
Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was subsequently re-instated as Prime Minister. He
disbanded the entire army and sought assistance from the Organisation of African
Unity. A Ministerial Committee met and it was decided that Nigeria be
approached for the needed assistance.
Minister Oscar Kambono arrived Lagos in late March and met with PM Tafawa
Balewa. An act of Parliament was passed and, by the first week of April, 1964 the
3rd Battalion of the Nigerian Army, stationed in Kaduna and commanded by 31
year old Lt. Col James Yakubu Pam, was airborne to Dar-es-Salaam, Tanganyika.
In total, there were 533 soldiers and 24 officers. The mission was under the
general supervision of Brig. Samuel Ademulegun, Commander of the 1st Brigade,
Kaduna.
Lt. Col James Yakubu Pam was of Berom stock from Jos. A brilliant student, he
attended St Paul’s Primary School Jos, Central Primary School Pankshin and
Barewa College Zaria. He performed so well in his academics that he received an
“Exemption from the London Matriculation”, an honour reserved for students
who excelled.
He thereafter enlisted in the army and attended the West African Cadet Training
school, Teshi in Ghana, Eaton Hall Officer Cadet School and the Royal Military
Academy, Sandhurst both in the U.K.
One of his commanding officers in Sandhurst had this to say of him: “I have the
highest regard for this overseas cadet. He is determined to do well and never
spares himself in order to ensure this. He is most receptive, co-operative and
trustworthy.”
He received the Queen’s Commission as 2nd Lieutenant in 1955, the first from the
Middle Belt Region of Nigeria. He became an officer of the West African Frontier
Force (WAFF 45) and later the Nigeria Army (NA 14) at independence in 1960. He
had just returned from further training at the Joint Services Staff College,
Camberley, England when the order came to deploy to Tanganyika.
Lt. Col Pam’s selection for this assignment was also predicated on the fact that he
had participated in several military operations in the Cameroons and in the
United Nations Peace Keeping force in the Congo.
The third battalion had returned from service in Kasai Province of the Congo in
May 1963 when Lt. Col Pam took over command shortly afterwards from Lt.Col
Etches upon his departure as the last expatriate Commander of 3NA.
His orders were clear: chiefly, to ensure internal security, re-train the Tanganyikan
army and mount the normal Ceremonial Guards in the city.
The 3rd Battalion had just returned from service in Kasai Province of the Congo in
May 1963. Lt. Col Pam took over command shortly afterwards from Lt. Col Etches
upon his departure as the last expatriate commander of 3NA.
Meanwhile, Nyerere selected 1,500 young men from the youth wing of his
political party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) to form the
completely new Tangayikan Army.
His reason for adopting this unusual selection process was that he wanted an
army which came from national life and not an ėlite force. In his words: “the task
is to ensure that the officers and men are integrated into the government and
party so that they become no more a risk than, say, the civil service.”
Lt. Col Pam was tasked with the responsibility of turning these raw recruits into
competent soldiers within six months and he discharged his responsibilities
competently and efficiently.
Peace and security were maintained and the newly trained soldiers passed out on
1 st September 1964, less than five months after the 3NA set foot in Tanganyika.
On the 21 st September 1964, the 3NA held a Ceremonial Parade and were
honoured by Prime Minister Julius Nyerere. Lt. Col James Yakubu Pam was gifted
a leopard skin, a shield and a spear as a token of appreciation for his outstanding
contribution to Tanganyika which had become Tanzania following its merger with
Zanzibar.
The reconstituted and re-trained Tanzanian Army has remained dedicated and
loyal to the country and its constitution till date.
In 1965, Lt. Col J.Y. Pam jssc was awarded the National Honour of Member of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria (MFR) in recognition of his meritorious service.
Unfortunately, he was killed in the coup d’etat of January 15 th , 1966 before he
could formally receive the honour.
The National Award was subsequently received by his widow, Mrs. Elizabeth Pam
and his children 15 years later.
Prof. Ishaya C. Pam
For: The Family
OPINION
Kemi Badenoch: It’s Time for a Rethink

By Tunde Rahman
Kemi Badenoch’s ill-advised denigration of Nigeria has refused to go away.
Her belittlement of the country of her ancestry is still generating passionate public discourse within and outside the media space, and it appears the matter will not go away anytime soon.Exasperated by Kemi Badenoch’s misguided attacks on Nigeria, Vice President Kashim Shettima recently counselled her to drop the Kemi in her name and bleach her ebony skin to white to further appease her Tory party and British establishment.
And perturbed and seemingly lost by all that, my daughter, Kemi Mushinat, who recently graduated in communication studies, asked what was wrong with the name Kemi. There is nothing wrong with the name, I explained. But a lot is wrong with Kemi Badenoch (Nee Adegoke), the leader of the British opposition Conservative Party, who opted to behave, as the Yoruba would describe it, “bi omo ale to fi owo osi ju we ile baba e”, meaning like a child who would go out to denigrate her ancestry by pointing the offensive finger at her roots.Honour and dignity are inherent in the name Oluwakemi, indeed in any name. But what confers dignity, what glorifies a name, is the character the bearer brings into it. Kemi Badenoch left much to be desired, disparaging Nigeria, our motherland. She painted a gory picture of her growing up years in Nigeria from the middle of the ’80s to around 1996, highlighting stories of poverty, infrastructure decay, decadence, corruption, police excesses, and leadership failure. Perhaps some of her narratives could be true, particularly in the time that immediately followed the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) misrule and the indiscretion of the emergent military regime.
However, her stories reek of generalisations and prejudices often associated with most analyses by a section of Western media and commentators. They view Nigeria with their jaundiced lenses, describing the country as made of a Muslim north and Christian south, oblivious of the various Christian minorities in the north and the plethora of Muslims in the south and the multiplicity of ethnic groups in the two divides that make a mockery of any analysis of a monolithic north or south. They view us Africans with many unproven, unorthodox assumptions.
My problem is with Badenoch, an African, whichever way you slice it, and the character she has chosen. When Vice President Shettima lambasted her for demeaning Nigeria, Kemi Badenoch thought she had a clincher. “I find it interesting that everybody defines me as Nigerian,” she said. “I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity (Yoruba). That’s what I am. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram where the Islamism is; those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people.”
In that statement, the Tory leader disavowed Nigeria and excoriated the north but exalted the Yoruba. She repudiated the whole, attacking one part of the nation but embracing another. Kemi Badenoch grossly misfired, hiding under the finger of ethnic nationalism.
Perhaps it would have been pardonable if, for instance, she opposed Nigeria’s federal system and canvassed regionalism or confederacy. To condemn one race and elevate another is like playing one part against another. That utterance is dangerous in a diverse and volatile society like ours. The north (read the Hausa-Fulani, Kanuri, Tiv, Birom, Mangu, Ibira, Nupe, and many others who cohabit the entire northern region) is no enemy of the Yoruba as Badenoch insinuated.
The north voted massively for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba man, to emerge president in 2023, as they did for the late Bashorun MKO Abiola, the winner of the annulled June 12 election in 1993. To label them the enemies of the Yoruba is condemnable.
Badenoch’s Yoruba roots emphasise good character and promote good neighbourliness, religious harmony, peaceful co-existence, respect for elders, and respect for other people’s rights. That is why Yoruba intermarry with members of different ethnic groups. It’s also commonplace in Yorubaland to find members of the same family having adherents of Islam and Christianity cohabiting together without any hassles. Boko Haram or its last vestiges poses a security challenge, perhaps a religious and sociopolitical challenge, for Nigeria, not just for the north or the north-east which is why the government and our armed forces have battled to a standstill and are still battling the insurgents.
Therefore, the values the UK Conservative leader espoused did not represent the Yoruba. They are not the values the Yoruba would showcase, uphold, and promote. Yoruba has a rich history of culture, tradition, leadership, and loyalty to constituted authority.
Badenoch’s formative years, which she derided with negative stories of decadence, perfidy, and corruption, were part of Nigeria’s dark periods when the military held the country and the people by the jugular.
Is Kemi Badenoch now giving the impression that nothing has changed in Nigeria, particularly in Lagos, where she grew up after birth in London? Is she giving the impression there have not been significant improvements in the standard of living and infrastructure, with the rehabilitation of existing roads and opening up of new ones; in transportation with the multi-modal system complemented by water transportation and now the rail system, among other things?
Despite its challenges, there is no doubt there has been a remarkable development in Lagos from the foundation laid by then Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu (now President Tinubu) from 1999 to 2007 till the present Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to the point that Lagos has emerged as one of largest economies in Africa. Lagos State has made significant progress across all indices of development such that if it were a country, it would have ranked the sixth largest economy on the continent.
What has emerged in the entire Kemi Badenoch’s saga is her seeming double-face or multiple-face. When she was campaigning to represent her diverse Dulwich and West Norwood Constituency in the UK Parliament in 2010, she had appealed to the Nigerian community, comprising Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo, under the aegis of “Nigerians for Kemi Badenoch,” pleading for help in the election.
A campaign document that surfaced on social media showed she had reached out to all Nigerians in that constituency while highlighting her roots. In that document, Badenoch had said to her Nigerian supporters: “I need your help. I’m running for parliament in the 2010 UK general elections. The race is very tight. Last year, the News of the World surveyed this constituency, and the forecast was that I would win. Things are much tougher this year as the party has dropped nationally in the polls. I need your help.
“I am asking for your help now to support a Nigerian trying to improve our national image and do something great here.”
After winning the election, however, she deployed her situation in Nigeria as a talking point to rally support for her policies, for which she was accused of exploiting her roots for political gains.
Her rhetoric has drastically changed with her emergence as the Leader of the Conservative Party. In the carriage, conduct and statements, she is now out to please the White establishment, particularly the White wing of her Conservative Party, subjugating her people to make Britain look good. She doesn’t mind running down anyone, including the Nigerian people and the British blacks generally.
Will this advance her politics or status? I do not think so. The British respect culture and tradition. Running down a country’s history and culture may not attract much attention. Britain also respects her relations with other countries, particularly Nigeria, given our age-long relationship. Nigeria is a significant trade and investment partner of the UK in Africa. According to the UK Department for Business and Trade, as of December 20 2024, the total trade in goods and services (exports plus imports) between the UK and Nigeria amounted to £7.2 billion in the four quarters up to the end of Q2 2024, an increase of 1.2% or £86 million in current prices from the four quarters to the end of Q2 2023.
Britain would not want to harm that substantial trade partnership and excellent relationship between the two countries in any way.
Also, several Badenoch’s Conservative Party members do not share her attitude towards Nigeria. In Zanzibar, I recently ran into Jake Berry, a top Tory Party member and former cabinet member in the UK. While discussing the Badenoch matter, he said most Conservative Party members disagreed with her.
Kemi Badenoch has recorded an outstanding achievement in two decades of entering British politics. She joined the Conservative Party at the age of 25. Today, she stands not just as the Leader of the biggest party in Britain’s history but also as the highest black person in the United Kingdom. Her extraordinary accomplishment should have been used to inspire young people to achieve similar feats and as a foundation to inspire positive change in her country of origin, not to denigrate Nigeria or cause division and disaffection among her people. It is not too late for Badenoch to rethink and toe the line of rectitude.
Rahman is the senior special assistant on media matters to President Tinubu.