OPINION
What Good Can Akpabio’s 10th Senate Offer Nigeria?

By Mon-Charles Egbo
Before the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly and the subsequent emergence of Godswill Akpabio as the president of the senate, a cross-section of the political class was fiercely opposed to his aspiration. Their grouse was how his party, the All Progressives Congress, APC, endorsed him.
Some welcomed the zoning of the position to the South-South region but faulted the extra step of micro-zoning it to an individual.
Another set was solely upset that the then president-elect, Bola Tinubu, influenced the choice of Akpabio. To them, that would amount to an outright hijack of the legislature by the presidency which is antithetical to the principle of separation of powers.
Then while others canvassed that the contest should be thrown open for everyone interested, the rest specifically clamoured for their various zones as against Akpabio’s South-South. But common to all those categories was the claim of insufficient consultation before settling on Akpabio.And quite indeed, the agitations caught fire across the country, especially through some sorts of elitist orchestrations. The heat did not only threaten the unity and stability of the party, but it also posed an early distraction for Tinubu’s presidency, as he variously intervened.
But objectively speaking, all those shades of opinion were not misplaced. They were all valid arguments for whatever democracy entails. Even Senator Akpabio who was in the eye of the storm recognized the rights of those aggrieved compatriots. He empathized with them. Openly, he acknowledged the grave implications of the “angst that this zoning arrangement may have caused some aspirants”. Thus he stressed that “for this reason, we are embarking on an extensive reconciliatory move, as well as an enlightenment campaign to brief relevant stakeholders on details of our prospective legislative agenda. We are confident that in the end, we will reconcile all in the overriding interests of our dear nation. We will ensure that the members of the 10th Assembly put aside their differences and focus on activities that are for the common good of the Nigerian people”.
And so vigorously, he reached out to those dissenting voices reminding them that a divided house is a defeated house.
It was this display of political sagacity and a good understanding of the place of reconciliation in democratic governance that set the tone for the eventual outcome and has now offered the prism through which the contest is holistically reviewed, for the records. In other words, Akpabio’s emergence was not just about the party’s endorsement. Certainly, it was not!
To begin with, and ironically, all those diverse agitations were largely not about the public interest, otherwise, why were there no questions, not even one, raised about Akpabio’s eligibility and competence? Nobody countered his agenda with superior ones. None faulted his conduct during the contest. The obsessions merely were with the party’s mode of choosing him and not with national developmental issues.
So, to the discerning mind, what does this startling paradox signify?
It represents an affirmation that Godswill Akpabio is eminently qualified to hold the office of the president of the senate or that as a mortal he may have his shortcomings as no one is perfect, but his pedigree is not in doubt. Among others, Akpabio is a lawyer of repute and a ranking senator. He parades robust political leadership credentials and has no record whatsoever of having been declared unfit to hold public office. Also, he has paid his dues both in the private and public sectors, he is a good party man and comes from a geo-political zone that was yet to produce a president of the senate since 1979.
Then again, Senator Akpabio is a man of exceptional eloquence and charisma who is always ready to tell his own stories with confidence. As such and in his words, modestly: “….I possess the required ranking status and deep legislative experience. These qualities are of competence, vision, patriotism, a deep love for our country, and a thorough understanding of the relationship between the executive and legislature. I believe that my uncommon public sector experience and track records spanning over 24 years where I served at the State Executive Council as Hon. Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy affairs, Governor of a State, Senate Minority Leader, and in the Federal Executive Council as a Hon. Minister, provides me with the unique experience required to drive the legislative agenda of the 10th National Assembly”.
Deliberately, he down-played a part. He was certified worthy and fit to fly the presidential flag of his party before he patriotically withdrew from the race at the venue of the primaries.
Empirically, therefore, it was not an error for anyone to have embraced and supported Akpabio in the first place. His amiable and dynamic personality, democratic leadership attributes, evidence-based performance records and proven political astuteness were highly irresistible. Put together, they signposted his suitability for the office. And expectedly, no one expressed contrary views to this abridged citation, amidst the criticisms, thus alluding that indeed, Akpabio’s emergence was not all about his party’s endorsement.
Interestingly again, Akpabio’s concise blueprint was quite strategic. It attested to his overall sense of preparedness for the tasks ahead, a profound grasp of the demands of the office as well as a clear understanding that legislature is about good governance and good governance alone.
He had envisioned a 10th senate that would “provide quality, stable and inclusive leadership at the National Assembly with a view to providing robust legislative intervention and making relevant laws for good governance” and also “galvanise a united and virile support base that will provide credible government policies for the advancement of good governance”.
And in response to the dire socio-economic situation in the country, Akpabio’s legislative agenda focussed majorly on revamping the domestic economy. According to him, “we shall ensure that pro-business legislations to create a more conducive environment for businesses to thrive must be designed and implemented; and we must provide legislation that enables support for small and medium-sized enterprises, and helps to reduce the barriers to entry for small businesses. These categories of legislation as well as others that promote the growth of the economy, and help create a more prosperous and vibrant nation must be our priority”.
Similarly, his 10th Senate would seek to “develop and promote innovative bills that will enhance revenue generation while exercising effective oversight function on government expenditure”.
Evidently, please, has Senator Akpabio not subtly warned that anything that is not good governance-oriented would have no place in the business of this senate?
Furthermore, Akpabio’s vast experience in public leadership substantially shaped his agenda. His commitment to upholding some legislative gains and progressive features of the preceding assemblies underscores his conviction that governance is about the people and that government is a continuum. For instance, he resolved to “sustain the January to December budget circle” which he noted that “the ninth Assembly had worked so hard to achieve”. Also, while the 9th Senate was christened the “senate that works for Nigerians”, Akpabio is ambitious to lead a 10th senate that “serves as a true voice of the people”. Again, while the 8th and 9th senates made efforts at entrenching transparency in the affairs of the institution, resulting in the eventual disclosure of the national assembly budget details, Akpabio hinted that his leadership would be “also deeply committed to promoting transparency and accountability: values that we believe must be at the heart of everything that is done in the Senate”. Then to advance the bipartisan feature of the 9th Senate, he would “establish Bipartisan Parliamentary Network on issues of national interest supported by our party’s/members’ vision”.
Now again, are these not pointers that it takes a transformational leader to celebrate and propagate the transformational deeds of another leader? This is yet another area that Godswill Akpabio distinguished himself.
Notably also, Akpabio’s passion for a peaceful and stable polity coupled with knowledge of the governance deficits created by the 1999 constitution, perhaps explains his determination to also consolidate the collaboration between the legislature and the other arms of government, for national development. For emphasis, the Nigerian president is the most powerful in the world by the 1999 constitution. You can only challenge his powers and influence in principle but not in practice.
Nevertheless, Akpabio was overtly precise in purposing a national assembly that would work harmoniously with Bola Tinubu’s presidency, without compromising the relative independence of the parliament. Hear him: “We want him (Tinubu) to replicate what has happened in Lagos in the last 24 years of democracy to cover the rest of the country. Particularly, we are challenged by the economy. We want to see serious improvement in the IGR of the nation to enable us to repay our loan facilities. We want to see more foreign direct investment in the country. We will support him through favourable legislations to ensure Nigeria remains investment-friendly and a business destination in Africa”.
Akpabio campaigned with this mindset. He was explicit and did not pretend about it. Please, how else does one describe courage? Meanwhile, his agenda equally emphasized, “innovative bills that will enhance revenue generation while exercising effective oversight function on government expenditure”. And again, asserting the relative authorities of the legislature, he declared that “regular and extensive oversight of government spending to ensure that public funds are being used effectively and efficiently must be conducted”.
Then quite instructively, Akpabio worked his way to victory. As highlighted earlier, he did not go to sleep having secured the corporate endorsement of his party and other stakeholders across party lines. He did not allow the ‘anointing’ to get into his head. He took no one for granted and left nothing to chance. He relentlessly went about the contest as though all those mounted oppositions to his preference by the party would eventually play out. He ran a robust campaign built on a broad-based support network. He aggressively marketed himself and his agenda. Resiliently and consistently, he demonstrated that every single senator-elect was as important as the other, irrespective of the political party. He variously visited the leaderships of other parties for support. And once again, his shrewdness in reaching out to the aggrieved colleagues was a masterstroke.
Equally pivotal was Akpabio’s pragmatism in seeking to foster a sense of camaraderie among his colleagues which would create a consciousness for national unity and inclusiveness in governance and also opportunities for peer review towards integrated national development. This found expression in his other action plans, some of which are to: “support members in bill and motion drafting, presentation of legislative arguments, legislative briefs and a general understanding of parliamentary practices and procedures; support our members to develop legislative agenda, constituency work-plan and integrated representation model; institute Annual Parliamentary Stability Group Summit (APSGS) to strategize, review and develop action guidelines for greater virile and stable national assembly; and pursue and lobby (where necessary) for the rights and privileges of our members.”
Again, a question: who would not garner massive votes with these appealing propositions?
So by inference, the fore-going factors cumulatively translated to the ballots whose figures indicated that partisan, religious and regional barriers were demolished. Remarkably also, nobody was prevented from contesting. Yes, the senators-elect conventionally, freely and popularly conferred legitimacy on Akpabio, thus confirming that their choice was predicated on his nationalistic disposition, wide acceptability and compelling agenda. It was not necessarily about the party’s endorsement. Put differently, the process was unquestionably transparent.
Therefore given Akpabio’s outstanding personality and his inspiring blueprint, this senate nay the 10th national assembly, will impact meaningfully the lives of the people, and then of course, Nigeria is the ultimate beneficiary. But this happens only when everyone through their elected representatives gets involved by offering timely and useful information in addition to asking relevant questions. For it is only by trust and cooperation that we can take full ownership of this senate and uncommonly transform it as our “true voice”.
Egbo is a reputation management expert.
OPINION
Nigeria’s Security: Between Self-defence and Community Policing

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi
As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.
These challenges are not confined to the North. In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape. Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security. He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.
OPINION
This Trial of Oloyede
By Tunde Akanni
It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.
I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanniOPINION
Democracy, Institutions, and the Rule of Law

By Kator Ifyalem
Democracy, often hailed as the cornerstone of modern governance, is a system that empowers citizens to participate in the decision-making processes that shape their lives. However, the mere existence of elections is not enough to ensure a fair, just, and prosperous society.
Without robust institutions, the rule of law, and ingrained values, democracy can become a hollow shell, susceptible to corruption, manipulation, and eventual collapse. At its core, democracy is built on the principle that power resides with the people. This power is exercised through fair elections, where citizens choose representatives to govern on their behalf. The effectiveness of this system relies heavily on the strength of supporting institutions, adherence to the rule of law, and shared values that guide societal behaviour.Institutions serve as the backbone of a democratic society, translating the will of the people into action. These include governmental bodies such as the legislature, executive, and judiciary, as well as independent organizations like electoral commissions, anti-corruption agencies, and human rights commissions. These institutions provide checks and balances, ensuring that no single entity or individual can accumulate too much power. They create a framework for accountability, transparency, and effective governance.An independent judiciary is crucial for upholding the constitution and protecting individual rights. Without it, laws can be manipulated or ignored by those in power, leading to tyranny. Similarly, a free and independent media acts as a watchdog, informing citizens and holding those in power accountable. When media institutions are weakened or controlled by vested interests, the flow of information is compromised, and citizens are unable to make informed decisions.The rule of law is another critical component of a functioning democracy. It ensures that all citizens, regardless of their status or position, are subject to the same laws and legal processes. This principle is fundamental to creating a fair and just society where everyone’s rights are protected. A robust legal framework, consistently and fairly enforced, provides the predictability and security necessary for social and economic development. It protects property rights, enforces contracts, and creates an environment conducive to investment and growth.Moreover, the rule of law is essential for protecting minority rights and preventing the tyranny of the majority. In a true democracy, the rights of all citizens must be respected, even if they are not part of the ruling majority. This protection is enshrined in laws and enforced through effective legal institutions.Values form the third pillar of an effective democracy. These shared beliefs and principles guide societal behaviour and inform policy-making. Democratic values include respect for human rights, tolerance of diversity, commitment to justice, and belief in the equality of all citizens. When these values are deeply ingrained, they act as a safeguard against authoritarian tendencies and help preserve the integrity of democratic institutions.For instance, a healthy democracy can be likened to a three-legged stool, where institutions, the rule of law, and democratic values form the legs. Just as a stool cannot stand stably without all three legs being strong and balanced, a democracy cannot function effectively if any of these elements is weak or missing. In Nigeria’s case, we’ve seen how weaknesses in one area, such as institutional challenges in election management, can put stress on the other legs, requiring the judiciary (rule of law) and civil society (democratic values) to bear more weight to maintain stability.Education plays a crucial role in instilling these values. A well-informed citizenry, aware of their rights and responsibilities, is better equipped to participate meaningfully in the democratic process. Civic education programs that teach the principles of democracy, the importance of institutions, and the value of the rule of law are essential for creating engaged and responsible citizens.The interplay between institutions, the rule of law, and values creates a self-reinforcing cycle that strengthens democracy. However, this cycle can also work in reverse. Weak institutions often lead to a breakdown in the rule of law, eroding democratic values and further weakening the system. This negative spiral will ultimately lead to the collapse of governance, even if the outward trappings of democracy remain.To prevent this decline, concerted effort is required on multiple fronts. Institutional capacity must be built and maintained through adequate funding, training, and support. The rule of law must be consistently enforced, with mechanisms in place to address corruption and abuse of power. This requires not only strong legal frameworks but also a commitment to their implementation.International cooperation also plays a role in strengthening democracy. Countries learn from each other’s experiences, share best practices, and provide support for development. However, it’s crucial to recognize that democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be nurtured from within.True democracy requires more than just the act of voting; it demands a comprehensive system of governance that respects the rights of all citizens, upholds justice, and promotes the common good. Strengthening these fundamental pillars (institutions, the rule of law, and values), is crucial in building more resilient, effective, and truly representative democracies that serve the needs of all citizens and contribute to global stability and prosperity. Where does Nigeria as a nation stand on this scale?