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OPINION

Tinubu and the Supplementary Budget: Matters Arising

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By Reuben Abati

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu recently proposed to the National Assembly a N2.18 trillion supplementary budget, the details of which have generated much interest in the public domain, especially those aspects of the budget relating to expenditures not considered of urgent importance but which have now been reintroduced into the existing framework.

During the campaigns for the 2023 presidential election, Tinubu as a candidate had promised that he, as someone with a financial background, would pay careful attention to Nigeria’s borrowing profile, and that he would not increase the country’s debt burden by borrowing more for reasons of consumption.

At the time, Nigeria’s debt burden was a problem: the external debt stock was about $41.69 billion in 2022, while the domestic public debt stock was in excess of US$100 billion.

The country’s Debt Management Office (DMO) even argued that the debt was sustainable, and that Nigeria in fact had one of the lowest debt-to-GDP ratios in Africa: in 2022, the debt-to-GDP ratio in Africa was 56 per cent, but in Nigeria it was 38 per cent.

 It was argued that Nigeria’s debt-carrying capacity was still strong. The World Bank recommends a tolerable debt-to-GDP ratio of 77 per cent. We were told that debt should not be a problem, after all the United States has a debt-to-GDP ratio of over 120 per cent, and the country still functions.

The counterpoint to this, however, is the debt-service ratio. It was established by professional economists and the opposition in 2023 that debt-service was/is the major problem. In 2021, Nigeria was spending about 19 per cent of its revenue on debt service; in 2023, this had increased to more than 90 per cent.

Nigeria, in 2023, had the fourth lowest revenue-to-GDP ratio in the world. Government revenue as a percentage of GDP is indeed abysmally low. With uncertainties in oil and gas revenues, and crude oil theft in the Niger Delta, Nigeria today is not so certain about its revenues. The default position has been to pay more attention to tax revenue.

Given this background, it is right to assume that the major priority for the Tinubu administration would be to address Nigeria’s debt burden and not worsen it, manage inherited circumstances prudently and give the people hope that there is truly a new dispensation in town.

Nigerians during the elections, beyond partisan considerations, had hoped that the new administration that would emerge would reduce the cost of poverty, generate employment, promote economic growth, give jobs to the people, and generally reduce the cost of governance.

There seems to have been a pervasive consensus that Nigeria is on the brink of insolvency, and that a new government by whatever label must act differently. The problem is not that President Tinubu asked for a supplementary budget. The questions are for what, how and why? At the recent presidential retreat for leaders of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), which had been long awaited and unnecessarily delayed, but which was better later than never all the same, the President said that borrowing is not a crime and that he is determined to borrow and increase Nigeria’s debt profile, more or less.

Even the dumbest economist on the street would tell you that countries can always borrow, but such borrowings must place the country in a situation where it can pay its debts, create budget surpluses, invest in infrastructure and support small businesses. A country can also borrow to diversify the economy for tangible benefits. No serious country borrows for luxury, consumption, or to indulge the taste of the men in power.

The current controversy about the Tinubu administration’s request for a N2.18 trillion supplementary budget must be seen in this light. The communication process has been bad. The management of the aftermath has equally been negligent. The details go beyond what is in the public domain.

The breakdowns show that the Federal Government is looking for more money for the Defence Headquarters, the Nigerian Army, Nigeria Navy, Nigerian Airforce, Defence Intelligence Agency, Police formations and command, the Federal Capital City Administration, Office of the National Security Adviser, Department of State Services, State House, Federal Ministry of Works; construction of highways in the North-East, North-West, South-East, South-West, South-South; agriculture, bridge interventions, and the Federal Ministry of Housing.

 It must be noted that Nigerians have not complained about aspects of this supplementary budget that would be of benefit to the Nigerian people. They have complained however about aspects of the budget relating to luxury items, particularly with regard to the needs of the Nigerian Presidency, namely: the proposed request for N4 billion for the renovation of the residential quarters for the President in Abuja; renovation of the residential quarters of the Vice President (Abuja) – N2.5 billion; renovation of Dodan Barracks, Lagos, official residence of the President – N4 billion; renovation of official quarters of the VP (Lagos) – N3 billion; construction of office complex in the Presidential Villa – N4 billion; purchase of presidential yacht – N5 billion; purchase of vehicles for the Office of First Lady – N1.5 billion; purchase of SUVs for the Presidential Villa – N2.9 billion; and replacement of operational vehicles for the Presidency – N2.9 billion. These details have sparked outrage, and in an understandable sense.

When President Tinubu assumed office on 29 May, he declared to Nigerians that fuel subsidy was gone. This has brought great and untold hardships upon the people: increase in the cost of living, with headline inflation now at over 26 per cent, the highest in 18 years; crisis with the naira, which has been yo-yo-ing against the dollar, further driving up the cost of living and the widespread pandemic of poverty in the country.

The consistent message by the Tinubu administration is that the people should be prepared to make necessary sacrifices: things may be rough, we have been told, but they will get better surely, so we the people must be patient. The sheer commonsense of it would be that while the people of Nigeria are facing serious hardship, their leaders who are prescribing austerity would also demonstrate that they are with them, on their side, and ready to suffer along with the people, until the country gets out of the woods.

More so, they have a President who has been there at the battle front of democracy, at the barricades, and who cannot claim that he does not understand how the people feel. His wife even recently boasted that she and her family do not need Nigeria’s money. So, what is the problem? Why do they want new cars and renovated quarters? Why can’t they wait?

The problem is that the President is sending wrong signals with regard to the issues highlighted above that need to be addressed. There is a tendency for people in government to live in the Rose Garden and dismiss the people as ignorant. This would be a wrong approach as it was in the past, as it is now, as it would always be. The people have both the need and the right to know.

At the risk of over-simplification, it is the duty of the government to continuously explain to the people and re-build their trust and confidence, even when the matter appears mundane, self-evident, and self-explanatory. One of the major risks of democracy is that those who govern may be dealing with a patently dumb population, but the people must never be treated as dumb, because they may be quick to learn and ask the right questions and their dumbness could become historical wisdom. True sovereignty in that regard belongs to the people. Power belongs to the people, as the lesson has been learnt in such places as France in 1789, 1830, and 1848; and in Brazil in 1835, 1964 and 1972.

It is therefore important to listen carefully to what the people of Nigeria are saying. They seem to be saying that it is wrong for President Tinubu to tell them during the campaigns that brought him into office that he will reduce Nigeria’s debt stock, and would focus more on productivity, then now come around to announce that borrowing is not a crime.

 Nobody has ever said that borrowing is a crime. It is what you do with the borrowed funds that matter; and when you make a promise, you keep it – as a matter of honour. We admit that most of the details in the supplementary budget are not controversial, except those sections relating to luxury.

 New vehicles for the office of the First Lady! ‘What on earth is that?’, an average Nigerian who is finding it difficult to buy an ordinary recharge card, or buy fuel, is bound to ask. They didn’t vote for Mrs Tinubu, they seem to be asking. So why should her office show up in the budget of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? Again, the State House wants to change vehicles? Nigerians have had cause to draw attention to the example of President Hakainde Hichilema of Zambia who refused to change official vehicles after assuming office.

There is a video of the Zambia President out there, which simply says he wants to serve, not to indulge in the pleasures of office. For those who are in doubt, at least one Nigerian newspaper has written a full editorial on the subject: The Daily Trust asks: “Why should the Presidency make a budget for a new fleet of cars for the First Lady’s entourage? What happened to the vehicles used by former First Lady Aisha Buhari? What happened to the pool cars used by former President Muhammadu Buhari? What happened to the cars used by former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo? How many times will the Presidential lodges be renovated?” (Monday, 6 November).

 But what really stands out, and looks like a scandal is the reported plan to buy a yacht for the President under the budget of the Nigerian Navy. A Yacht for the President, at a time when the people find it difficult to pay for transportation? The outrage has been loud and deafening.

As it happened, the House of Representatives resolved that the N5 billion earmarked for this yacht should be added to the proposed supplementary budget for students’ loans – in itself another controversial proposal, with the details so opaque. A budget is a proposal after all.

It is not binding until it is appropriated by the National Assembly. But the narrative that later came out is that the controversial Presidential Naval Yacht was actually ordered by the Nigerian Navy under the previous Buhari administration. It was delivered in June. It showed up in the 2022 Supplementary Budget proposed by President Tinubu because Nigeria has an obligation to pay on delivery.

International transactions are governed by strict laws under the rules of international trade. Without being pedantic by quoting the rules and structures of international trade, it looks like in this particular transaction, Nigeria has bought itself a presidential yacht. The country has an obligation to pay. The documents of sale have been received. The yacht has been delivered, and this really looks like a CIF sale. The seller is not obliged to worry about Nigeria’s domestic politics. The details of the contract of sale not being in the public domain, this is the best assumption that can be made.

However, what Nigerians must note is that Nigeria used to have a Presidential Yacht. Nigeria had a yacht called NNC Runa Yaro. It was later named AMARIYA. The luxury boat was seized from a former Governor of Rivers State and handed over to the Nigerian Navy. It was re-purposed for both luxury and training operations. President Shehu Shagari used it.

General Babangida also travelled on the yacht once to the Republic of Benin to attend an ECOWAS meeting. President Olusegun Obasanjo hosted visiting Presidents on the vessel. In 2011, the vessel was decommissioned. Indeed in 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari had asked for the vessel to be used to take the Prince of Wales to sea only to be told that the vessel had been decommissioned.

The Nigerian Navy was then told to source for a new option. This is the background, but it is not even the entire story. There is another story that the Nigerian Navy had in fact, as far back as June 2010, asked the Nigerian Government (Dr Goodluck Jonathan was President at the time) to review the Presidential Naval fleet and buy a new yacht ahead of the country’s 50th Independence celebrations. President Jonathan reportedly turned down the request.

Nigerians are angry again because not even the United States has a presidential yacht. The last Presidential yacht in the US, the USS Sequoia, was decommissioned in 1977 by President Jimmy Carter and sold off. The key difference is that whereas the Americans have many options, most Nigerian Naval vessels cannot function. They are like the refineries.

Even our flagship NNS Aradu cannot move, and with that being the case, Nigerians have every reason to be angry that anyone at all can talk about a yacht, the simple dictionary definition of which is about pleasure and luxury! Should there be a military challenge against Nigeria tomorrow, are we likely to go to the battlefield with a luxury boat and Big Brother Naija actors? But we have bought a luxury boat guys, and we are obliged to pay for it. While other countries of the world are getting serious, we are busy thinking of luxury for staff and wives and… What a country! No yacht for President Tinubu.

OPINION

Super Falcons: Queens of Africa

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By Reuben Abati

Nigeria’s senior female soccer team, the Super Falcons are the Queens of Africa given their superlative, dominant and creative performance, their resilience, and agility at the just concluded Women’s African Cup of Nations (WAFCON) organised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) in Morocco, 5–26 July.

Since the inception of the tournament in 1998, the Super Falcons have won 10 times out of the 13 times that the event has held: 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2016, 2018, and now 2024, missing the trophy only thrice in 2008, 2012 – won by Equatorial Guinea, and in 2022 – South Africa.
Ahead of the 2024 WAFCON in Morocco, the manager of the team, Justin Madugu had declared that they were going on a Mission X, that is to win the trophy for a record 10th time.
Their victory is the accomplishment of that dream, and a reaffirmation of Nigeria’s supremacy in female football. But the road to that moment was in no way easy. The Falcons beat Tunisia, 3-0 in their opening match, and further defeated Botswana 0-1 to get to the competitions’ knock-out stage.The next match against Algeria was a goalless draw, but the Falcons had enough points to go through to the quarter finals, having led Group B. Their next opponent was the Copper Queens of Zambia, who had led Group A, and were supposed to be something of a threat.The Super Falcons trounced them 5–0. Then they got to the semi-finals to face defending Champions, and a rival team, the Banyana Banyana of South Africa. It was a nail-biting, nerve-wracking, tension-soaked match. The South Africans were determined.Nigeria scored through a spot kick in the 45th minute converted by team captain Rasheedat Ajibade. In the 60th minute, the South Africans also levelled the score through a penalty kick making the match 1-1. It looked as if the game was heading for extra time, until Michelle Alozie scored in the 94th minute turning a pass from Esther Okoronkwo into a dramatic win for the Falcons.The final match on Saturday, 26 July was no less stunning. The Falcons were trailing 2-0 down by the end of the first half, in front of a crowd of Moroccans solidly behind their home team. It was a different ball game, however, in the second half.The Falcons returned to the pitch fighting as if their lives were at stake. Esther Okoronkwo scored against the Moroccans in the 63rd minute, Folashade Ijamilusi followed up with another goal in the 71st minute, and in the 88thminute Jennifer Echegini, settled the matter with a Nigerian goal that was celebrated across the country.It was an amazing comeback, reminiscent of the Miracle of Damman in 1989, when during the quarter final match between Nigeria’s U-20 football team, the Flying Eagles came back from four goals down to beat the USSR team and went on to win the match subsequently on penalties, 3-5. Women’s football has grown in Africa, and Nigeria’s Super Falcons are the Queens.It is instructive that the individual and collective talent of the Super Falcons is now being rated against the capability of the Super Eagles. Failure is an orphan; success has many parents. This is in part the trite lesson of the Miracle of Rabat.The Falcons returned home yesterday, touching down at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja at approximately 2:26 pm. to a well-appointed celebration in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, in an open-bus parade across the city before presenting the trophy to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, his wife and other senior government officials at the Presidential Villa.The President had told the Super Falcons that he was waiting to receive the trophy, and he played his part by ensuring that bonuses and allowances for the Falcons were duly paid, but this team didn’t play for money. They played for glory and they brought honour home. They brought history home too, creating a significant moment of celebration. They are Champions, the tenth time. They are also the first to win the newly redesigned WAFCON trophy. They won a title prize of one million dollars.The ladies were exceptional on the field of play: four of them made it to the WAFCON Best XI list. Rasheedat Ajibade was crowned Player of the Tournament, having won Player of the Match thrice, Esther Okoronkwo was Player of the Match in the final against Morocco, Chiamaka Nnadozie was recognised as Goalkeeper of the Tournament having conceded only three goals.Michelle Alozie was also a standout star. The team manager, Justin Madugu, from. Adamawa state, was recognized as the Coach of the Tournament. He was just appointed an interim coach of the Super Falcons in September 2024, and now he has proven that he is a man of pedigree. Other members of the team were just as brilliant: Asisat Oshoala (who says she is not retiring by the way, and nobody should carry fake news), Rinsola Babajide, Chinwedu Ihezuo, Osinachi Ohale, Folashade Ijamilusi, Chioma Okafor.Two members of the team – Ashleigh Plumptre, and Chioma Okafor deserve special praise. Plumptre is a British-Nigerian, Chioma Okafor’s mother is from Malawi. At a time when the likes of Kemi Badenoch and Favour Ofili are rejecting Nigeria, these two ladies opted to stand up for Nigeria.President Tinubu showed a nation’s appreciation by bestowing the National Honour of OON on the Super Falcons and the entire technical team. He also gave a three-bedroom apartment in Abuja to each of the players and the technical crew and the naira equivalent of $100,000 (N153 million) to each of the 24 players and $50,000 to the 11-man technical crew.Great. But can we possibly extend this honour to those who won the WAFCON nine times earlier and are no longer in the Super Falcons team? They deserve to be appreciated too.The South African team won the fair play award for their on-and-off-field behaviour as well as respect for opponents and officials. They were composed. They were disciplined. They certainly deserve the recognition, but the spirit of sportsmanship that was generally demonstrated at the tournament should be remarked upon and underlined.During the Nigeria-South Africa semi-final, Gabriela Salgado, South African winger was injured in the 87th minute and had to be stretchered off the field, and rushed to the Mohammed VI University Hospital where she underwent surgery in the left leg.The entire Falcons team visited Salgado, the following day at the hospital and presented her with a signed Nigerian jersey and a statement expressing solidarity and wishing her speedy recovery. Salgado also received solidarity messages from Ghana’s Black Queens, CAF, other teams at the tournament, and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. This show of humanity is noteworthy. There are perhaps lessons that male footballers can learn from women footballers both in Africa and worldwide, and the Libyan Football Federation in particular which maltreated the Super Eagles in October 2024 has lessons to learn too.There may have been instances of on-pitch fights and intense altercations in women’s football but they are relatively less frequent. Football should not turn into war by other means, which is why it is shocking that after the WAFCON, Morocco has now reportedly lodged a protest with CAF questioning the nationality of two Nigerian players: Ashleigh Plumptre and Michelle Alozie.Morocco wants Nigeria to lose the title. They don’t have a case. They were beaten fair and square. Plumptre’s grandfather is from Lagos, Nigeria; Alozie’s parents are Nigerians. Nigerians born and raised abroad have a right to Nigerian citizenship under Section 25 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria.CAF deserves commendation for organising a successful 2024 WAFCON, with the quality of officiating, deployment of technology and Morocco for being good hosts (let them not ruin that though by lodging frivolous and vexatious complaints against Nigeria).The weekend that just passed was, altogether, a special moment for women’s football, with the WAFCON final played at Rabat on Saturday, followed by the Euro 2025 final between Spain and England in Basel, Switzerland on Sunday. While the Super Falcons were arriving Abuja yesterday, the Lionesses of England were also touching down in London to a similar heroes’ welcome.They had successfully defended their European title on Sunday, beating Spain on penalties, 3-1. They would have an open-bus parade on Tuesday after they were received by the Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner at No. 10. There were anxieties and doubts about the capability of the Lionesses to defend their European title. Many wrote them off.Mary Earps and Fran Kirby had retired a few weeks before Euro 2025. Millie Bright also withdrew from the selection. When the Tournament began, England lost their opening game to France. But as if it was a fairy-tale unfolding, they went on to beat the Netherlands and then, Wales. During the quarter-final against Sweden, the Lionesses were two goals down but luck was on England’s side.They went on to win on penalties. During the semi-finals against Italy, they were also 1-0 down, until Michelle Agyeman scored an equaliser in the 96th minute, and Kelly Chloe put in the winner for England in the 119th minute.Spain led 1-0 in the final match on Sunday, but England still came back to win a penalty shoot-out 3-1. The English ladies were driven by determination, faith and belief. Hannah Hampton who kept the goal, emerged from the shadows of Mary Earps and saved four penalties for England during the tournament, two during the quarter final against Sweden and the other two during the final match against Spain, winning Player of the Match in both instances.Michelle Agyeman was the Best Young Player of the Tournament. Each time she was introduced as a sub, the flow of the game changed. Lucy Bronze played with a fractured leg. At 37, she was the oldest player at Euro 2025, and yet she played for a total of 598 minutes. The Lionesses have given England what has been described as “the greatest achievement in English football” – the first time England has won a major trophy on foreign soil.The Lionesses are the Queens of Europe. Sarina Wiegman, the manager, has won two finals back-to-back reinventing the glorious days of Emma Carol Hayes, former manager of the Lionesses, who is now the head coach of the United States women’s national team. Wiegman has been a head coach in five successive European finals.What is common to both the Falcons and the Lionesses was their sheer determination, focus, defiance and a sense of purpose. The ladies were self-motivated, they wanted to win, they fought for national pride, and they worked together as a team.The two head coaches also knew their onions. Each time Madugu or Wiegman substituted a player, the replacement proves to be just the tonic that the side needs, be it Deborah Abiodun in the 81st minute of Nigeria’s semi-final against South Africa, or Christy Ucheibe, Esther Okoronkwo and Chiwendu Ihezuo or Jennifer Echegini in the final against Morocco. England came from behind in three of the knock-out stage matches in Euro 2025 (against Sweden, Italy, Spain) but Wiegman used substitutes to telling effect, notably Chloe Kelly, Ella Toone and Michelle Agyeman.Football coaching has become more technical than ever, and the modern manager must be a tactician. Both teams displayed the Never-Say-Die spirit to overcome adversity. Men’s football may still be ahead of women’s football in terms of salary, compensation and eyeballs, but without doubt the future of female football is assured.The aggregate attendance at Euro 2025 was over 600, 000, far more than the aggregate of 574, 875 in 2022. More people worldwide are showing interest in female football, and a future generation of girls will be inspired by current examples to take to the game.Football glory is always a source of unity and faith for the average Nigerian. The men’s national team, the Super Eagles should draw inspiration from the Super Falcons. The main challenge before them is how to qualify for the 2026 World Cup in the US, Mexico and Canada.The next phase of the qualifying series would soon commence with Nigeria having four matches at hand: beginning with the Amavubi of Rwanda on September 6 at home, an away march in South Africa on 9 September, and two last games against Lesotho and the Benin Republic in October.The country is currently fourth in the qualifying Group C with seven points, six points behind South Africa who lead the group with 13 points. The Super Eagles have had a new head coach since March 2025, the French-Malian Eric Chelle, whose main charge is to take the Super Eagles to the next World Cup.The last time Nigeria qualified for the World Cup was as far back as 2018 in Russia, a very long time ago. Nigerians have high expectations. The Super Eagles must not disappoint them.Reuben Abati, a former presidential spokesperson, writes from Lagos.

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OPINION

Advancing Nigeria’s Security Strategies through Unmanned Aerial Systems

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By Patricia Amogu

In the face of Nigeria’s deepening security crisis, marked by terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, and communal violence, a glimmer of hope is on the horizon as homegrown security innovations gain momentum.These indigenous initiatives are gradually taking centre stage, lifting the spirits of millions and giving balance to the lives of many vulnerable and displaced communities across the country.

Recently, a groundbreaking collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) birthed the first and largest indigenous attack drones and bomb systems in Nigeria and Africa.
Unveiled at the company’s Abuja headquarters, this cutting-edge technology is being hailed by stakeholders as a potential game changer in the fight against insurgency and organised crime.
According to Mr Bright Echefu, Chairman of EIB Group and founder of Briech UAS, the innovation became imperative as extremist groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP increasingly weaponised commercial drones to spy on troops, coordinate ambushes, and conduct aerial attacks.“Our enemies are adapting fast; they are using off-the-shelf drones to launch crude but deadly strikes.“We cannot afford to rely on outdated tools anymore,” he said.Echefu said that as Nigeria continued to invest in indigenous defense manufacturing, the country might potentially become a player in defence and security issues of many countries.Of interest, the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) characterises Nigeria’s security situation as complex and deteriorating, citing armed banditry and widespread kidnappings as the leading causes of instability.Available data indicates that in 2023 alone, more than 75 per cent of conflict-related deaths were reported in the northern region.Attacks by Islamist groups, counter-insurgency operations, separatist tensions, and herder-farmer clashes continue to fuel widespread displacement and humanitarian distress.The North-East, in particular, has seen entire communities fleeing for safety as armed groups impose levies and destroy essential infrastructure.According to EUAA figures, more than 21,000 Nigerians applied for asylum in the EU+ between January 2023 and March 2024, signaling a troubling trend of migration driven by insecurity.A security expert said Briech UAS’s new technology promised to enhance Nigeria’s ability to detect, deter, and respond to security threats in real-time.“For the fast rising tech company, some features stand out an advanced surveillance and thermal imaging for wide-area monitoring, real-time intelligence gathering to support on-ground tactical operations, rapid response capabilities to intercept or neutralise threats before escalation and cost-effective, scalable solutions for ongoing border and community surveillance“These drones also have potential applications beyond combat, such as disaster response, infrastructure inspection, and search-and-rescue efforts.“As traditional security methods struggle to match the speed and complexity of modern threats, indigenous technological solutions like Briech’s are increasingly vital.“The partnership with the Nigerian Army reflects a broader strategic shift—one that embraces innovation, local expertise, and adaptive warfare tactics to restore safety and rebuild public confidence.“As Briech UAS positions Nigeria at the forefront of drone-powered security innovation in Africa, citizens and stakeholders alike are watching with cautious optimism there is a dim light at the end of the tunnel,’’ he said.The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Christopher Musa, described the initiative as a significant step in Nigeria’s journey toward self-reliance in defence technology and national security enhancement.He said that the innovation was a game-changer in an era of complex and asymmetric security threats, emphasising the significance of producing local military solutions, especially in the face of global politics and procurement challenges.“These force multipliers will play a vital role in enhancing the operational effectiveness of our military, particularly in a world where global politics surrounding the procurement of advanced military hardware have become more intricate.’’The CDS said that countries that did not produce such solutions faced bureaucratic bottlenecks and diplomatic hurdles when acquiring the critical platforms.“We are facing such challenges directly, if you do not produce what you need, you will be at the mercy of others, even when you have the financial resources to acquire them,” he said.He said that the drones would help Nigeria respond swiftly to security challenges, cutting down on dependence on foreign equipment.In his submission at the unveiling, Gov. Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau said that homegrown solutions had great impact for the country’s security needs.He emphasised on the importance of protecting national sovereignty and safeguarding the country from activities of non-state actors.“We have made a mistake by allowing non-state actors to acquire capabilities that rival those of state actors,” Mutfwang said.He said that Plateau was actively working with local manufacturers like Briech UAS, with drones already deployed in the state, improving the effectiveness of security operations.Deserving no less attention, Echefu, during a media tour of the firm’s security facilities, said that through innovation and advanced technology, Nigeria could handle its security challenges.According to him, the company provides intelligence support for Nigeria’s security agencies though digital forensics, tracking and critical assets as well as supply of combat and surveillance drones.He said it manufactured Arginin Reconnaissance Drones configured for high-performance reconnaissance and surveillance missions.“The company also produces Arsenio BFLY and Xander Reconnaissance drones among other super precise attack drones that can navigate difficult environments.“These systems are crucial in combating insurgent groups, adopting different drones for reconnaissance and attack missions.“The primary purpose was to demonstrate the capabilities of the security apparatus deployed to fight insurgency, its potential is to enhance counter-insurgency operations and mitigate the threats posed by insurgent groups.“The significance of this effort lies in stressing the potential of the equipment to enhance intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities.’’Echefu said the tools would also improve force protection and reduce troop casualties by minimising reliance on manned reconnaissance missions.According to him, the use of commercial drones by insurgent groups presents significant challenges for security forces.“To address this, the security apparatus is leveraging technologies like drone detection and jamming systems, improved intelligence gathering, and counter-drone systems.“The system will generate insights from the collected data, allowing for better decision-making and improved resource allocation.“This system will provide at-a-glance dashboards showing the status and location of monitored items, including parameters like satellite imagery and intelligence gathering capabilities to support security agencies,’’ he said.Echefu said with the right support and increased investment, indigenous companies had the capacity to provide the needed logistics support to the military in the fight against insecurity.He acknowledged the support from government to the indigenous security firms and called for more policies to foster Nigerian companies’ growth, especially those in defence and security sector.“I can tell you that I am not the only one that is into supporting the various sectors, by local activities, local productions; there is a lot going on. People are even producing tractors in Nigeria now.“Nigeria has 100 per cent capacity right now to end this urgency with the number of local companies that are investing heavily.“The Nigerian military strongly supports local manufacturers through research collaboration and support,” Echefu said.Security analysts are of the view that more states should embrace drones for comprehensive surveillance, especially for hard-to-reach areas.They say collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech will boost cross-border counter-terrorism operations and strengthen internal control over weapons systems and logistics. (NAN)

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OPINION

Akpabio-Akpoti Senate Judgment and the Contrived Ambiguity

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By Simbo Olorunfemi

Much has been made of Justice Binta Nyako’s judgement in the case of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan v The Clerk of the National Assembly of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and others. Many have argued that it is the ambiguity, non-definitive, and non-declaratory nature of the ‘judgment’ that has led to the confusion that has since then ensued, culminating in the embarrassing public spectacle we witnessed a few days ago.

Having now taken time to review the full judgment, not just the extracts that first came out, I have come to a different conclusion on the matter.
Rather, I am of the opinion that what we are dealing with is a case of contrived ambiguity and manufactured confusion.
A dispassionate reading can only lead one willing to learn to clarity. There is nothing ambiguous or confusing in that judgment.All that is needed is to situate the judgment in the proper context of the circumstances that led to the cause of action, pay attention to the reliefs sought by the plaintiff, bearing in mind that the Court is no Father Christmas, before reading the decisions of the court. That done, it becomes obvious that, but for a deliberate attempt at mischief, there is nothing that should have triggered the confusion that we have witnessed in the matter.Dial back to the very beginning. The senator had raised hell on the floor of the Senate about the reassignment of seats, insisting on speaking from a seat not assigned to her, while holding on to Order 10 of the Senate rules. Every effort, within and outside the chambers, to make her understand that while Order 10 offers her the privilege to speak at ‘anytime’, that privilege is itself contingent upon speaking from her assigned seat, in accordance with the rules.She not only refused to abide by the rules on the day, but she also followed up with a radio interview. A motion was subsequently moved by another senator, stating that his privilege had been breached, leading to the matter being referred to the Committee on Ethics and Privileges, which then invited her to appear before it. Rather than do so, she opted to approach the Court.She sought the court to protect her right to a fair hearing and privileges under Orders 9, 10, and 11, arguing that a combined reading of these orders ought to have served as cover for her actions on the floor of the Senate and protected her from being referred to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.In other words, her suit was virtually a carryover of her argument on the floor of the Senate, and subsequently in public fora, that by virtue of Order 10, she had a right to speak from wherever she chose. It is on the basis of, and around this, that she filed an action seeking six reliefs.It is instructive that the Court didn’t find merit in any of the reliefs she sought, thereby comprehensively ruling in favour of the Senate, asserting its rights to set its rules, discipline its members, and pointing out that the Senate President is vested with the right to assign and reassign seats. It also affirmed that members can only speak from assigned seats, and that it is within the rights and purview of the Senate to refer the senator to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.In the words of the court (CAPS mine for emphasis): “In the circumstances of this case, as rightly contended by the Defendants, an invitation to appear before an Ethics Committee of the Senate is a CLEAR MANIFESTATION OF PROCEDURAL FAIRNESS, NOT A BREACH OF IT. From a careful reading of the Originating Summons, there exists no allegation whatsoever to the effect that the Defendants contravened…statutory or constitutional provisions as the crux of this action is hinged solely on protection of parliamentary privilege on the floor of Senate. It cannot be the intendment of Section 36(1) of the 1999 Constitution that this Court has powers to entertain complaint against any and every discussions/written communication arising from plenary sessions of the 2nd defendant. If it were the case, then this Honourable Court would know no rest.”It is safe to say that the Court resolved all the issues raised in favour of the Senate (even partly affirming the argument raised by the parliament in its preliminary objection on the lack of jurisdiction). Even on the matter of contempt filed by the Senate President on 5th May, seeking five reliefs, the Court, in protest of the 27th April satirical apology of the senator, found her guilty of contempt, fined and ordered her to issue a public apology.There is therefore no confusion, from the judgment as seen, that all the direct reliefs sought by the senator were denied and orders to that effect expressly made.Justice Binta Nyako might have simply wrapped it up, but it is my opinion that, having reviewed the rules of the Senate and out of consideration for the constituents in Kogi State, she then ventured further to offer an opinion on the extensive powers of the Senate, which allows it to suspend a member ad infinitum. Bear in mind that there was no relief directly sought in this regard. The Court only decided to widen the scope of consideration, and in that light, the Justice argued that “to make a LAW THAT HAS NO END IS EXCESSIVE and cannot be the intendment of the law,” thus imploring the Senate to EXERCISE ITS POWER to review the rules and recall the senator.These are the words of Justice Binta Nyako in that regard. (CAPS mine for emphasis): “On the issue of denial of the Plaintiff to the representation of her Senatorial District without inspiring the function of the NASS, I will give and say due to the gravity of the issue, I have read in its entirety, the Senate Rules under which the Plaintiff was suspended, thus denying the representation of her Senatorial District.“I believe that the constitution, Legislative House (Powers & Privileges) Act, nor the Senate Rules will not intend for that to happen. I have read with interest, Chapter ix (8) of the Senate Rules and Section 14(2) of the Legislative House (Powers & privileges) Act ix (8) allows the Senate to suspend a senator until a time determined by the Senate ad infinitum while S.14(2) allows for suspension of a member (Senator) in similar terms, even without pay.“I do not think the constitution envisages this.“A Senator is expected to represent his people in either Legislative house for a specific number of days per session. If any suspension is UNWARRANTED, then I OPINE that the Act and the Senate Rules should also be specific and not live it at large. A suspension cannot exceed the requisite number of days the member should sit. The constitution says a legislative year is 181 days and the house should sit for this number of days. This makes it at least 36.2 weeks in a year, which is a session. To suspend a member for 6 months means suspension for 180 days and this is half the number of days the member is expected to sit in the House representing his people.“I do not think this is the intention of the framer of the law. To make a LAW THAT HAS NO END IS EXCESSIVE and cannot be the intendment of the law. I AM OF THE OPINION that the Senate has the POWER TO REVIEW this provision of the Senate Rules and even amend Section 14(2) of the Legislative Houses (Powers & Privileges) Act, both for being over-reaching. The Senate has the power to and I believe should recall the plaintiff and allow her to same time, represent the people who sent her there to represent them.”I believe that what the Court did was to, out of compassion, offer a lifeline to the senator, in realisation that this was a difficult situation. The court has clearly established the powers of the Senate and that it has not contravened its rules and the law in this instance. I believe that offering that opinion was the Court’s way of asking the Senate to temper justice with mercy.I believe that if that judgment had been accepted with a bit of contrition and humility, and there had not been the rush to foist a different interpretation on it, as is obvious to some of us who have read it, thereby reading into the decision of the court what was not there, we might not be where we are today. I believe a more diplomatic approach might have served as a lifeline for a rapprochement between the senator and the Senate.An apology to the Court, as ordered, and an apology to the Senate, as had been requested by the Senate, could have followed suit, and that would have offered an opportunity for a dignified closure to this phase of an embarrassingly mismanaged fight.I do not see how enlisting the services of social media influencers and full-time activists can help turn a recommendation into an order. There is a time for everything. No matter how far one might have gone in a particular direction, there is always an opportunity to retreat, rethink, and re-strategise.Simbo Olorunfemi works for Hoofbeatdotcom, a Nigerian communications consultancy and publisher of Africa Enterprise. Email: Editor@enterpriseafrica.ng

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