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OPINION

Tinubu and Stolen Voices

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By Wole Olaoye

Following the rather ‘impromptu’ manner of their hero’s declaration of interest in the presidency, shortly after informing President Buhari of his intention, Bola Tinubu’s supporters resorted to the old game of stealing the identities, voices and integrity of well regarded men of honour, purporting them to have endorsed Tinubu’s aspiration.

The ‘Jankara’ ambush started when the social media caught fire with a post indicating that Dr Akinwumi Adesina, president of the African Development Bank (AfDB), had endorsed Tinubu.

The post read: “If Senator Bola Tinubu could make Lagos the 5th richest economy in Africa and the safest state in Nigeria then be sure what he will do as Nigeria President, Akinwumi Adesina ~ 11/01/2022”.
(Copyright Adesina?)

Those who know Dr Adesina well swore that his standards were much higher than the opportunistic strain of contrived patriotism on offer in the political space in Nigeria. Adesina had earned a name as one of the best ministers of Agriculture that Nigeria ever had. Now he’s taking the African Development Bank to previously uncharted heights. He numbers among Nigeria’s greatest technocratic exports. Why would such a man literally jump the fence to endorse Tinubu?

A rebuttal came before the Tinubu gang could make any mileage from their fraud. But there was no letup. Shortly after, they targeted another big fish, Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka. I have, in the last couple of years, written about several groups stealing Wole Soyinka’s name and voice in pursuit of their villainous goals. But this is the first time the camp of a presidential aspirant is stealing Soyinka’s image (integrity, nobility of character, creativity, honour, global intellectual renown, etc.) to deodorise their candidate.

The clowns could not even write correct English. The least one would expect, in a situation where anyone is trying to attribute anything to Soyinka, is that the grammar would be correct. How in the world would the real Soyinka be caught saying, “I have never involve myself in politics or campaign for any politician, but in 2023 I will involve in politics and campaign for longtime friend in 1993 NADECO struggle. Nobel Laurel Professor Oluwole Soyinka,” (sic)

“Nobel Laurel?” Ho-ho! Playwright RB Sheridan would have pronounced a pox on the idiots who composed this cheap fakery. It is so idiotic, it is difficult to beat even in fiction!

The image and quote were shared all over social media in a programmed way to give maximum mileage to the malignant rumour. One would have thought that anyone interested in a political office would rely on his own integrity and track record, not steal the image and voices of his betters.

The inimitable Soyinka, tired of being a regular victim of these crooks, was roused to save his name. In his press statement, Soyinka said: “…One can only hope that the public has learnt to identify fake news and join in the urgent task of exposing and disgracing these despicable touts.”

The literary icon made his political stand clear, miffed as he was by the sheer illiteracy of the authors of the fakery: “For the avoidance of doubt, I have not even thought of 2023 much less inserted candidates into coveted positions.”

According to the professor, the message was an old recycled forgery that keeps popping up time and again. “Those who pass it round do themselves and their recipients a disservice. Find something worthwhile to occupy your time. In any case, we have no business with politics in the land of the dead and the most recent information I have on me is that I died some time last year….”

The level of perfidy and distortion of reality that some political desperadoes are ready to unleash on the society is staggering. The calculation of those who concoct these lies is that the eminent people whose names and voices have been stolen would feel ‘too big’ to descend into the gutter with the lie pedlars. What they don’t reckon with is that their victim needs not jump into the cesspit with them — he could simply reclaim his name and image, and leave the forgers in their habitual sludge. You can’t rescue a pig from the mud pit. It’s his habitat.

Many Nigerians have also been wondering about Tinubu’s unannounced visit to the president with the sole intention of intimating him with his ambition. Considering the fact that Nigeria’s system of government is more of what I have described over the years as Babacracy, instead of democracy, can one then interpret Tinubu’s visit as the visit of one aspiring Baba to an incumbent Baba in the spirit of Babacracy?

Oby Ezekwesili was not amused by some other ‘endorsements’, which seemed to take the electorate for granted. Her comment: “I watched one of those so-called ‘public analysts’ boast that, ‘Bola Tinubu has consulted the President. It is a given that Bola Tinubu will be the next President of Nigeria’”. She laments, “In a Democracy o! It’s not your fault.”

By jumping the gun, so to say, it seems Bola Tinubu is, this time, over-reaching himself like the proverbial gorilla which needed to wait for one more day for the magic potion transmuting him from animal to man to complete its work, but chose to dance in the market, half-man, half-animal. Now, Tinubu has activated his legion of foes ahead of time and the predictable bashing, muck-raking, and demystification has started in earnest.

One Jalingo-based Tanko Yusuf reminded Tinubu on social media that politics is not just a game of who declares first.

“In 1999, Bola Ige was the first to declare. In 2003, it was Abubakar Atiku. In 2007, it was Odili and Ibori. in 2011 it was Ribadu in front and in 2015, President Jonathan started the race before anyone could say Jack Robinson! In 2019, we all cannot forget quickly how Governor Fayose launched his campaign. What do they have in common? They were all losers!

Bola Tinubu is, to be sure, not anyone’s political spring chicken. He is one of the most experienced players in the political field. That is why the resort of his sympathisers to stealing the names and voices of eminent sons of the land is so unfortunate. I know that in a political grouping, there will be all sorts of characters, including low-lifers, whose only way of showing relevance is by using extra-legal means from their operational headquarters in the cesspit to support their boss. But it is the duty of every aspirant to draw the line and read the riot act to his followers.

From a professional viewpoint, I think Tinubu ought to issue a statement dissociating himself from any 419 statement of endorsement stealing other people’s names and fraudulently attempting to annex their goodwill.

I have argued in the past that by the very nature of Nigerian politics, people who excite extreme positive or negative passions in people don’t win the trophy at the end of the day. And that applies elsewhere also. Remember a lady called Hilary Clinton? But for the fact that her opponent in the U.S. presidential election was actually sworn in and went on to defecate all over the White House for four lamentable years, half of which tenure was virtually ‘Covidised’, many people would still have sworn that they were dreaming and that the rest of us should wake them up when the nightmare was over.

Tongues have been wagging that Tinubu’s visit to Buhari was to upstage another aspirant suspected of also nursing a presidential ambition and who seems to be in the good books of the president and his minders. Whatever may be the case, Tinubu has to be careful about his messaging. Yes, Nigerians are looking for a ready-made president, but they are not looking for a man who sees the office as the fulfilment of a personal ambition.

Commenting on Tinubu’s press conference after conferring with Buhari, Tanko Yusuf jeered: “Seating lonely in an empty room, with no political friends or associates, he came cap in hand to ask for permission to run for office from a man that didn’t need to give it, and left a resounding message: ‘this is about me, this is about my personal ambition’…

“It is good Asiwaju himself admitted he was saying the truth and nothing but the truth, when he spoke of his “lifelong personal ambition”. We have no problem with his ambition, we just want a president that wants the job because of us not because of himself!”

Tinubu is a cat with nine lives. My Biology teacher taught me that to land safely, every cat must conserve its angular momentum, rotate its body and slow its rate of rotation in such a way that it lands on its feet.

Every wise cat weighs its odds. Or does it?

Wole Olaoye is a public relations consultant and veteran journalist. He can be reached on wole.olaoye@gmail.com, Twitter: @wole_olaoye; Instagram: woleola2021.

OPINION

Nigeria’s Security: Between Self-defence and Community Policing

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By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi

As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.

These challenges are not confined to the North.
In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape.
Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security.
He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.

In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.

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OPINION

This Trial of Oloyede

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By Tunde Akanni

It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.

I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May.
“Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”.
I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage.
I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanni

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OPINION

Democracy, Institutions, and the Rule of Law

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Quest For Enduring Democracy in Nigeria
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By Kator Ifyalem

Democracy, often hailed as the cornerstone of modern governance, is a system that empowers citizens to participate in the decision-making processes that shape their lives. However, the mere existence of elections is not enough to ensure a fair, just, and prosperous society.

Without robust institutions, the rule of law, and ingrained values, democracy can become a hollow shell, susceptible to corruption, manipulation, and eventual collapse.
At its core, democracy is built on the principle that power resides with the people. This power is exercised through fair elections, where citizens choose representatives to govern on their behalf. The effectiveness of this system relies heavily on the strength of supporting institutions, adherence to the rule of law, and shared values that guide societal behaviour.
Institutions serve as the backbone of a democratic society, translating the will of the people into action. These include governmental bodies such as the legislature, executive, and judiciary, as well as independent organizations like electoral commissions, anti-corruption agencies, and human rights commissions. These institutions provide checks and balances, ensuring that no single entity or individual can accumulate too much power. They create a framework for accountability, transparency, and effective governance.An independent judiciary is crucial for upholding the constitution and protecting individual rights. Without it, laws can be manipulated or ignored by those in power, leading to tyranny. Similarly, a free and independent media acts as a watchdog, informing citizens and holding those in power accountable. When media institutions are weakened or controlled by vested interests, the flow of information is compromised, and citizens are unable to make informed decisions.The rule of law is another critical component of a functioning democracy. It ensures that all citizens, regardless of their status or position, are subject to the same laws and legal processes. This principle is fundamental to creating a fair and just society where everyone’s rights are protected. A robust legal framework, consistently and fairly enforced, provides the predictability and security necessary for social and economic development. It protects property rights, enforces contracts, and creates an environment conducive to investment and growth.Moreover, the rule of law is essential for protecting minority rights and preventing the tyranny of the majority. In a true democracy, the rights of all citizens must be respected, even if they are not part of the ruling majority. This protection is enshrined in laws and enforced through effective legal institutions.Values form the third pillar of an effective democracy. These shared beliefs and principles guide societal behaviour and inform policy-making. Democratic values include respect for human rights, tolerance of diversity, commitment to justice, and belief in the equality of all citizens. When these values are deeply ingrained, they act as a safeguard against authoritarian tendencies and help preserve the integrity of democratic institutions.For instance, a healthy democracy can be likened to a three-legged stool, where institutions, the rule of law, and democratic values form the legs. Just as a stool cannot stand stably without all three legs being strong and balanced, a democracy cannot function effectively if any of these elements is weak or missing. In Nigeria’s case, we’ve seen how weaknesses in one area, such as institutional challenges in election management, can put stress on the other legs, requiring the judiciary (rule of law) and civil society (democratic values) to bear more weight to maintain stability.Education plays a crucial role in instilling these values. A well-informed citizenry, aware of their rights and responsibilities, is better equipped to participate meaningfully in the democratic process. Civic education programs that teach the principles of democracy, the importance of institutions, and the value of the rule of law are essential for creating engaged and responsible citizens.The interplay between institutions, the rule of law, and values creates a self-reinforcing cycle that strengthens democracy. However, this cycle can also work in reverse. Weak institutions often lead to a breakdown in the rule of law, eroding democratic values and further weakening the system. This negative spiral will ultimately lead to the collapse of governance, even if the outward trappings of democracy remain.To prevent this decline, concerted effort is required on multiple fronts. Institutional capacity must be built and maintained through adequate funding, training, and support. The rule of law must be consistently enforced, with mechanisms in place to address corruption and abuse of power. This requires not only strong legal frameworks but also a commitment to their implementation.International cooperation also plays a role in strengthening democracy. Countries learn from each other’s experiences, share best practices, and provide support for development. However, it’s crucial to recognize that democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be nurtured from within.True democracy requires more than just the act of voting; it demands a comprehensive system of governance that respects the rights of all citizens, upholds justice, and promotes the common good. Strengthening these fundamental pillars (institutions, the rule of law, and values), is crucial in building more resilient, effective, and truly representative democracies that serve the needs of all citizens and contribute to global stability and prosperity. Where does Nigeria as a nation stand on this scale?

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