OPINION
Tinubu and the Ajaokuta Steel Company Completion Challenge
By Martha Agas
The Ajaokuta Steel Company Ltd (ASCL) as the name implies, is located in Ajaokuta, in the north central state of Kogi, on 24,000 hectares of land was established in 1979 by the government of President Shehu Shagari.
It was meant to drive Nigeria’s modernity through industrialisation.
The steel plant is not just a rolling mill but an integrated iron and steel plant with about 43 units.By design, it has four rolling mills: the Billet Mills, the Light section Mill (LSM), the Wire Rod Mill and the Medium section and Structural Mill.
They are all envisaged to facilitate numerous socio economic benefits to the country and enhance the nation’s productive capacity through its integration with other industrial sectors.
This is in addition to serving as a means of saving and earning foreign exchange.
Besides supplying materials for infrastructure development, the plant is expected to produce 10,000 direct jobs in its first phase. The multiplier effect is projected to generate an additional 500,000 indirect jobs.
Before the Shagari administration was ousted by the junta in1983, it was 84 per cent completed and by 1994, it was 98 per cent completed.
However, the project could not continue due to a lack of funds, mismanagement and legal battles.
Unfortunately, what was meant to be Nigeria`s pride, 40 years later, remains in a comatose as efforts by past governments to complete its construction and resuscitate the then functional parts yielded no result.
While previous efforts and promises to resuscitate the plant may seems cliché, President Bola Tinubu`s assured that a significant difference would be seen before his tenure expires.
This aligns with his vision of the renewed hope agenda which has economic diversification as one of its major flanks.
The target is to grow the economy of Nigeria to more than one trillion dollars by the end of its first term.
When Tinubu took the helm of the nation`s affairs on May 29, 2023, he promised to remodel Nigeria`s economy to bolster growth and development.
He also said that his industrial policy would utilise the full range of fiscal measures to promote domestic manufacturing and lessen import dependency.
To achieve this feat, he embarked on reforms and initiatives aimed at rejuvenating the economy and promoting industrialisation in Nigeria.
However, for this to happen, the iron and steel industry must be priortised and fully developed because of its crucial role in achieving this feat.
The president emphasised the importance of a revitalised steel industry, as a catalyst for robust economic growth and a gateway to immense opportunities for Nigeria’s vast pool of talented entrepreneurs.
In line with this, the president established the Ministry of Steel Development in August 2023, to champion the vision and work on the improvement of all steel and metallic resources in the country for economic growth.
The ministry`s mandates include to resuscitate the Ajaokuta steel company and the National Iron Ore Mining Company (NIOMCO) Itakpe, and also to revive the steel industry.
The move is also in keeping to his campaign promise of resuscitating the Ajaokuta Steel Company by the end of his second term, aimed at creating 500,000 jobs to lift Nigerians out of poverty.
For a company that has been in comatose for 40 years, resuscitating it requires courage and political will which the Tinubu administration appears to have.
Experts estimate that a minimum of two billion dollars is required to resuscitate it.
Discussions with the original equipment builders of the steel plant, Russian company, Tyamzhpromexport (TPE) to complete the job they started 45 years ago are on-going.
Although the Chinese, Indian and Arab companies have indicated interest, to handle the job, the Russian consortium, comprising a team from Russia’s TPE/Rostec, Novostal, and Nigeria’s Proforce, are chiselling out a blueprint for the revival of the plant.
To demonstrate his commitment to the resuscitation, Tinubu appointed an indigene of Kogi, Prince Shuiabu Audu, as the Minister of Steel Development.
It is projected that his success would be a source of pride to Nigeria, and particularly to his kinsmen, whom he would not want to disappoint.
When Audu took office, he said the ministry would adopt a collegiate approach to reviving the plant by exploring all realistic means.
One of the approaches is a three-year roadmap of short and medium term plans.
Under the arrangement, due to the substantial amount involved, the units would be concessioned to investors with core competence to manage them.
At the ministerial sector update on the performance of the Tinubu`s administration, Audu said he directed that while navigating through resolving broader issues, the challenges that could be resolved in immediate term should be addressed.
In line with the directive, the minister set in motion the revival of the Light Mill Section (LSM) of the plant, projected to produce 400,000 metric tonnes of iron rods per annum.
These rods would be used for the construction of 30,000 KM of roads across the six geopolitical zones in the President`s first term.
This is part of the concrete road revolution of the renewed hope agenda of the president.
The construction is estimated to require seven million metric tonnes of iron rods over the four year period, about which Shuiabu mentioned talks have been held with the Minister of Works.
He added that Ajaokuta can produce 400,000 tonnes of it, and although it is a small amount, the president wants the company to supply some of the rods needed for Federal Government projects.
In realising this feat, the minister obtained presidential approval to raise private capital to restart the LSM.
“We are at the final stages of raising over N35 billion from a local financial institution, which is around 25 million US dollars to be able to restart the light section mill of the complex so that we can produce iron rods.
“The local financial institution has given us a final offer which I have done a cover letter and forwarded the relevant documents to the minister of finance to be able to take the financing on behalf of the federal government.
“This is through signed promissory notes that will be discounted and provided for the Ajaokuta mill to be able to get back on track in terms of the iron rods production.
“That light section mill has the capacity to produce up to 400,000 metric tonnes of iron rods per annum,“ he said.
He said that the Federal Government plans to establish Ajaokuta as a Free Trade Zone to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and to diversify the country`s economy.
“Part of the plan is to designate the 24,000 hectare land of Ajaokuta as an Industrial Park and create a Free Trade Zone to further attract Foreign Direct Investment’’, he said.
The second stage of the plant`s resuscitation involves producing military hardware.
The Federal Government has taken steps to begin the production of military hardware in the Ajaokuta Steel Complex, as the Ministries of Steel Development and Defence are set to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) for the implementation.
The plant has engineering workshops with the capacity to manufacture hardware for the military under the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) Act.
Stakeholders observe that the move is timely, considering Nigeria`s enormous security challenges.
The minister mentioned that the Metallurgical Development Centre in Jos has the capability to provide the Lead and Zinc required to produce military hardware such as rifles, vests, helmets and bullets, among other things in the Ajaokuta Steel Complex.
While these stages are in motion, discussions have begun on reviving the 110 megawatt power plant in Ajaokuta, which can supply power not only to the plant but also to the national grid.
Due to the difficulties in securing funds to implement the plan, the minister is spearheading some initiatives for public-private partnerships.
In this framework, the asset would serve as collateral, enabling private investors to provide financing and expertise to rehabilitate the power plant.
The potential investors include Transcorp Power, Niger Delta Power Holding and Reticulated Global Engineering.
But while these efforts are on-going, there are myths surrounding the delay in the completion of the plant.
Leaders of Geregu and Ajaokuta, the company’s host communities, said in the past that the non-completion was due to mystical forces arising from the neglect of the communities.
They still live with the unfulfilled promises made to them of road construction and rehabilitation, the repair of their schools and other developmental projects. They say the gods must be pacified to make any tangible progress.
The Chairman of Geregu Community Association, Alhaji Idris Aliyu, said that the ancestors are not happy because the agreement reached when the company acquired their lands in 1976 has not been implemented.
He urged that their bad roads be fixed and schools repaired as promised.
While these claims may not be empirical, it is important that all necessary land compensation be fulfilled and basic amenities provided for the communities.
After decades of delay, will Tinubu deliver on his promise or will the long wait continue? (NAN Features)
By Patricia Amogu
In the face of Nigeria’s deepening security crisis, marked by terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, and communal violence, a glimmer of hope is on the horizon as homegrown security innovations gain momentum.These indigenous initiatives are gradually taking centre stage, lifting the spirits of millions and giving balance to the lives of many vulnerable and displaced communities across the country.
Recently, a groundbreaking collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) birthed the first and largest indigenous attack drones and bomb systems in Nigeria and Africa. Unveiled at the company’s Abuja headquarters, this cutting-edge technology is being hailed by stakeholders as a potential game changer in the fight against insurgency and organised crime.According to Mr Bright Echefu, Chairman of EIB Group and founder of Briech UAS, the innovation became imperative as extremist groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP increasingly weaponised commercial drones to spy on troops, coordinate ambushes, and conduct aerial attacks.“Our enemies are adapting fast; they are using off-the-shelf drones to launch crude but deadly strikes.“We cannot afford to rely on outdated tools anymore,” he said.Echefu said that as Nigeria continued to invest in indigenous defense manufacturing, the country might potentially become a player in defence and security issues of many countries.Of interest, the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) characterises Nigeria’s security situation as complex and deteriorating, citing armed banditry and widespread kidnappings as the leading causes of instability.Available data indicates that in 2023 alone, more than 75 per cent of conflict-related deaths were reported in the northern region.Attacks by Islamist groups, counter-insurgency operations, separatist tensions, and herder-farmer clashes continue to fuel widespread displacement and humanitarian distress.The North-East, in particular, has seen entire communities fleeing for safety as armed groups impose levies and destroy essential infrastructure.According to EUAA figures, more than 21,000 Nigerians applied for asylum in the EU+ between January 2023 and March 2024, signaling a troubling trend of migration driven by insecurity.A security expert said Briech UAS’s new technology promised to enhance Nigeria’s ability to detect, deter, and respond to security threats in real-time.“For the fast rising tech company, some features stand out an advanced surveillance and thermal imaging for wide-area monitoring, real-time intelligence gathering to support on-ground tactical operations, rapid response capabilities to intercept or neutralise threats before escalation and cost-effective, scalable solutions for ongoing border and community surveillance“These drones also have potential applications beyond combat, such as disaster response, infrastructure inspection, and search-and-rescue efforts.“As traditional security methods struggle to match the speed and complexity of modern threats, indigenous technological solutions like Briech’s are increasingly vital.“The partnership with the Nigerian Army reflects a broader strategic shift—one that embraces innovation, local expertise, and adaptive warfare tactics to restore safety and rebuild public confidence.“As Briech UAS positions Nigeria at the forefront of drone-powered security innovation in Africa, citizens and stakeholders alike are watching with cautious optimism there is a dim light at the end of the tunnel,’’ he said.The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Christopher Musa, described the initiative as a significant step in Nigeria’s journey toward self-reliance in defence technology and national security enhancement.He said that the innovation was a game-changer in an era of complex and asymmetric security threats, emphasising the significance of producing local military solutions, especially in the face of global politics and procurement challenges.“These force multipliers will play a vital role in enhancing the operational effectiveness of our military, particularly in a world where global politics surrounding the procurement of advanced military hardware have become more intricate.’’The CDS said that countries that did not produce such solutions faced bureaucratic bottlenecks and diplomatic hurdles when acquiring the critical platforms.“We are facing such challenges directly, if you do not produce what you need, you will be at the mercy of others, even when you have the financial resources to acquire them,” he said.He said that the drones would help Nigeria respond swiftly to security challenges, cutting down on dependence on foreign equipment.In his submission at the unveiling, Gov. Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau said that homegrown solutions had great impact for the country’s security needs.He emphasised on the importance of protecting national sovereignty and safeguarding the country from activities of non-state actors.“We have made a mistake by allowing non-state actors to acquire capabilities that rival those of state actors,” Mutfwang said.He said that Plateau was actively working with local manufacturers like Briech UAS, with drones already deployed in the state, improving the effectiveness of security operations.Deserving no less attention, Echefu, during a media tour of the firm’s security facilities, said that through innovation and advanced technology, Nigeria could handle its security challenges.According to him, the company provides intelligence support for Nigeria’s security agencies though digital forensics, tracking and critical assets as well as supply of combat and surveillance drones.He said it manufactured Arginin Reconnaissance Drones configured for high-performance reconnaissance and surveillance missions.“The company also produces Arsenio BFLY and Xander Reconnaissance drones among other super precise attack drones that can navigate difficult environments.“These systems are crucial in combating insurgent groups, adopting different drones for reconnaissance and attack missions.“The primary purpose was to demonstrate the capabilities of the security apparatus deployed to fight insurgency, its potential is to enhance counter-insurgency operations and mitigate the threats posed by insurgent groups.“The significance of this effort lies in stressing the potential of the equipment to enhance intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities.’’Echefu said the tools would also improve force protection and reduce troop casualties by minimising reliance on manned reconnaissance missions.According to him, the use of commercial drones by insurgent groups presents significant challenges for security forces.“To address this, the security apparatus is leveraging technologies like drone detection and jamming systems, improved intelligence gathering, and counter-drone systems.“The system will generate insights from the collected data, allowing for better decision-making and improved resource allocation.“This system will provide at-a-glance dashboards showing the status and location of monitored items, including parameters like satellite imagery and intelligence gathering capabilities to support security agencies,’’ he said.Echefu said with the right support and increased investment, indigenous companies had the capacity to provide the needed logistics support to the military in the fight against insecurity.He acknowledged the support from government to the indigenous security firms and called for more policies to foster Nigerian companies’ growth, especially those in defence and security sector.“I can tell you that I am not the only one that is into supporting the various sectors, by local activities, local productions; there is a lot going on. People are even producing tractors in Nigeria now.“Nigeria has 100 per cent capacity right now to end this urgency with the number of local companies that are investing heavily.“The Nigerian military strongly supports local manufacturers through research collaboration and support,” Echefu said.Security analysts are of the view that more states should embrace drones for comprehensive surveillance, especially for hard-to-reach areas.They say collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech will boost cross-border counter-terrorism operations and strengthen internal control over weapons systems and logistics. (NAN)
By Simbo Olorunfemi
Much has been made of Justice Binta Nyako’s judgement in the case of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan v The Clerk of the National Assembly of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and others. Many have argued that it is the ambiguity, non-definitive, and non-declaratory nature of the ‘judgment’ that has led to the confusion that has since then ensued, culminating in the embarrassing public spectacle we witnessed a few days ago.
Having now taken time to review the full judgment, not just the extracts that first came out, I have come to a different conclusion on the matter. Rather, I am of the opinion that what we are dealing with is a case of contrived ambiguity and manufactured confusion. A dispassionate reading can only lead one willing to learn to clarity. There is nothing ambiguous or confusing in that judgment.All that is needed is to situate the judgment in the proper context of the circumstances that led to the cause of action, pay attention to the reliefs sought by the plaintiff, bearing in mind that the Court is no Father Christmas, before reading the decisions of the court. That done, it becomes obvious that, but for a deliberate attempt at mischief, there is nothing that should have triggered the confusion that we have witnessed in the matter.Dial back to the very beginning. The senator had raised hell on the floor of the Senate about the reassignment of seats, insisting on speaking from a seat not assigned to her, while holding on to Order 10 of the Senate rules. Every effort, within and outside the chambers, to make her understand that while Order 10 offers her the privilege to speak at ‘anytime’, that privilege is itself contingent upon speaking from her assigned seat, in accordance with the rules.She not only refused to abide by the rules on the day, but she also followed up with a radio interview. A motion was subsequently moved by another senator, stating that his privilege had been breached, leading to the matter being referred to the Committee on Ethics and Privileges, which then invited her to appear before it. Rather than do so, she opted to approach the Court.She sought the court to protect her right to a fair hearing and privileges under Orders 9, 10, and 11, arguing that a combined reading of these orders ought to have served as cover for her actions on the floor of the Senate and protected her from being referred to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.In other words, her suit was virtually a carryover of her argument on the floor of the Senate, and subsequently in public fora, that by virtue of Order 10, she had a right to speak from wherever she chose. It is on the basis of, and around this, that she filed an action seeking six reliefs.It is instructive that the Court didn’t find merit in any of the reliefs she sought, thereby comprehensively ruling in favour of the Senate, asserting its rights to set its rules, discipline its members, and pointing out that the Senate President is vested with the right to assign and reassign seats. It also affirmed that members can only speak from assigned seats, and that it is within the rights and purview of the Senate to refer the senator to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.In the words of the court (CAPS mine for emphasis): “In the circumstances of this case, as rightly contended by the Defendants, an invitation to appear before an Ethics Committee of the Senate is a CLEAR MANIFESTATION OF PROCEDURAL FAIRNESS, NOT A BREACH OF IT. From a careful reading of the Originating Summons, there exists no allegation whatsoever to the effect that the Defendants contravened…statutory or constitutional provisions as the crux of this action is hinged solely on protection of parliamentary privilege on the floor of Senate. It cannot be the intendment of Section 36(1) of the 1999 Constitution that this Court has powers to entertain complaint against any and every discussions/written communication arising from plenary sessions of the 2nd defendant. If it were the case, then this Honourable Court would know no rest.”It is safe to say that the Court resolved all the issues raised in favour of the Senate (even partly affirming the argument raised by the parliament in its preliminary objection on the lack of jurisdiction). Even on the matter of contempt filed by the Senate President on 5th May, seeking five reliefs, the Court, in protest of the 27th April satirical apology of the senator, found her guilty of contempt, fined and ordered her to issue a public apology.There is therefore no confusion, from the judgment as seen, that all the direct reliefs sought by the senator were denied and orders to that effect expressly made.Justice Binta Nyako might have simply wrapped it up, but it is my opinion that, having reviewed the rules of the Senate and out of consideration for the constituents in Kogi State, she then ventured further to offer an opinion on the extensive powers of the Senate, which allows it to suspend a member ad infinitum. Bear in mind that there was no relief directly sought in this regard. The Court only decided to widen the scope of consideration, and in that light, the Justice argued that “to make a LAW THAT HAS NO END IS EXCESSIVE and cannot be the intendment of the law,” thus imploring the Senate to EXERCISE ITS POWER to review the rules and recall the senator.These are the words of Justice Binta Nyako in that regard. (CAPS mine for emphasis): “On the issue of denial of the Plaintiff to the representation of her Senatorial District without inspiring the function of the NASS, I will give and say due to the gravity of the issue, I have read in its entirety, the Senate Rules under which the Plaintiff was suspended, thus denying the representation of her Senatorial District.“I believe that the constitution, Legislative House (Powers & Privileges) Act, nor the Senate Rules will not intend for that to happen. I have read with interest, Chapter ix (8) of the Senate Rules and Section 14(2) of the Legislative House (Powers & privileges) Act ix (8) allows the Senate to suspend a senator until a time determined by the Senate ad infinitum while S.14(2) allows for suspension of a member (Senator) in similar terms, even without pay.“I do not think the constitution envisages this.“A Senator is expected to represent his people in either Legislative house for a specific number of days per session. If any suspension is UNWARRANTED, then I OPINE that the Act and the Senate Rules should also be specific and not live it at large. A suspension cannot exceed the requisite number of days the member should sit. The constitution says a legislative year is 181 days and the house should sit for this number of days. This makes it at least 36.2 weeks in a year, which is a session. To suspend a member for 6 months means suspension for 180 days and this is half the number of days the member is expected to sit in the House representing his people.“I do not think this is the intention of the framer of the law. To make a LAW THAT HAS NO END IS EXCESSIVE and cannot be the intendment of the law. I AM OF THE OPINION that the Senate has the POWER TO REVIEW this provision of the Senate Rules and even amend Section 14(2) of the Legislative Houses (Powers & Privileges) Act, both for being over-reaching. The Senate has the power to and I believe should recall the plaintiff and allow her to same time, represent the people who sent her there to represent them.”I believe that what the Court did was to, out of compassion, offer a lifeline to the senator, in realisation that this was a difficult situation. The court has clearly established the powers of the Senate and that it has not contravened its rules and the law in this instance. I believe that offering that opinion was the Court’s way of asking the Senate to temper justice with mercy.I believe that if that judgment had been accepted with a bit of contrition and humility, and there had not been the rush to foist a different interpretation on it, as is obvious to some of us who have read it, thereby reading into the decision of the court what was not there, we might not be where we are today. I believe a more diplomatic approach might have served as a lifeline for a rapprochement between the senator and the Senate.An apology to the Court, as ordered, and an apology to the Senate, as had been requested by the Senate, could have followed suit, and that would have offered an opportunity for a dignified closure to this phase of an embarrassingly mismanaged fight.I do not see how enlisting the services of social media influencers and full-time activists can help turn a recommendation into an order. There is a time for everything. No matter how far one might have gone in a particular direction, there is always an opportunity to retreat, rethink, and re-strategise.Simbo Olorunfemi works for Hoofbeatdotcom, a Nigerian communications consultancy and publisher of Africa Enterprise. Email: Editor@enterpriseafrica.ng
By Efe Omoghene
Rural communities across Nigeria’s Middle Belt and the North, which were once the major cities’ food pipeline, are now struggling to feed themselves. Thriving farmlands now bear the weight of fear and insecurity. With each disrupted planting season, the country edges closer to a more profound food security crisis, exacerbating what began as a regional instability into a nationwide emergency.
Incessant attacks have led to deaths and the displacement of farming communities in states that contribute significantly to Nigeria’s agricultural output. In June alone, attacks in Benue State, the “Food Basket of the Nation”, claimed dozens of lives and uprooted entire communities. While these incidents are heartbreaking, they are not new; we are only witnessing frequent recurrence. This troubling pattern of insecurity continues to force farmers off their land, disrupt food production, and weaken the nation’s ability to feed itself.Statistics from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre show that an estimated 295,000 internal displacements related to conflicts and violence were reported in Nigeria in 2024 alone. This includes the states of Benue, Borno, Katsina, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara. This is not just a crisis of safety; it’s a crisis of sustenance.For years, states such as Benue, Kaduna, Niger, Plateau, and Zamfara have been key food-producing regions, responsible for much of Nigeria’s grains, roots, fruits, and livestock. However, these areas are increasingly becoming places where violence has made farming a risky endeavour. Clashes between herders and farmers, banditry, terrorism, and communal violence have transformed fertile lands into contested zones. When farmers fear for their safety, they often cease farming or abandon their land altogether.The impact is already being felt. Markets are seeing rising prices on staple foods like yams, rice, and tomatoes. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, the cost of beans in the country in October 2024 was 282 per cent higher compared to the same period in 2023.The Food and Agriculture Organisation’s trend analysis for the north-eastern states indicates persistently high or increasing levels of food insecurity since 2018. The number of people needing urgent aid has increased by at least four million annually during the lean seasons since June 2020. Additionally, the north-west and parts of the north-central regions now exhibit critical levels of severe food insecurity and malnutrition, identifying them as major hunger hotspots requiring urgent attention from policymakers.A study revealed that 52.44 per cent of respondents in Niger State experienced food insecurity due to various insecurity activities such as blocking local routes, killings, kidnapping, and disruption of market functions. Insurgencies in the North Central states have also contributed to rising poverty levels among livestock farming households, with 83.84 per cent of livestock farmers participating in a study reporting significant declines in livestock production due to insurgency.If this pattern continues unchecked, the consequences could be long-term. More families will face hunger, and young people will leave rural areas for safety and work, draining the agricultural workforce in rural communities. Dependence on humanitarian aid will rise, and the burden on government resources will increase.This year, Nigeria is already projected to face a significant hunger gap, with up to 33 million people at risk of acute food insecurity in the lean season (between June and August), according to the FAO. This represents a seven million-person increase from the same period in 2023.Food security is not solely the government’s responsibility. It is a basic human right and our collective responsibility. Relying solely on farmers in distressed areas is not a very practical approach. Thankfully, the country is not in a hopeless situation.Across Nigeria, there are numerous examples of humanitarian and community-led peacebuilding efforts in action, and Sahel Consulting is proud to be part of this momentum. We are actively collaborating with local and international partners to develop practical solutions in the food value chain, empowering farmers and strengthening agribusinesses across Nigeria.Through our programs in dairy, seed, tuber, and policy systems, we are facilitating the increase in productivity, improving market access, and building capacity at the grassroots level. Whether it’s training dairy farmers in Adamawa, scaling clean seed yam innovations in Benue, advancing true potato seed systems in Plateau, or improving livestock nutrition through feed and fodder initiatives, our work is rooted in collaboration, innovation, and long-term impact.Similar efforts are taking shape through the work of the Gates Foundation. Gates Ag One, in partnership with the Institute for Agricultural Research at the Ahmadu Bello University, Kaduna State, is providing farmers with access to improved seed varieties for crops like beans and maize, engineered to resist pests and withstand drought. The foundation also funds projects to enhance livestock productivity and strengthen dairy value chains.State governments have also started implementing policies to support ranching to address farmer-herder conflicts and enhance agricultural productivity. Eleven states, including Anambra, Bauchi, Delta, Jigawa, Kano, Lagos, Niger, Nasarawa, Ondo, Plateau, and Zamfara, are either allocating land for ranches, developing policies, or committing to do so in the future. This initiative is part of a broader shift from open grazing to more modern, sustainable ranching practices. Farmer-herder dialogues, early warning systems, and conflict mediation groups have all demonstrated promise.Private organisations are also collaborating with ministries, agencies, and local partners to support resilient food systems through training, innovation, and market access.This is by no means the end of the story. While these efforts are commendable, their impact is not particularly noticeable vis-à-vis the insecurity, as they are implemented in isolation and on a relatively small scale. The real challenge, and opportunity, lies in collaboratively scaling initiatives that are working. For lasting change, we need to invest more in proven interventions. Government policies must be supported by robust implementation strategies, and private and development actors must be empowered to apply these models in more communities across the country.It is not enough to initiate these projects; we must establish frameworks that ensure they are sustainable, community-led, and responsive to the realities of the local communities. Clear safeguards and inclusive principles must be in place, especially in areas where displacement and land rights are already sensitive issues. Any solution must consider the voices of host communities and guarantee mutual benefit.Let’s focus on what’s already showing promise, such as improved seed distribution, inclusive value chain optimisations, and community-based peacebuilding. But let’s also be honest: we need to do much more, and we must do it together.The key is to make human security a foundation, not an afterthought, for agricultural development. Farmers need more than seeds and tools. They need to know that if they invest in their land, neither their lives nor their farms will be lost to violence; if they plant, they will live to harvest.Food security starts with human security. When fields are safe, they flourish. And when rural communities thrive, the whole country benefits—from Lagos to Maiduguri, Port Harcourt to Makurdi.Efe Omoghene is the strategic communications officer with Sahel Consulting
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