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CAPPA, 68 NGOs Urge IMO to Exclude Biofuels from Global Fuel Standard

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From Sylvia Udegbunam, Enugu

Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA) and 68 other international nongovernmental organisations have warned the United Nations International Maritime Organization (IMO) against promoting biofuels as Global Fuel Standard (GFS) and an alternative to petrol in international shipping, saying it threatens rainforests and communities in host countries.

CAPPA in a statement by the media and communication Officer, Robert Egbe said that “The NGOs, in an open letter to the IMO Secretariat on February 17, 2025, called on the IMO’s 176 Member States to oppose the promotion of biofuels in international shipping and commit to a future powered by clean energy.

They stressed that the design of the Global Fuel Standard should be based on stringent life cycle assessment guidelines that exclude the use of biofuels while protecting the climate, the environment, and the livelihood of people.

According to the IMO, the Global Fuel Standard is a technical measure to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from ships and to help meet the IMO’s decarbonization targets.

The letter comes ahead of the IMO’s finalisation of its negotiations on key climate laws for international shipping, at a series of meetings in London.

The discussions will determine which fuels and technologies will power this sector, to limit shipping’s harmful environmental impacts and achieve its historic climate commitment.

According to the organisations, shipping consumes a massive 5 percent of global oil production – more than any single country outside China and the US. However, some countries and companies are quietly planning to set rules that aim to replace most of this huge fossil fuel demand with biofuels.

“This risks causing even more climate and environmental damage than oil, not less,” the NGOs warned, adding that the IMO’s 176 member states “must exclude biofuels from the industry’s energy mix, due to their devastating impacts on climate, communities, forests and other ecosystems. These impacts include land and water grabbing, loss of food sovereignty, threats to food security, and widespread ecological harm. Instead, the IMO needs to prioritise real solutions for shipping, with clear policy incentives, including demand reduction and efficiency improvements.

“In July 2023, the IMO adopted the Revised GHG Strategy committing to net-zero GHG emissions by around 2050. One of the key policies to achieve this target is the Global Fuel Standard (GFS), which aims to incentivise the use of clean energy on ships, which the IMO promised to finalise in April 2025. Allowing the use of biofuels under the GFS would jeopardize the very goals the IMO seeks to achieve.”

The letter called out the Brazilian government, which will host the next United Nations Climate Conference (COP30) in Belém in November, as one of the key IMO members pushing for the uptake of biofuels in shipping as part of plans to increase the global market for its expanding biofuel industry.

CAPPA, Global Justice Ecology Project, Biofuelwatch, National Farmers Union (Canada), Earthjustice International, Proyecto Lemu (Argentina), Australian Forests and Climate Alliance, and the other signatories to the letter, noted that at the last round of IMO negotiations in October 2024, Brazil put forward biofuels as a long-term solution to power shipping but argued that this proposal would promote the use of unsustainable biofuels.

“Additionally, Brazil’s palm oil production is also expanding and has been linked to water pollution and large-scale land grabbing, much of it illegal. Now Brazil is looking at shipping as its next customer for biofuels, but the social and environmental costs linked to this market expansion would be catastrophic.

“Food- and feed-based biofuels are connected to deforestation, food insecurity, land and water grabbing and pollution from pesticides, all of which Brazil is already facing. Neighbouring countries are dealing with similar problems: recent studies show concern for the increased deforestation rates in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela due to the expansion of cropland for soy, oil palm, cocoa, maize, rice, and cassava (Richens, 2024).”

The letter referenced studies showing that the direct and indirect land use change impacts of biofuels from vegetable oils, especially from soy and palm oil exceed the life-cycle emissions of fossil diesel.

“Wastes and residues, including animal fats, are in limited supply and existing demand far exceeds their availability. Furthermore, many of those residues and wastes have high indirect greenhouse gas emissions, due to competition between biofuels and other uses.

“Communities in many countries of the global South, including Colombia, Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, Indonesia, Malaysia or Cameroon, are already facing the consequences of vast and rapidly expanding monoculture plantations of oil palm, soy and other crops in demand for biofuels. This has devastating impacts on small farmers and indigenous communities, including effects on health due to the intense use of pesticides. We do not want to witness what could happen in those countries if biofuel production should escalate to meet the demand of such a giant – international shipping.”

Another consequence of the production of liquid biofuels, the NGOs, said, is that it risks exacerbating existing gender-based inequalities, and therefore contributing to the socio-economic marginalization of women, threatening their livelihoods and in particular their food security.

In conclusion, the groups said sustainable solutions for “De-carbonization of the shipping sector already exist. These include improved energy efficiency through stricter standards and innovative ship designs, and the adoption of advanced propulsion technologies like wind assistance. Reducing the volume of goods transported by sea is also a vital step to reduce the environmental impact of global trade.”

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2027: We’ll Deliver Rivers, FCT for Tinubu – Wike

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By Laide Akinboade, Abuja

The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, has declared that the All Progressives Congress (APC), under the Rainbow Coalition, will secure victory for President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 general elections.

Wike vowed to deliver massive votes for Tinubu in Rivers State and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), insisting that opposition threats and political intrigues would not derail the President’s re-election bid.

Addressing Rivers Rainbow Coalition Youths, in Port Harcourt on Tuesday, the former Rivers State governor said the administration’s infrastructure projects and policy interventions had strengthened its appeal among Nigerians.

He maintained that political leaders should be judged by their performance and benefits to the people, not campaign promises.

Wike said the Rainbow Coalition was formed to support what he described as purposeful leadership and sustain development across the country.

He cited roads and bridges as evidence of the administration’s commitment to improving Nigerians’ lives, particularly at the grassroots.

“We are not playing politics for the sake of it without bringing benefits to our people. After all, we are not looking for those who are fine or finer. We are looking for those who will do something that will positively impact Nigerians and the Rivers people,” he said.

The minister insisted that Rivers State’s political future must be determined by its people’s interests and the benefits they stand to gain from the Federal Government.

Wike particularly pointed out that no fewer than 49 indigenes of Rivers State currently hold prominent Federal Government positions.

“What is important is: where is Rivers State, Where are we going, and how will the election benefit Rivers State? That’s what we’re talking about,” he said.

Wike criticised opposition politicians, describing some as political gamblers who lacked consistency and had failed to demonstrate a clear commitment to voters.

He warned against supporting politicians who make promises without delivering tangible results.

“You cannot vote for a political gambler. Every time, they come around making empty promises, but our people know better now,” he said.

Wike expressed confidence that voters would assess candidates by their records and the practical impact of their policies rather than political rhetoric.

“We want to win this election with a difference,” he added.

The FCT minister emphasised youth participation in the coalition’s mobilisation efforts ahead of the 2027 elections.

He directed that young people be adequately represented on committees organising presidential rallies and other campaign activities.

“The committee for the presidential rally must put a reasonable number of our youths,” Wike said, stressing that their energy and involvement would be crucial to the coalition’s success.

He urged supporters to remain united, strengthen grassroots structures and mobilise voters for the elections.

At a meeting with Rivers Rainbow Coalition youths, Wike criticised opposition figures, including former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar and former Anambra State governor Peter Obi, questioning their credibility and suitability for the presidency.

He described Atiku as untrustworthy and called Obi a “fake man”, declaring that the coalition remained firmly behind Tinubu’s re-election bid.

The All Progressives Congress (APC) Governorship candidate, Kingsley Chinda has promised a youth-friendly and inclusive government, with compulsory bursary payments by local government councils and improved technical education for young people.

He said the proposed administration would prioritise youth development, education and vocational training, stressing that empowering young people was critical to the development of the state.

Chinda thanked members of the Rainbow Coalition Youths, for their support for the political movement led by the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike.

He said the meeting was convened to appreciate the youths for standing by the political leadership through difficult times, assuring them that their contributions would not be forgotten.

He said; “Our leader very sincerely appreciates that. And that is why he said, even if it is for five or 10 minutes. What we have come to do is to say thank you for what you have done. You are not forgotten. We appreciate you and will continue to appreciate you in different ways”.

Chinda described Wike as a youth-friendly leader, adding that those working with him would sustain his commitment to youth development.

He said the Rainbow Coalition would promote unity among political stakeholders in Rivers State, insisting that collective action was necessary to achieve its political objectives.

He declared the coalition’s support for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election bid in 2027, saying the youths of Rivers State were prepared to mobilise behind the President.

“The message we are sending out today is that the youths of Rivers State are unapologetically, unconditionally standing firm with Tinubu for President,” he said.

He added that Wike’s political engagements across the state were aimed at bringing people together and strengthening the coalition ahead of future political contests.

On youth development, he pledged that the proposed government would be inclusive and responsive to the needs and aspirations of young people.

He specifically said bursary payments would receive serious attention, with local government council chairmen expected to make students’ welfare a priority.

“In fact, when you talked about bursary, he whispered to me, ‘You must take it very seriously.’

“So it will be compulsory for every local government council chairman to take the issues of bursary seriously. Compulsory, without compromise,” he said.

He also promised reforms in the state’s education system, particularly the expansion of technical and vocational education to equip young people with practical skills.

The Rivers State Coordinator of the Rainbow Coalition Youth and South-South Coordinator of City Boys, Chima Aguma, assured Wike of massive grassroots mobilisation to secure victory for Tinubu and other coalition-backed candidates in the state.

The President of the National Union of Rivers State Students (NURSS), Justice Uranta, pledged to mobilise students across the state’s 23 local government areas, tertiary institutions and the diaspora for Tinubu and the coalition’s governorship candidate, Kingsley Chinda.

They pledged to mobilise grassroots support for President Tinubu and other candidates endorsed by the Rainbow Coalition ahead of the 2027 elections.

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Tinubu’s Three Bills and the Burden of Government

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By Tom Chiahemen

A government that asks its citizens to endure the pain of economic reform must demonstrate a corresponding willingness to examine the cost of governing them. Sacrifice becomes difficult to defend when households are compelled to adjust while the machinery of the state appears exempt from the same discipline.

This is the broader question raised by President Bola Tinubu’s recent transmission of three executive bills to the House of Representatives.

The proposals concern drug law enforcement, transport safety investigation and the replacement of the Administrative Staff College of Nigeria (ASCON) with a National School of Government.
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Each addresses an important public responsibility. Nigeria needs effective action against illicit drugs, safer transport systems and public officials capable of translating policy into results. The issue is whether the proposed legal changes offer the clearest, most economical and most accountable means of achieving those objectives.

At a time of considerable hardship, the government must explain what every institutional reform will improve, what it will cost and why existing arrangements cannot deliver the same result.

The three proposals should, however, be assessed separately. Consolidating legislation, expanding an agency’s responsibilities and replacing an institution are different exercises. None automatically amounts to creating another bureaucracy. Equally, none deserves approval merely because it carries the promise of reform.

The drug enforcement proposal illustrates the point. Bringing relevant laws into a consolidated framework could improve clarity and enforcement. Its value will depend on the provisions lawmakers eventually approve and the safeguards accompanying the powers they confer. A stronger legal framework must support effective enforcement, due process and an appropriate balance between punishment, prevention and rehabilitation.

My more immediate concerns relate to transport safety investigation and the proposed National School of Government. Both invite a closer examination of institutional boundaries and the use of resources already committed to existing organisations.

On transport safety, an important clarification is necessary. Although reports of the proposed amendment describe an expansion beyond aviation, NSIB’s own published account states that the 2022 legislation already extended its mandate to maritime, rail and other transport modes. The question for lawmakers is therefore precisely what the new amendment adds, changes or clarifies. NSIB

That distinction matters. Legislative scrutiny should begin with a comparison of the existing law and the proposed provisions. Nigerians deserve to know which shortcomings have been identified and how the amendment would remedy them.

There is a reasonable case for a body capable of investigating serious transport accidents across different sectors. Shared technical resources and coordinated investigations could strengthen safety. But a wider mandate must be matched by specialist personnel, equipment, funding and clear operational limits.

An aircraft accident, a railway derailment, a boat mishap and a highway collision present different investigative demands. An institution cannot acquire the necessary expertise simply because an Act assigns it responsibility.

This brings me to the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), established in 1988. Its work in road safety education, enforcement, crash prevention and emergency response gives it an important place in any discussion of road transport investigations. frsc.gov.ng

Where the proposed arrangements affect road crashes, the relationship between NSIB and FRSC must be explicit. Which incidents would require an independent technical investigation? Who would preserve evidence, coordinate access and communicate findings? How would agencies share information without duplicating expenditure?

There is also a distinction between enforcing safety rules and independently investigating why an accident occurred. A technical investigation may need to examine failures involving operators, infrastructure, equipment and the regulatory system itself. Strengthening FRSC remains necessary, but it does not remove the need to consider how independent investigation should work.

My concern, therefore, is that institutional responsibilities should be carefully defined. Cooperation should be designed into the law, rather than left to the goodwill of officials after a tragedy.

The reported proposal to transfer supervisory oversight to the Presidency deserves similar scrutiny. The decisive issue is whether investigators will have the freedom and resources to pursue evidence, publish findings and make recommendations without improper interference. Administrative proximity to the Presidency cannot, by itself, guarantee independence.

The proposed National School of Government raises another question: what is missing from Nigeria’s existing arrangements for developing public-sector leadership?

ASCON already undertakes management training, research and consultancy. Before replacing it, the government should explain whether its shortcomings arise from its legal mandate, curriculum, funding, management or the failure to apply what participants learn. ascon.gov.ng

Different problems require different remedies. An outdated curriculum can be revised. Weak management can be addressed. Inadequate facilities can be improved. If the present legal framework prevents necessary changes, that case should be made openly.

A new institution may be justified. But a new name cannot carry the burden of proof.

It is equally important to recognise that the proposal is described as a replacement for ASCON. It would therefore be premature to assume that it necessarily adds another agency to the existing total. The proper questions concern transition costs, staffing, assets, governance and the relationship between the successor institution and other training bodies.

Government should set out what would happen to ASCON’s facilities, personnel, obligations and accumulated experience. It should also show what additional public value the new arrangement would deliver.

The Public Service Institute of Nigeria belongs in this discussion. Would closer collaboration, shared programmes or a carefully designed merger produce better results? Has the government compared those options with the cost and benefits of replacing ASCON?

The National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies at Kuru also forms part of the wider institutional landscape. So do universities and polytechnics offering programmes in public administration, governance and leadership.

These organisations are not interchangeable. Academic education, strategic policy studies and practical executive training serve different purposes. Their existence nevertheless makes a review of overlapping programmes and expenditure essential. Nigeria should know what capacity it already possesses before committing resources to another institutional arrangement.

The Citizenship and Leadership Training Centre deserves particular attention. Established in 1951 and now under the Federal Ministry of Youth Development, it promotes citizenship education, leadership, civic responsibility and national values through practical and experiential learning. Citizenship and Leadership Training Centre

Its emphasis on discipline, teamwork, service and responsibility addresses an aspect of leadership that technical qualifications alone cannot supply. Public administration requires competence; public trust also requires character.

I would therefore urge the President to consider strengthening the Centre’s facilities, professional capacity and partnerships. Its experiential approach could complement the work of institutions concerned with policy and executive management.

Any upgrade should preserve that distinctive purpose. Turning every training organisation into another conventional certificate-awarding institution would risk weakening the very contribution that makes it useful.

What Nigeria needs is a coherent arrangement in which institutions understand their responsibilities, share resources where sensible and demonstrate results. Training should be judged by improvements in public service, just as safety investigations should be judged by whether their findings help prevent further loss of life.

For the National Assembly, these bills provide an opportunity to insist on that discipline. Relevant committees should request clear comparisons between existing and proposed mandates, credible cost estimates, transition plans and measurable objectives. They should hear from the affected institutions and the people who use their services.

The President’s request for expeditious consideration is understandable. Yet speed should serve sound legislation. Questions about duplication, independence and expenditure are central to the work lawmakers have been elected to do.

Nor should the pursuit of lower costs become an excuse to weaken essential public services. Some responsibilities require greater investment. The obligation is to demonstrate why that investment is necessary and how its benefits will be measured.

My appeal is for consistency. A government advancing difficult economic reforms must subject its own institutions to rigorous examination. Citizens who are repeatedly asked to make do with less deserve evidence that the government is making better use of what it already has.

Ultimately, the worth of these bills will be measured beyond the chambers in which they are debated. It will be seen in safer journeys, more effective public institutions and officials who serve with competence and restraint. For the Nigerian struggling to meet ordinary needs, reform acquires meaning when the state becomes more useful—and when the burden of sustaining it becomes easier to bear.

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DMO Raises N2.02trn As FGN Bond Yields Rise To 17.29 Per Cent

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By Tony Obiechina, Abuja

Yields on Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) bonds increased by as much as 50 basis points at the October 19, 2026, bond auction, as the Debt Management Office (DMO) allotted N1.

22trn to investors through the sale of three reopened debt instruments.

The increase in yields on the longer-dated bonds came as the DMO accepted higher rates to raise funds, with the stop rate on the September 2036 bond climbing to 17.

29 per cent from 16.79 per cent at the September auction.

The June 2038 bond also recorded an increase in its stop rate to 17.

19 per cent from 16.85 per cent, representing a rise of 34 basis points, while the February 2034 bond settled at 16.99 per cent.

The N1.22tn market allotment represented an increase of approximately 63.5 per cent over the N748.64bn allotted at the September auction, reflecting the higher volume of funds raised through the primary market.

In addition to the market allotment, the DMO allocated another N800bn through non-competitive bids, split equally between the February 2034 and September 2036 bonds.

This brought total allotments at the October auction to N2.02trn, comprising N1.22tn allotted through competitive bidding and N800 billion through non-competitive allotments.

The auction results showed that the DMO reopened three existing bonds and offered a combined N1.75trn to investors. Total bids also stood at N1.75tn, although the agency allotted N1.22tn through the competitive market, rejecting approximately N523.58bn, or about 30 per cent of subscriptions.

The outcome translated into a bid-to-cover ratio of approximately 1.4 times, indicating that investors submitted bids equivalent to about 1.4 times the amount ultimately allotted through the market.

The increase in stop rates on the longer-dated securities highlights the pricing conditions under which the Federal Government is raising funds from the domestic debt market, with investors bidding at varying rates across the three instruments.

The February 2034 bond attracted bids worth N304.08bn against an offer of N500bn, representing a bid-to-offer ratio of 0.61 times.

The DMO allotted N92.14bn to the market through the instrument, equivalent to approximately 30 per cent of the bids received. Bid rates ranged from 16.00 per cent to 19.00 per cent, while the stop rate was fixed at 16.99 per cent.

The September 2036 bond attracted the largest volume of subscriptions among the three instruments, with investors submitting bids worth N925.35bn against an offer of N800bn.

This represented a bid-to-offer ratio of approximately 1.16 times. The DMO allotted N781.31bn through the market, equivalent to about 84 per cent of the bids received.

The stop rate on the bond rose to 17.29 per cent from 16.79 per cent at the previous auction, making it the instrument with the highest reported stop rate among the three securities offered.

For the June 2038 bond, investors submitted bids totalling N518.32bn against an offer of N450bn, resulting in a bid-to-offer ratio of approximately 1.15 times.

The DMO allotted N350.72bn through the market at a stop rate of 17.19 per cent, compared with 16.85 per cent in September.

The results showed that the DMO allotted less than the amounts offered for the February 2034 and June 2038 bonds, while the September 2036 instrument accounted for the largest share of the competitive market allotment.

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