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OPINION

Tinubu and the Future of ECOWAS

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Economic of West Africa States
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By Reuben Abati

Two major meetings were held over the weekend that just passed that have implications for the future of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the possible resolution or otherwise of political developments among member-states in the last two to three years, with implications for the future of the sub-regional organisation.

ECOWAS was established in May 1975, when 15 West African states signed the Treaty of Lagos to establish a platform for the promotion of economic integration.
This particular treaty was revised on July 24 1993, but the essential purpose of ECOWAS has remained consistent: trade facilitation, free movement of persons and goods, solidarity, promotion of human rights and peace.

The sixteenth member joined in 1977, making the membership 16. In addition to its many guidelines and principles, ECOWAS has a general framework which also guides protocols and relations among members. In July 1991, it adopted the Declaration of Political Principles as a cardinal rule, and in 2001, the ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. One of those protocols is the underlying trigger for this commentary, to wit: the principle of customary international law enshrined in Article 2 (4) of the 1945 UN Charter which binds member-states against the use of force as a means of changing governments, in the absence of armed attack or self-defence.

In 1978, ECOWAS signed a protocol on non-aggression against member states and in 1981, members agreed that in the event of any act of aggression against a member, they would come together in mutual self-defence and protect the victim-state to ensure peace, security and stability, by military means if possible and if inevitable, as seen in the interventions of ECOMOG in Liberia (1990) and Sierra Leone (1998). Even the African Union (AU) enabled by its Article 4(h) can be called upon to intervene when the basic protocols have been breached. This however is a slightly complicated area of the subject which we need not bring into this commentary.

What we know is that ECOWAS specifically sees pro-democratic intervention as its bounden duty, but the effectuation of this has been a problem in the sub-region over the years and to cite a recent example, in 2016, when ECOWAS threatened to deploy a standby ECOWAS force in The Gambia to restore the people’s wish if Yahya Jammeh refused to leave office. Jammeh was eased out and a standby force did not have to intervene.

But a turning point came for ECOWAS when the military seized power in Mali in 2020 and 2021, Guinea in 2021, Burkina Faso in 2022, and Niger in July 2023. ECOWAS, with Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu as Chair, thought it needed to intervene to return these countries to democracy, the rise of military juntas in the sub-region being a threat to democratic consolidation. ECOWAS suspended the states in line with its protocols and proceeded to impose political and economic sanctions. It threatened to deploy troops if it became necessary. This was an act of political miscalculation.

In the four countries, there were civilian protests against ECOWAS, particularly in former French colonies of Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali. The more interesting part of it is that the ECOWAS was accused of being too pro-French. In Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, the people publicly denounced continued association with France and specifically in Niger, the people openly waved Russian flags and pulled down French flags.

From Senegal to Niger, a wave of rebellion erupted in the former colonies, in what signalled a creeping failure of French relations with its former colonies in Africa. Senegal has had to shut down French military bases to assert its sovereignty, in Burkina Faso the military junta revoked gold permits that had been awarded to French companies, in Niger, the government similarly cancelled the mining permit of Orano, the French nuclear producer that runs the uranium mines in that country.

In addition, Niger revoked its tax co-operation treaties with France as also did Mali, which broke off from its defence accord with France, and its 11 colonial agreements with the former overlord. In the vacuum created by these new realities, Russia and its Wagner group became the favourite partner of former French colonies in West Africa. The Sahel region has been a hotbed of violence and terrorism and naturally, there were concerns about the implications of the presence of Russia and Wagner in the sub-region and the festering anti-West sentiments in the backyard of ECOWAS members. ECOWAS eventually had to review its threat of sanctions, and military action and adopted the options of diplomacy and dialogue.

This achieved little or nothing. In January 2024, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger announced their decision to quit ECOWAS. They formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) as their own confederation as an alternative to ECOWAS. Their departure under Article 91 of the Revised ECOWAS Treaty would become effective on January 29, 2025. The resort to diplomacy, an afterthought by ECOWAS also yielded no results. In July, ECOWAS appointed President Bassirou Faye of Senegal as the mediator with the aggrieved countries. President Faure Gnassingbe of Togo was also sent on diplomatic shuttles to Niger. President Tinubu as ECOWAS Chairman, also sent other envoys to the Sahel.

Barely a month before the January deadline, there was a meeting of Ministers of Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali in Niamey last Saturday, December 14, where they reiterated that the departure of the three countries from ECOWAS, effective January 29, 2025, is “irreversible.” They however also resolved that the three countries would remain visa-free for all ECOWAS countries after the exit. While the latter resolution may alleviate fears about the free movement of goods and services, there is still the residual challenge of insecurity in the Sahel and the threat of a further tumultuous season in that part of West Africa with wider implications for regional peace.

It is perhaps out of this realisation that the Authority of Heads of State and Governments at its 66th Ordinary Summit last weekend, Sunday, December 15 at the State House in Abuja, decided to vary Article 91 of the Revised Treaty and granted the departing trio an extension of six months from January 29 to July 29. This is basically to create room for further diplomatic negotiations in the hope that the three countries can be brought back into the fold. In Niamey, on Saturday, the AES Ministers still made it clear that ECOWAS leaders are too subservient to France.

Without being specific, they may well have been referring to President Tinubu who recently returned from France where he was treated to a lavish and grand reception by President Emmanuel Macron. It remains to be seen whether the AES would reverse itself. It is a long wait but as certain as daylight, July 29, 2025 would soon be upon us. In the meantime, the ECOWAS Commission has been directed to begin work on the necessary withdrawal formalities, while the mediator continues with last-ditch efforts to keep the dream of the founding fathers of ECOWAS alive, giving the AES an opportunity to have a re-think.

It is further instructive that at the ECOWAS meeting of Heads of States and Governments, President Tinubu, Chairman, took time out to praise the just concluded general elections in Ghana and parliamentary elections in Senegal. He even praised Ghana’s Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) who conceded defeat to the candidate of the opposition, President John Mahama of the National Democratic Congress (NDC). He praised the government and people of Ghana for their maturity. This was a subtle dig at the leaders of the West African countries where the military chose to resort to force and aggression. Without a doubt, the rise of military juntas poses a threat to democracy in West Africa and peace in the region. The romance of the juntas with Russia and China dangerously positions the region as a territory for proxy conflicts among major Western powers. It is an ill-wind. ECOWAS needs to do more to persuade the errant countries to restore constitutional order. The leaders also need to reinvent and retool the organisation.

By next July, it will be 50 years since ECOWAS was established. It would be pertinent to ask: how has the body fared? Has it so far fulfilled the ambitions of its founding fathers? Today, only one of those leaders who established ECOWAS in 1975 is still alive. Would General Yakubu Gowon of Nigeria be proud of what ECOWAS has become? What are the challenges facing the body? How can it be reformed? Mutual suspicion among the various blocs: Anglophone, Francophone and Lusophone has been a major issue for ECOWAS: how can the goal of integration be better realised? In 50 years, whatever the challenges may have been, it can be said that ECOWAS has been pivotal in forging cooperation, integration and trade within the region. ECOWAS in 2010 adopted Vision 2020, and also later a Vision 2050 roadmap to deepen the original objectives of the association.

There may have been challenges: insecurity in the Sahel, Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin, Ebola, COVID-19 and the emergent threat of military juntas, but on the whole, the main achievements of the body deserve to be celebrated. ECOWAS fought to restore peace in Liberia and Sierra Leone, and has been vocal in insisting on good governance. There are hitches in person-to-person relations within the body, over trade, commerce and space, but the free movement of goods and services has been largely beneficial. ECOWAS ranks probably as the most successful regional economic bloc in the continent, in terms of conflict management.

But ECOWAS has lost steam. It needs re-organisation. It is unfortunate that the same ECOWAS that acted decisively in Liberia, Sierra Leone and The Gambia is now the same body that is now being treated scornfully by a group of military adventurists who have reversed democratic progress in the Sahel. Their effrontery is fuelled by the descent into poverty and anomie in their countries. The clamour for change that compelled the people of Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea and Niger to embrace the military is simply their frustration with the leaders in those countries. The people seek change and they embrace it in whatever shape it presents itself, with high expectations too, because they no longer trust their leaders who have alienated them and placed a greater accent on their own elite well-being rather than the common good for the people’s benefit.

The people are led by persons who promote injustice, inequality, and nepotism. They rig elections and do not allow the people’s votes to count. When the military intervenes, the people see the intervention as a form of liberation from the shackles of oppression. In Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali, they trooped to the streets in jubilation, almost like the situation today in Syria with the fall of Bashar Assad and the Assad dynasty, one of the most murderous ruling houses in the Middle East which clung to power for 54 years. In Mali in August 2020, when Mali’s President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita was removed in a military coup over allegations of corruption, fraud and electoral violence, the people were joyous. They carried placards saying “This isn’t a coup. It is a Revolution”. There was yet another coup in May 2021. Similarly in Niger in 2023, thousands of people gathered to hail the generals who led the coup in that country. The urgent matter that West Africa needs to resolve is the challenge of good leadership and governance.

There is a need at the organisational level for a re-dedication to the ideals of ECOWAS, and to develop a higher sense of belonging among the member-states and the over 420 million people that make up the region. As ECOWAS steps into its 50th year, it is in urgent need of reform and we need to see the members being faithful. At the last meeting of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of States and Governments, Omar Alieu Touray, President of the ECOWAS Commission, commended Nigeria for having paid up its community levies for 2023, with the 2024 levy paid up to July this year. He advised other member states to emulate Nigeria’s example. I guess it has become a habit among ECOWAS members to allow Nigeria to do the heavy lifting in terms of funding while others tag along and yet enjoy the benefits of membership.

It is important that all parties pay their levies as and when due. The various structures of the body must be overhauled to ensure equity and deepen trade facilitation. The ideals of free movement of persons across the region should be enhanced. It must be possible for any national of an ECOWAS state to live and work in any of the member states without being subjected to undue discrimination or harassment. The celebration of ECOWAS at 50 must be an occasion for sober reflection and renewal. President Bola Tinubu was elected for a second term as chairman of ECOWAS in July 2024. He would preside over the 50th-anniversary celebrations before handing over the seat in July 2025. He may have listed some of his achievements as ECOWAS chairman at the 66th Ordinary session in Abuja; he would be required to give a fuller account of his tenure and the status of ECOWAS as part of the 50th anniversary. There is a lot more that can be done.

OPINION

Why the Sun Has Not Risen on the Mambilla Project

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By Iliyasu GaduIf

you have visited the Mambilla plateau in Sardauna Local Government of Taraba state, you probably will not behold a better Eldorado in Nigeria.

Everything about the place from the temperate weather, to the bewitching scenic beauty, to the agricultural produce and livestock is something you can never find in any part of Nigeria.
The weather is so clement all year round that you do not need an air conditioner in your home.
The bananas are huge and succulent you will mistake them for plantain. Coffee, tea and beverages abound here as well as grapes, and avocado. Mambilla is also a potential tourist haven. The highest elevation in Nigeria, Chappal Wadi peak is one of the several wonders of nature in Mambilla.
Adding to the scenic, breath taking beauty, the place hosts a variety of flora and fauna that if properly harnessed would rank as a top tourist destination not only in Nigeria but Africa. If Taraba state where Mambilla is located is likened and called “Nature’s gift to the Nation’’, then Mambilla can rightly be termed ‘’Nature’s gift to Taraba’’.Mambilla used to be part of Cameroon but due to the plebiscite organized by the United Nations for the English speaking parts of the country, the northern areas of which Mambilla right up to Mubi in Adamawa voted to join with Nigeria.The southern English speaking part of course decided to stay in Cameroon and we are all witnesses to the consequences of that decision on the area. For convincing the northern part of Cameroon which constitute parts of Taraba and Adamawa states today, we need to thank Sir Ahmadu Bello, the late premier of Northern Nigeria who campaigned vigorously in these areas and for whom the Sardauna Local Government where Mambilla is located, after his traditional title of ‘’Sardauna’’.But for all these beautiful attributes of Mambilla, there is an ugliness that cannot be hidden. Among the many useful things about the place is that it can also be a source for a massive power project of up to 3,000 megawatts. Surveys carried out decades ago had indicated that across the river that runs through Mambilla, a dam of that capacity can be built to supply power and irrigate the land for greater agricultural productivity.The reports of the baseline studies on this project had been in abeyance until 2003 when the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration as part of its power development programme decided to award a six billion dollar contract for the construction of the dam.Sunrise Power, a company owned by a well-known Lagos based wheeler dealer Leno Adesanya was the beneficiary of this contract which was signed off by Olu Agunloye the then Minister of Power during the Obasanjo administration.Before he was appointed as Minister of Power, we knew the tall Physicist and Ondo-born Agunloye as one time boss of the Federal Road Safety Corp. I can be too sure that both Agunloye and Leno Adesanya had ever visited Mambilla and what they knew of the place if at all may just be enough to fill the back of a postage stamp. But here they were, given the power to award and supervise the construction of a multi-billion dollar power project in what can be termed the boondocks of Nigeria.One can be sure that with such fellows at the helm and against such setting, the project will never see the light of day (no pun intended); never mind that the contractor goes by the name ‘’Sunrise’’ (No pun intended here).As it has now come to light 22 years later since the contract was awarded in 2003, earth had been shifted to clear the site of the project not to talk of turbines installed to power the dam and provide energy. But what is sure is that vast amounts of money has been expended so far mainly on litigations and ‘’investigations’’ into the project. The latest news on the project is that two former Nigerian leaders Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari appeared before a court of arbitration in Paris, France to explain what they knew about the project.And why was this necessary?I recognise that the matter is sub judice both locally and abroad but I will take the liberty allowed under fair comment and the overriding interest of the right of the public to know, to shed some light on the shenanigans that have dogged the project.The long and short of it is that Sunrise was paid some mobilization money but did not for whatever reasons execute the contract fully. And to protect its contractual propriety over the project in order to prevent it from being re awarded to another contractor, Sunrise put a caveat emptor on the projector. This meant that for any consideration on the projector in whatever form, Sunrise had the right of first refusal over any other party including even the Nigerian government.This much came to light when the Buhari administration sought to revive the project from a decade of abeyance. The attempt by the Buhari administration to engage a Chinese contractor to do the project was stonewalled by Sunrise which took the matter to an International Arbitration court in Paris. As the Presidents under whose tenure the Mambilla project featured, both Obasanjo and Buhari were thus obligated to appear before the court of arbitration which they did.Another twist to the project is the role which Buhari’s second minister of power, Saleh Mamman played in the whole sordid saga. His predecessor in the ministry Babatude Fashola (SAN) being the smart lawyer that he is gave the project a wide berth knowing the legal entanglements associated with it. But Saleh Mamman who incidentally is an indigene of Taraba state and even has filial connections to the Mambilla area is now under investigation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on allegations of misappropriating 32 billion naira under his watch as minister.Among the issues that had come to light is his alleged role in the Mambilla project where he claimed to have spent huge sums in paying compensation to owners of the land and clearing of the site for the project. This also included an engagement session for stakeholders of the project which took place at Transcorp Hotel Abuja. All these were in anticipation of the takeover of the project by the Chinese. But as we all know now the Sunrise’s decision to seek international arbitration stymied the move.In what had also added a dark shadow over the issue, a BBC on the spot investigation showed that despite the huge sums that were claimed to have been expended, nothing on ground justified such.This prompts us to ask why some pertinent questions.Why was Sunrise a company with no proven track record of handling energy projects of this nature awarded the Mambilla power project in the first place. Was it meant to be a flag contract in which a company without capacity is awarded such a contract on the understanding that it will be a conduit through which funds will be funnelled to parties unconnected to the project?Why did the Obasanjo and subsequent governments allow Sunrise which did little to commence the project after reportedly collecting some mobilization funds, to put a lock hold on the project for 22 years now, thereby stalling its take off? Where are the vocal anti-corruption watchdogs who all too often are quick and vigorous when similar issues occur in certain parts of the country?As it is, now that the issue had been taken to international arbitration it is likely that Nigeria’s quest to boost its power sector through the 3,000 megawatt capacity Mambilla power project will be delayed for long if not totally scrapped. And this will be down to a Nigerian company ironically called ‘’Sunrise’’ which rather than be the harbinger of power and energy as its name implies, has instead decided to do the opposite.Gadu can be reached via Ilgad2009@gmail.com and 08035355706 (Texts only).

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OPINION

Lt. Col James Y. Pam jssc. MFR and the Mutiny in Tanganyika

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The history of the country called Tanganyika began in 1885 when the Germans
colonized East Africa.

Present day Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda became known
as German East Africa.
Following the defeat of Germany in World War I, its colonies were divided among
the victors under the treaty of Versailles.

The British named their colony Tanganyika and ruled over it from 1919 to 9 th of
December 1961 when it gained independence.
Its first Prime Minister was Julius
Nyerere.
In 1964, the country merged with the island of Zanzibar to form a new nation
called the United Republic of Tanzania. The reason for the merger was for mutual
economic benefits and to integrate the peoples that lived on the mainland
Tanzania and the smaller island of Zanzibar.

At independence, the Tanzanian Army was formed from about one and a half
battalions of the colonial regional Army known as the King’s African Rifles which
had a sizeable number of British officers as well as nationals from other East
African countries.
Several factors led to the mutiny of the Tanzanian Army (the “Tanganyika Rifles”).
One was low pay and poor conditions. Another was the slow pace of
“Tanganyikalisation” of the army. Thirdly, there was an attempt to recruit fifteen
Israeli trained youth leaders into the army. The soldiers felt that the men were
unsuitable and the method of recruitment irregular.
Political interference by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Defence, Oscar
Kambono did not help matters. He preferred to appoint to key positions officers
who had risen through the ranks with years of service, rather than young well
educated officers.
In the early hours of January 20 th 1964, under the leadership of Sgt. Hingo Ilogo,
the soldiers rounded up both British and African officers and locked them up at

Colito barracks. They then moved into Dar-es-Salaam and took effective control of
the city. Seventeen persons lost their lives in the ensuing melee.
Prime Minister Julius Nyerere fled the country but Oscar Kambono, remained
behind and began negotiations with the mutineers. Eventually, the British officers
were released from the guardrooms and flown out of the country.
Meanwhile, Nyerere made a written request for assistance from the British
government to quell the mutiny, through diplomatic channels. On the morning of
the 25 th January 1964, Royal marine commandos from the carrier Centaur situated
on the East African coastline of the Indian ocean, fanned into the city and put an
end to the mutiny.
Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was subsequently re-instated as Prime Minister. He
disbanded the entire army and sought assistance from the Organisation of African
Unity. A Ministerial Committee met and it was decided that Nigeria be
approached for the needed assistance.
Minister Oscar Kambono arrived Lagos in late March and met with PM Tafawa
Balewa. An act of Parliament was passed and, by the first week of April, 1964 the
3rd Battalion of the Nigerian Army, stationed in Kaduna and commanded by 31
year old Lt. Col James Yakubu Pam, was airborne to Dar-es-Salaam, Tanganyika.
In total, there were 533 soldiers and 24 officers. The mission was under the
general supervision of Brig. Samuel Ademulegun, Commander of the 1st Brigade,
Kaduna.
Lt. Col James Yakubu Pam was of Berom stock from Jos. A brilliant student, he
attended St Paul’s Primary School Jos, Central Primary School Pankshin and
Barewa College Zaria. He performed so well in his academics that he received an
“Exemption from the London Matriculation”, an honour reserved for students
who excelled.
He thereafter enlisted in the army and attended the West African Cadet Training
school, Teshi in Ghana, Eaton Hall Officer Cadet School and the Royal Military
Academy, Sandhurst both in the U.K.

One of his commanding officers in Sandhurst had this to say of him: “I have the
highest regard for this overseas cadet. He is determined to do well and never
spares himself in order to ensure this. He is most receptive, co-operative and
trustworthy.”
He received the Queen’s Commission as 2nd Lieutenant in 1955, the first from the
Middle Belt Region of Nigeria. He became an officer of the West African Frontier
Force (WAFF 45) and later the Nigeria Army (NA 14) at independence in 1960. He
had just returned from further training at the Joint Services Staff College,
Camberley, England when the order came to deploy to Tanganyika.
Lt. Col Pam’s selection for this assignment was also predicated on the fact that he
had participated in several military operations in the Cameroons and in the
United Nations Peace Keeping force in the Congo.
The third battalion had returned from service in Kasai Province of the Congo in
May 1963 when Lt. Col Pam took over command shortly afterwards from Lt.Col
Etches upon his departure as the last expatriate Commander of 3NA.
His orders were clear: chiefly, to ensure internal security, re-train the Tanganyikan
army and mount the normal Ceremonial Guards in the city.
The 3rd Battalion had just returned from service in Kasai Province of the Congo in
May 1963. Lt. Col Pam took over command shortly afterwards from Lt. Col Etches
upon his departure as the last expatriate commander of 3NA.
Meanwhile, Nyerere selected 1,500 young men from the youth wing of his
political party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) to form the
completely new Tangayikan Army.
His reason for adopting this unusual selection process was that he wanted an
army which came from national life and not an ėlite force. In his words: “the task
is to ensure that the officers and men are integrated into the government and
party so that they become no more a risk than, say, the civil service.”
Lt. Col Pam was tasked with the responsibility of turning these raw recruits into
competent soldiers within six months and he discharged his responsibilities
competently and efficiently.

Peace and security were maintained and the newly trained soldiers passed out on
1 st September 1964, less than five months after the 3NA set foot in Tanganyika.
On the 21 st September 1964, the 3NA held a Ceremonial Parade and were
honoured by Prime Minister Julius Nyerere. Lt. Col James Yakubu Pam was gifted
a leopard skin, a shield and a spear as a token of appreciation for his outstanding
contribution to Tanganyika which had become Tanzania following its merger with
Zanzibar.
The reconstituted and re-trained Tanzanian Army has remained dedicated and
loyal to the country and its constitution till date.
In 1965, Lt. Col J.Y. Pam jssc was awarded the National Honour of Member of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria (MFR) in recognition of his meritorious service.
Unfortunately, he was killed in the coup d’etat of January 15 th , 1966 before he
could formally receive the honour.
The National Award was subsequently received by his widow, Mrs. Elizabeth Pam
and his children 15 years later.

Prof. Ishaya C. Pam
For: The Family

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OPINION

Kemi Badenoch: It’s Time for a Rethink

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By Tunde Rahman

Kemi Badenoch’s ill-advised denigration of Nigeria has refused to go away.

Her belittlement of the country of her ancestry is still generating passionate public discourse within and outside the media space, and it appears the matter will not go away anytime soon.

Exasperated by Kemi Badenoch’s misguided attacks on Nigeria, Vice President Kashim Shettima recently counselled her to drop the Kemi in her name and bleach her ebony skin to white to further appease her Tory party and British establishment.

And perturbed and seemingly lost by all that, my daughter, Kemi Mushinat, who recently graduated in communication studies, asked what was wrong with the name Kemi.
There is nothing wrong with the name, I explained. But a lot is wrong with Kemi Badenoch (Nee Adegoke), the leader of the British opposition Conservative Party, who opted to behave, as the Yoruba would describe it, “bi omo ale to fi owo osi ju we ile baba e”, meaning like a child who would go out to denigrate her ancestry by pointing the offensive finger at her roots.

Honour and dignity are inherent in the name Oluwakemi, indeed in any name. But what confers dignity, what glorifies a name, is the character the bearer brings into it. Kemi Badenoch left much to be desired, disparaging Nigeria, our motherland. She painted a gory picture of her growing up years in Nigeria from the middle of the ’80s to around 1996, highlighting stories of poverty, infrastructure decay, decadence, corruption, police excesses, and leadership failure. Perhaps some of her narratives could be true, particularly in the time that immediately followed the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) misrule and the indiscretion of the emergent military regime.

However, her stories reek of generalisations and prejudices often associated with most analyses by a section of Western media and commentators. They view Nigeria with their jaundiced lenses, describing the country as made of a Muslim north and Christian south, oblivious of the various Christian minorities in the north and the plethora of Muslims in the south and the multiplicity of ethnic groups in the two divides that make a mockery of any analysis of a monolithic north or south. They view us Africans with many unproven, unorthodox assumptions.

My problem is with Badenoch, an African, whichever way you slice it, and the character she has chosen. When Vice President Shettima lambasted her for demeaning Nigeria, Kemi Badenoch thought she had a clincher. “I find it interesting that everybody defines me as Nigerian,” she said. “I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity (Yoruba). That’s what I am. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram where the Islamism is; those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people.”

In that statement, the Tory leader disavowed Nigeria and excoriated the north but exalted the Yoruba. She repudiated the whole, attacking one part of the nation but embracing another. Kemi Badenoch grossly misfired, hiding under the finger of ethnic nationalism.

Perhaps it would have been pardonable if, for instance, she opposed Nigeria’s federal system and canvassed regionalism or confederacy. To condemn one race and elevate another is like playing one part against another. That utterance is dangerous in a diverse and volatile society like ours. The north (read the Hausa-Fulani, Kanuri, Tiv, Birom, Mangu, Ibira, Nupe, and many others who cohabit the entire northern region) is no enemy of the Yoruba as Badenoch insinuated.

The north voted massively for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba man, to emerge president in 2023, as they did for the late Bashorun MKO Abiola, the winner of the annulled June 12 election in 1993. To label them the enemies of the Yoruba is condemnable.

Badenoch’s Yoruba roots emphasise good character and promote good neighbourliness, religious harmony, peaceful co-existence, respect for elders, and respect for other people’s rights. That is why Yoruba intermarry with members of different ethnic groups. It’s also commonplace in Yorubaland to find members of the same family having adherents of Islam and Christianity cohabiting together without any hassles. Boko Haram or its last vestiges poses a security challenge, perhaps a religious and sociopolitical challenge, for Nigeria, not just for the north or the north-east which is why the government and our armed forces have battled to a standstill and are still battling the insurgents.

Therefore, the values the UK Conservative leader espoused did not represent the Yoruba. They are not the values the Yoruba would showcase, uphold, and promote. Yoruba has a rich history of culture, tradition, leadership, and loyalty to constituted authority.

Badenoch’s formative years, which she derided with negative stories of decadence, perfidy, and corruption, were part of Nigeria’s dark periods when the military held the country and the people by the jugular.

Is Kemi Badenoch now giving the impression that nothing has changed in Nigeria, particularly in Lagos, where she grew up after birth in London? Is she giving the impression there have not been significant improvements in the standard of living and infrastructure, with the rehabilitation of existing roads and opening up of new ones; in transportation with the multi-modal system complemented by water transportation and now the rail system, among other things?

Despite its challenges, there is no doubt there has been a remarkable development in Lagos from the foundation laid by then Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu (now President Tinubu) from 1999 to 2007 till the present Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to the point that Lagos has emerged as one of largest economies in Africa. Lagos State has made significant progress across all indices of development such that if it were a country, it would have ranked the sixth largest economy on the continent.

What has emerged in the entire Kemi Badenoch’s saga is her seeming double-face or multiple-face. When she was campaigning to represent her diverse Dulwich and West Norwood Constituency in the UK Parliament in 2010, she had appealed to the Nigerian community, comprising Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo, under the aegis of “Nigerians for Kemi Badenoch,” pleading for help in the election.

A campaign document that surfaced on social media showed she had reached out to all Nigerians in that constituency while highlighting her roots. In that document, Badenoch had said to her Nigerian supporters: “I need your help. I’m running for parliament in the 2010 UK general elections. The race is very tight. Last year, the News of the World surveyed this constituency, and the forecast was that I would win. Things are much tougher this year as the party has dropped nationally in the polls. I need your help.

“I am asking for your help now to support a Nigerian trying to improve our national image and do something great here.”

After winning the election, however, she deployed her situation in Nigeria as a talking point to rally support for her policies, for which she was accused of exploiting her roots for political gains.

Her rhetoric has drastically changed with her emergence as the Leader of the Conservative Party. In the carriage, conduct and statements, she is now out to please the White establishment, particularly the White wing of her Conservative Party, subjugating her people to make Britain look good. She doesn’t mind running down anyone, including the Nigerian people and the British blacks generally.

Will this advance her politics or status? I do not think so. The British respect culture and tradition. Running down a country’s history and culture may not attract much attention. Britain also respects her relations with other countries, particularly Nigeria, given our age-long relationship. Nigeria is a significant trade and investment partner of the UK in Africa. According to the UK Department for Business and Trade, as of December 20 2024, the total trade in goods and services (exports plus imports) between the UK and Nigeria amounted to £7.2 billion in the four quarters up to the end of Q2 2024, an increase of 1.2% or £86 million in current prices from the four quarters to the end of Q2 2023.

Britain would not want to harm that substantial trade partnership and excellent relationship between the two countries in any way.

Also, several Badenoch’s Conservative Party members do not share her attitude towards Nigeria. In Zanzibar, I recently ran into Jake Berry, a top Tory Party member and former cabinet member in the UK. While discussing the Badenoch matter, he said most Conservative Party members disagreed with her.

Kemi Badenoch has recorded an outstanding achievement in two decades of entering British politics. She joined the Conservative Party at the age of 25. Today, she stands not just as the Leader of the biggest party in Britain’s history but also as the highest black person in the United Kingdom. Her extraordinary accomplishment should have been used to inspire young people to achieve similar feats and as a foundation to inspire positive change in her country of origin, not to denigrate Nigeria or cause division and disaffection among her people. It is not too late for Badenoch to rethink and toe the line of rectitude.

Rahman is the senior special assistant on media matters to President Tinubu.

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