OPINION
THE PRESS IN THE LAND OF FASHIONABLE PANDEMIC

Text of a public lecture to mark the 64th Independence Anniversary of Nigeria, delivered at Iwe Iroyin House, Oke Ilewo, Abeokuta, on Thursday October 3rd, 2024.
By Dare Babarinsa Chairman, Gaskia Media Ltd
I want to thank the members and leadership of the Nigerian Union of Journalists, NUJ, the Bravo Zone, organisers of this event, for the special honour and privilege of standing before this distinguished audience at this sacred spot of Nigerian journalism.
As you all know, it was here in 1859, that the first newspaper in Nigeria, Iwe Iroyin, was published. Since then, from generation to generation, there is no stopping us the inheritors. We salute the courage of the Reverend Henry Townsend of the Church Missionary Society, for his pioneering effort in starting the Iwe Iroyin Fun Awon Yoruba ati Egba. By tackling the problems of contemporary journalism here, we are actually seeking inspirations from our professional ancestors to get us solutions to lingering problems. We are here to discuss journalism at this challenging times. Coming here to Abeokuta for me is not just a visit to the sacred grove of journalism where Henry Townsend and his colleagues found inspiration to start the journey of Nigerian journalism. For me, Abeokuta represents a special terminus in my career as a journalist. After I graduated from the University of Lagos in 1981, I was posted here for my compulsory National Service. I did my national service with the Ogun State branch of the National Youth Service Corps as the NYSC Public Relations Officer. Our office was then on Nawar ur Deen Street in the heart of the old Abeokuta. As the NYSC PRO, I collaborated with the Information Officer to produce the NYSC regular newsletter. We also produced the magazine called Corps Torch. It was an exhilarating period when one of the titans of our profession, Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, was the elected governor of Ogun State. It is also on record that the second elected Governor of Ogun State, Chief Olusegun Osoba, is also one the living legends of journalism. Chief Osoba had the distinction of serving as chief executive of three national newspapers; the Nigerian Herald in Ilorin, the Sketch in Ibadan and the monumental Daily Times in Lagos. Chief Osoba remains a great inspiration to many of us especially those who have the courage to plunge into politics. In 2006, I sought to become the Governor of Ekiti State. It was Chief Osoba who took me to the legendary Alhaji Babatunde Jose so that I can receive the right spiritual impartation from the highest ecclesiastical personage of our profession. I remain eternally grateful to both Chief Osoba and Baba Jose.At the heart of what we are discussing today is what has happened to journalism that we now have very few of our colleagues gunning for high elective offices. During the last general elections, only few of our colleagues sought high elective offices to become President, governors, state or federal legislators. In Ogun State here, our distinguished colleague, Modele Sarafa Yusuf, made an attempt to become the governor, but her ambition was aborted. We now found that the Fourth Nigerian Republic has very few journalists in high elective political offices. You ask yourself where are the Bisi Onabanjos, Lateef Jakandes and Segun Osobas of this era? Last year, one of our distinguished colleagues and one of the best-known Nigerians all over the world, Basorun Dele Momodu, sought to secure the presidential nomination of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, PDP. Momodu lost his nomination bid. He did not have access to enough fund which is now the main weapon of political contest in contemporary Nigeria. Yet this is the same country in which many top journalists have played prominent roles in the past. Indeed, the founding fathers of our republic have used journalism as their staging post. Herbert Macaulay, the Father of Nigerian Nationalism, though trained as a surveyor, was also a man who used the newspaper as his weapon against the British colonial power. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the founder and Editor-in-Chief of the West African Pilot, was the first President of Nigeria and first Premier of the defunct Eastern Region. The first Premier of the defunct Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was also a former reporter for the Daily Times and the founder of the Nigerian Tribune, now the oldest surviving privately owned newspaper group. The first and only Prime Minister of Nigeria, the late Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was a broadcaster. We also had many top journalists who served during the First and Second Republics in important positions. Chief Anthony Enahoro, former editor of the Southern Nigerian Defender, was the hero who moved the motion for Self-Government for Nigeria in 1953. Enahoro later played a prominent role during the Nigerian Civil War and was the leader of the opposition National Democratic Coalition, which led the struggle against military dictatorship culminating in victory and the birth of democratic dispensation in 1999.The truth is that journalists have been involved in every important stage of Nigerian history. In the last struggle against military rule, many media houses were at the forefront of the struggle. Mention must be made of media houses like the TELL, The News, Punch, Guardian, African Concord, Newswatch and the National Concord. Many top journalists were sent to prison and many were hounded into involuntary exile. Some of our colleagues, like Baguada Kaltho of the TheNews paid the supreme sacrifice. Many journalists including the likes of Niran Malaolu, George Mba, Ben Charles Obi, Femi Ojudu, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, Nosa Igiebor, Soji Omotunde, Osa Director, Chris Anyanwu, Kolawole Ilori, Ayo Akinkuotu, Kunle Ajibade, Bayo Onanuga, Dele Omotunde, and many others suffered imprisonment, detention without trial, exile, persecution and brutalisation. In the end, our beloved country is now free from military rule and any form of tyranny. As we celebrate the 64th year of our independence, we should not forget also those heroes who made freedom from military rule possible. Without that freedom, we will not be gathered here today. If we dare, we can sure that operatives of the State Security would be waiting in the wings to take some people into detention.Now, our country is free from military rule; and we have elected leaders in charge of every layer of our country’s administration from the presidency to the local government councils. But our country is not free from socio-economic challenges and nowhere is more emblematic of this than the Nigerian newsrooms. In this discourse, I am going to refer to the traditional media; the newspapers, radio and television stations. The economic and social situation has affected the Nigerian media drastically. In 1966 Chief Osoba was a young reporter with the old Daily Times. He was assigned to go and cover the burial of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa in Bauchi. Because of the urgency of the situation, he had to hire a small aircraft from Lagos that flew him to Bauchi. I don’t know which newspaper, radio or television station can afford that now. When I joined the Concord group of newspapers in 1982, our daily print run was more than 200,000 copies. During the editorship of Mr Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, the print run of the old Sunday Times was 600,000 copies. When we printed the first edition of Tell magazine in 1991, our first print run was 25,000. In my 15 years as an Executive Director of TELL, there were weeks when our print run exceeded 150,000 copies. Now the great times are past and we are worried.There is no need dwelling too long in the land of nostalgia. It is true that the traditional media have taken a beating from the new media during this Internet Age. This is the trend all over the world. But what has been a challenge in Europe, America and Asia is a disaster for us in Africa, particularly in Nigeria. I don’t know of any newspaper in Nigeria today that has a print run of more than 50,000 copies daily. Yet in this 2024, the print run of the Sunday Times of South Africa is now 500,000 copies. The Times of India is still circulating more than 2.8 million copies daily. The Yomiuri Shimbun in Japan have a daily circulation of more than 9.1 million copies. So, what is happening to us?There are many reasons for the downturn in the media. We lament about the trauma of the military years which has left us with many scars: the assassination of Dele Giwa, the first Editor-in-Chief of the old Newswatch, the attempted assassination of Mr Michael Ibru, the publisher of The Guardian, the imprisonment, the frame ups, the persecutions, the involuntary exiles, the hunting, the seizure of newspaper and magazine copies, the arsons against newspaper houses, the kidnapping and the harassments. Yes, these are serious things. But Israel and the Palestinians have been at war, alternated with armed peace, since 1948 and yet their media have grown since then. The Jerusalem Times has a circulation of more than 500,000 copies. Israel, if you must know, with a population of about 10 million people, is far smaller than Lagos State.We can also talk about the coming of the Internet Age. But it is clear that we are not more internet savvy than the Japanese or the South Koreans and Egyptians. Then what has happened to us? Why has our readers left us or why have we drifted away from our readers? The answers to these two questions are important and we want to hear from our media managers so that we can save the press and also rescue journalists and journalism from economic stranglehold. I may not know the answers to these two questions. But I can suggest some steps forward in the interest of the media and our country.The most important ingredient in any human endeavour is knowledge. This is more so in journalism. When Alhaji Jose decided that the Daily Times must be transformed into a modern media house, he invested in the recruitment of young educated persons. That was how people like Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, Araoye Oyebola, Segun Osoba, Tony Momoh, Femi Sonaike, Idowu Sobowale, Tunji Oseni and many others were recruited into the Daily Times. They were different from those who were trained in Fleet Street Journalism School, London. Now we need to invest in the training of journalists for the new age; those who can understand the transformation that is affecting the media landscape all over the world. It is when the media practitioner is educated that he can educate his audience. He must stay a step ahead of his readers and his listeners. He must know something about everything. The second step is that almost all surviving media houses need new investments. We can see that every year car manufacturers change their models. They add new things so that they can stay competitive in the market. We have seen that most media owners don’t want to put new investments in their establishment. They hardly buy new machines or invests in new skills. This is not right. Just as those who are producing carbonated drinks or beverages are always putting more money in research and new methods of production, the media should not lag behind in new investment. We have seen, with adequate investment, the television sector has been transformed with the emergence of new privately owned stations like AIT, Silverbird, TVC, Arise and Channels. These are significant results of adequate investments. However, we have not had such transformative investments in the newspaper and magazine sector.In the past, what transformed the Nigerian press into the giant of Africa was the involvement of the government. During the First Republic and up to the end of the Second Republic in 1983, the practice in Nigeria was that every senior public servant was entitled to at least one newspaper per day. In the old Western Region, every primary school was supplied with copies of Aworerin children magazine. Every secondary school had a library supplied with newspapers and magazines. In my school, Ife Anglican Grammar School, Ile-Ife of the 1970s, we were supplied with copies of newspapers like the Daily Times, Tribune, Sketch, New Nigerian, Observer, Chronicle, Herald and the Nigerian Standard. We had magazines like Time, Newsweek, African Film, Drum, Trust, Spear, Readers Digest, Headlines and Home Study. It was my exposure to these newspapers and magazines that inspired me to become a journalist.However, with the seizure of power by the military on December 31, 1983, the situation changed gradually for the worse. The new military regime cut down on the privilege of public officers to newspapers and magazines. This led to drastic reduction in the print run of media houses. By the coming of democracy in 1999, the practice of public officers having access to copies of newspapers and magazines have been stopped in most establishments. This stoppage was also copied by the private sector. Therefore, bank managers, factory foremen and sundry elites also stopped buying newspapers. Today, ignorance has become a fashionable pandemic in our country.Yet the country has no future if there is no serious investment in knowledge. Therefore, the Federal and state governments should go back to the old practice of creating access for government officials to get copies of newspapers and magazines. This will immediately boost the sales of copies of newspapers and magazines and it would help to inform the public about the activities of the government. This will indeed strengthen our democracy. But the republic would be in danger if the people are ignorant. An ignorant public can easily fall under the spell of falsehood and rumour and what has become commonly known as fake news. We cannot allow our country to be covered with the blanket of ignorance for that would endanger our democracy. The bulk of the assignment to rescue journalism from the thraldom of the challenging economic climate is with stakeholders in our profession. These are our colleagues in the Nigerian Union of Journalists, NUJ, the Guild of Editors, the Newspaper Proprietors Associations of Nigeria, NPAN, and the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria, BON. It is these organisations that can engage with the Federal and state governments to ensure that the old regime of supply of newspapers and magazines are restored to government establishments. It is also they who can reopen the old, almost forgotten cases of paper production in Nigeria. Today, an almost completed paper production industry is lying idle in the jungle of Iwopin, Ogun State and also Oku Iboku in Akwa-Ibom state. Millions of dollars have been sunk into these two industries and yet everyone is pretending that they don’t exist. It is time the NUJ and the NPAN raise the issue with the government. The cost of newspapers is prohibitive because every input into newspaper production is imported from other countries. The most important of these is the newsprint. Yet newsprints can be produced in Iwopin and Oku-Iboku. There was also the old paper mill at Jebba, Kwara State. There is no doubt that our country is passing through economic turbulence which is affecting the media seriously. Turbulence is part of existence. It is what propel societies to move forward and proffer solutions to problems. When the forefathers of Nigerian journalism gathered here in the 19th Century, it was to provide light, to dispel the darkness of ignorance. It is good we are drawing inspiration from this very spot where the light was ignited. From the light ignited here, every part of our country received light. Therefore, let us resolve to start applying solutions to make the journalists more secure and more prosperous in his job. One of the things the NUJ could do is that any media house that is employing at least 20 journalists must provide life insurance for them. This is the practice world-wide. Nigeria should not be an exception.There would be many things that would be affecting the fortunes of journalists in the new Internet Age. One is the growth of Citizen Journalism. There is hardly anything we can do about that. What we must focus on therefore is how to improve the quality and credibility of the traditional media so that Africa would not become the dumping ground of fake news and poisonous propaganda. You can imagine what has happened to the minds of some of our children that they would sell the houses of their parents and do unimaginable things so that they can finance their trips across the Sahara Desert to go to an uncertain future in Europe. In the past, Africans were taken by force to Europe to work as slaves in factories and farms. Today, the slaves pay their own fares.We who have not crossed the Mediterranean should be wary about some of our colleagues who have become enslaved by moral bankruptcy. They would not write a story or report an event unless they are bribed. They think journalism is an avenue for cheap money. Such moral bankruptcy is aided by the financial inability of many media houses to meet their obligations to their employees. This is a debilitating and corrosive situation that is digging at the foundation of journalism and undermining its professional integrity. I appeal to our leaders in the NUJ to confront this problem and reclaim the loss grounds of our professional reputation as the Fourth Estate of the Realm.We have a duty to create a future for journalism that would be better and greater than the past. At the height of his glory and power, Alhaji Babatunde Jose, the chairman and managing director of the Daily Times was said to have been offered the post of Prime-Minister in the military government of General Yakubu Gowon. That was in those days when diarchy, that is a combination of civilian and military regime, was being suggested for Nigeria. Jose was reported to have rejected the offer with the flat statement that “I would rather be the Managing Director of the Daily Times than be the Prime Minister of Nigeria.”Those were the days of yore. Now let us move forward to create a future greater and better than that past.OPINION
Nigeria’s Security: Between Self-defence and Community Policing

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi
As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.
These challenges are not confined to the North. In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape. Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security. He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.
OPINION
This Trial of Oloyede
By Tunde Akanni
It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.
I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanniOPINION
Democracy, Institutions, and the Rule of Law

By Kator Ifyalem
Democracy, often hailed as the cornerstone of modern governance, is a system that empowers citizens to participate in the decision-making processes that shape their lives. However, the mere existence of elections is not enough to ensure a fair, just, and prosperous society.
Without robust institutions, the rule of law, and ingrained values, democracy can become a hollow shell, susceptible to corruption, manipulation, and eventual collapse. At its core, democracy is built on the principle that power resides with the people. This power is exercised through fair elections, where citizens choose representatives to govern on their behalf. The effectiveness of this system relies heavily on the strength of supporting institutions, adherence to the rule of law, and shared values that guide societal behaviour.Institutions serve as the backbone of a democratic society, translating the will of the people into action. These include governmental bodies such as the legislature, executive, and judiciary, as well as independent organizations like electoral commissions, anti-corruption agencies, and human rights commissions. These institutions provide checks and balances, ensuring that no single entity or individual can accumulate too much power. They create a framework for accountability, transparency, and effective governance.An independent judiciary is crucial for upholding the constitution and protecting individual rights. Without it, laws can be manipulated or ignored by those in power, leading to tyranny. Similarly, a free and independent media acts as a watchdog, informing citizens and holding those in power accountable. When media institutions are weakened or controlled by vested interests, the flow of information is compromised, and citizens are unable to make informed decisions.The rule of law is another critical component of a functioning democracy. It ensures that all citizens, regardless of their status or position, are subject to the same laws and legal processes. This principle is fundamental to creating a fair and just society where everyone’s rights are protected. A robust legal framework, consistently and fairly enforced, provides the predictability and security necessary for social and economic development. It protects property rights, enforces contracts, and creates an environment conducive to investment and growth.Moreover, the rule of law is essential for protecting minority rights and preventing the tyranny of the majority. In a true democracy, the rights of all citizens must be respected, even if they are not part of the ruling majority. This protection is enshrined in laws and enforced through effective legal institutions.Values form the third pillar of an effective democracy. These shared beliefs and principles guide societal behaviour and inform policy-making. Democratic values include respect for human rights, tolerance of diversity, commitment to justice, and belief in the equality of all citizens. When these values are deeply ingrained, they act as a safeguard against authoritarian tendencies and help preserve the integrity of democratic institutions.For instance, a healthy democracy can be likened to a three-legged stool, where institutions, the rule of law, and democratic values form the legs. Just as a stool cannot stand stably without all three legs being strong and balanced, a democracy cannot function effectively if any of these elements is weak or missing. In Nigeria’s case, we’ve seen how weaknesses in one area, such as institutional challenges in election management, can put stress on the other legs, requiring the judiciary (rule of law) and civil society (democratic values) to bear more weight to maintain stability.Education plays a crucial role in instilling these values. A well-informed citizenry, aware of their rights and responsibilities, is better equipped to participate meaningfully in the democratic process. Civic education programs that teach the principles of democracy, the importance of institutions, and the value of the rule of law are essential for creating engaged and responsible citizens.The interplay between institutions, the rule of law, and values creates a self-reinforcing cycle that strengthens democracy. However, this cycle can also work in reverse. Weak institutions often lead to a breakdown in the rule of law, eroding democratic values and further weakening the system. This negative spiral will ultimately lead to the collapse of governance, even if the outward trappings of democracy remain.To prevent this decline, concerted effort is required on multiple fronts. Institutional capacity must be built and maintained through adequate funding, training, and support. The rule of law must be consistently enforced, with mechanisms in place to address corruption and abuse of power. This requires not only strong legal frameworks but also a commitment to their implementation.International cooperation also plays a role in strengthening democracy. Countries learn from each other’s experiences, share best practices, and provide support for development. However, it’s crucial to recognize that democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be nurtured from within.True democracy requires more than just the act of voting; it demands a comprehensive system of governance that respects the rights of all citizens, upholds justice, and promotes the common good. Strengthening these fundamental pillars (institutions, the rule of law, and values), is crucial in building more resilient, effective, and truly representative democracies that serve the needs of all citizens and contribute to global stability and prosperity. Where does Nigeria as a nation stand on this scale?