OPINION
Tinubu-Buhari Partnership and Opposition’s Desperate Search for Validation

By Tunde Rahman
The special relationship between President Bola Tinubu and former President Muhammadu Buhari has witnessed many remarkable moments. It has experienced dramatic and exciting times, just as there have been challenging moments. Life changing and sweet memories abound between the two great leaders.
Between the two great men, there are recollections of might-have-beens. There are also open testimonies about the gains of the partnership and words of commendation as well as scornful moments.Nonetheless, the two leaders have trudged on to the admiration of their mutual friends and associates, and bewilderment – I dare say, disappointment – of others who would wish both had long parted ways.
About pleasant times, one important moment readily comes to mind. It was towards the end of 2017, two years into the Buhari presidency. The former president was traveling to Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, for the 5th African Union-European Union Summit, which took place from November 28th to 30th, and had invited Asiwaju Tinubu to join his entourage. Coming from Buhari, the invitation was a pleasant surprise to the then All Progressives Congress National Leader, given that the administration he worked very hard, with others, to bring into existence, had largely sidelined him after taking over power in 2015. The Cote d’Ivoire invitation, therefore, represented one of the few occasions he would be directly contacted.
As it turned out, taking Tinubu along on that trip proved helpful. Tinubu attended a couple of official meetings and engagements with the former president, including the meeting with the Nigerian Community in Cote d’Ivoire. Buhari alluded to this during that trip.
Speaking about Tinubu, while addressing the Nigerian Community in that country on the sidelines of the summit, the former president had said: “I must thank our Leader, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He has brought me a very beautiful piece of information, which I was not aware of until I sat down and read it. Thank you very much for your hard work, and I will discuss that paper with you.”
Many were wondering at the time as to what piece of information Tinubu had offered Buhari. But at that time, 2019 was around the corner, and Buhari needed to rally his troops for re-election. There was a need, in my view, to tap Tinubu again for his strategic support and rich political network. Each time Tinubu had any opportunity to visit Buhari at the Presidential Villa, it was to offer ideas and suggestions about the way forward for the government and the country. I know this as a fact because I was always there with him.
Tinubu had helped Buhari to power in 2015 after the General’s three previous unsuccessful attempts. An alliance between Buhari’s Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) and Tinubu’s Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) that had earlier hit the rocks in 2011 was resuscitated in the run-up to the 2015 election, engendering a working alliance between the North-west and South-west. This was the alliance that put the wind in Buhari’s sail and fired him to the presidency.
For the first time in a long while, the former president recently spoke on this valuable support and fine relationship with Tinubu in a telephone call to the President on his 73rd birthday. According to a statement by his spokesperson, Mallam Garba Shehu, Buhari underscored the bond between him and Tinubu. He disclosed that his family and himself remain indebted to President Tinubu and other APC leaders for the invaluable contributions they made towards the formation of the party, which catapulted him to the presidency for two terms, and helped to produce another APC administration with Tinubu himself at its head.
“No doubt, the annals of the country will not be complete without bringing into mention, and a recognition of the varied and numerous roles of President Tinubu as an entrepreneur, a party stalwart, a staunch activist, party organiser, party builder, a reliable ally and a serial winner of democratic elections. I am truly proud of my association with the Asiwaju,” the former president said.
President Tinubu, on his part, has at every turn extolled the virtues of former President Buhari. For instance, during Buhari’s 82nd birthday last December 17, Tinubu penned a moving tribute to the former president.
He wrote: “Dear President Muhammadu Buhari, on behalf of the government and people of Nigeria, I extend my warmest congratulations and best wishes to you on your 82nd Birthday.
“As you celebrate this remarkable milestone in Daura, we reflect on your years of dedicated service and leadership, which have significantly shaped the course of our nation. Your steadfast commitment to Nigeria’s advancement and unity inspires many, and your enduring legacy continues to guide our nation’s journey towards prosperity and stability.”
Praising Buhari for his doggedness and resilience in contesting presidential elections in 2003, 2007 and 2011 before winning in 2015 and 2019, inspiring “us never to give up,” President Tinubu assured him: “I will continue to build on the infrastructure legacy you bequeathed to our nation as the leader of our country’s first All Progressives Congress administration.”
From the foregoing, notwithstanding the minor strain engineered by some palace courtiers when the former president was in office, it is apparent that the relationship between Tinubu and Buhari continues to flourish as it was built on mutual respect and affection. And like every association, there are bound to be challenges. About that of Buhari and Tinubu, this strain manifested in the sidelining of Asiwaju, particularly during Buhari’s first term in office, and in the orchestrated moves by some people in the Buhari government to thwart Tinubu’s ascension to the presidency in 2023.
However, it would appear that this relationship has weathered the storms. It is waxing stronger. Contrary to the impression in some quarters, particularly in the camps of some opposition politicians, the remarks by the former president during a visit by APC Governors, who paid him Eid-el-Fitri homage in his Kaduna residence, did not in any way undermine the accord. Underlining his cult-like following in the North, the governors had, during the visit, reportedly urged Buhari to dissuade his CPC associates from leaving APC, noting that doing so would strengthen the governing party against the opposition.
During the visit, Buhari had called on political leaders to embrace humility, transparency, and a citizen-first approach to governance, disclosing that he left office with no personal material gain, emphasizing that true leadership is measured not by personal accumulation, but by public service and impact. Garba Shehu again quoted the former president in a statement he issued: “Leaders must always prioritize the welfare of citizens over personal or partisan interests. I left office with the same physical assets I had before becoming President.” Buhari also expressed satisfaction with the renovations to his Kaduna home and thanked the Tinubu administration for the improvements made inside the building. “Outwardly, the house looks the same, but the renovations have been significant,” he said.
However, regarding the APC Governors’ request that he implore his CPC associates not to leave the party, the former president reportedly declined to commit. While reaffirming his loyalty to APC, he was said to have insisted that others must be allowed to make their own political choices. Some analysts and commentators had interpreted that to mean Buhari was pitching his camps with the opposition.
A deeper analysis of Buhari’s politics lends useful perspectives to his convictions as expressed during the visit by the governors elected on the platform of APC. That remark, embodying a laissez faire attitude, is consistent with Buhari’s politics. A vivid example was during the build-up to the 2019 governorship election in Ogun State when as President he appeared in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, to give the APC flag to Prince Dapo Abiodun, the then candidate of the party for the election. The former president had urged the people of the state to vote for any candidate of their choice. That remark drew flaks from many, but it underscored a principle Buhari has upheld throughout his political career.
It should also be recalled that recently when former Kaduna Governor Nasir el-Rufai defected to the Social Democratic Party and he (el-Rufai) claimed in a BBC Hausa interview that he left the APC with Buhari’s blessings, the former president also used the opportunity to clear the air, insisting he remains fully loyal to the APC and would never abandon the party that made his presidency possible. “I am a proud APC member and I want to always be known as one. I will continue to do everything I can to promote and support the party,” Buhari stated, without directly addressing el-Rufai’s claims.
At the moment, opposition politicians are desperately seeking Buhari’s support and endorsement to validate their 2027 plan. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and his cohorts like el-Rufai, former House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Tambuwal and former Governor Bindow Jibrilla of Adamawa State, among others, visited the former president in Kaduna on Thursday to also pay homage to him for the end of Ramadan fasting/Sallah celebrations that occurred two weeks ago.
In all of that and his remarks to the APC Governors that visited him in Kaduna, has former President Buhari, thus far, deviated from or dumped the accord between him and President Tinubu and the spirit of friendship, mutual understanding, cooperation and reciprocal support that underpins their relationship? There is nothing that suggests so. The special relationship between President Tinubu and former President Buhari remains rock solid. The two eminent leaders will continue to cooperate and collaborate to sustain party unity and promote progressive governance.
Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media, Publicity & Special Duties
OPINION
Reshaping Nigeria’s Student Loans for Inclusive Access

By Tosin Kolade
In June 2023, President Bola Tinubu signed the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act into law, marking an important step forward in the country’s approach to financing tertiary education.The initiative was designed to provide interest-free loans to students in higher institutions, thereby expanding access to education for financially disadvantaged youth.
However, nearly two years on, the scheme’s implementation remains burdened by challenges, prompting growing concern and debate among stakeholders. In response to criticism of the original law, the Federal Government repealed and re-enacted the Act in April 2024.The revised legislation established the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) as a corporate entity responsible for managing and disbursing the loans.Notably, the amended version eliminated restrictive eligibility criteria such as income thresholds and guarantor requirements.It also extended the scheme’s coverage to include students enrolled in government-accredited vocational training centres.To streamline access, the application process was simplified, requiring only a valid National Identification Number (NIN) and Bank Verification Number (BVN).Hence, all submissions were made via the NELFUND portal.In spite of these improvements, the scheme has continued to attract criticism.One of its most vocal opponents is the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU).In a recent interview with a national daily, Dr Mwolwus Jurbe, Chairman of ASUU’s University of Jos chapter, outlined the initiative as “fundamentally flawed”.He argued that the scheme was unlikely to benefit its target groups, especially students from low-income families.“The scheme is pushing education out of the reach of the common man,” he said.Jurbe said that, amid high unemployment rates and soaring tuition fees, expecting repayments from indigent students was unrealistic.ASUU also raised alarms over reports that TETFund allocations might be redirected to fund NELFUND.The body warned that dismantling a functional funding mechanism in favour of an untested alternative could jeopardise the future of tertiary education in Nigeria.Meanwhile, the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), while generally supportive, has also expressed reservations.The association acknowledged the potential of the scheme to reduce dropout rates, but emphasised that the absence of scholarships or grants rendered it incomplete.NANS President, Comrade Olushola Ladoja, condemned the alleged mismanagement of NELFUND, calling for the dismissal of implicated officials and the publication of the 51 tertiary institutions reportedly involved.“Any vice-chancellor, rector or provost found culpable in the mismanagement of student loans must be removed from office.“Their actions sabotage the Federal Government’s effort to make education accessible to all,’’ Ladoja said.He urged Tinubu to probe the reported diversion of N71.2 billion and criticised NELFUND for excluding the national student leadership from key stakeholder engagements.Additionally, NANS called on the EFCC and ICPC to investigate the matter and advocated for a five-year post-NYSC loan repayment grace period, citing the employment difficulties faced by many recent graduates.Civil society groups have also raised concerns.The Education Rights Campaign (ERC) described the initiative as “badly thought-out, ill-conceived and fundamentally unworkable”.Hassan Soweto, National Coordinator of the ERC, lamented repeated delays in the loan rollout, calling it evidence of poor planning and political inertia.“It is a national embarrassment that almost a year after the law was signed, students are still waiting for funds,” he said.Worthy on note, trust in the scheme further eroded in August 2024 when it was revealed that no tertiary institution in the South-East had been included in the first phase of disbursements.Reacting, the Concerned Igbo Stakeholders Forum (CISF), led by Chukwuma Okenwa, condemned the omission as a deliberate act of marginalisation.Okenwa argued that excluding an entire geopolitical zone from a national programme violated the federal character principle.Although NELFUND claimed South-East schools had failed to respond to verification notices, the CISF rejected this explanation, insisting that at least one compliant institution should have been selected.Similarly, the Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA) expressed concern over NELFUND’s plan to limit eligibility to students in “high-demand” disciplines.Zikora Ibeh, CAPPA’s Senior Programme Manager, warned that the policy could marginalise students in the humanities, arts, and social sciences.“This approach risks deepening inequality by denying support to students whose fields may not be seen as immediately profitable but are crucial to national development,” she said.Also, controversy followed the announcement that the EFCC had donated N50 billion in recovered funds to the loan scheme.A Legal expert, Nnaemeka Ejiofor, cautioned that while well-intentioned, the EFCC lacked constitutional authority to reallocate recovered public funds without National Assembly approval.“Such actions, no matter how well-meaning, set a dangerous precedent,” he warned.Meanwhile, fee hikes across federal and state universities have exacerbated the financial burden on students and their families.In some cases, tuition fees have surged by as much as 1,000 per cent.A University of Lagos student, Michelle Njemanze, shared that her tuition rose from N16,000 to N196,000 in a single academic session.For many, the student loan scheme remains a promise yet to be fulfilled.Although the Tinubu administration allocated N200 billion to the scheme in the 2024 budget and appointed banking executive Jim Ovia as chairman of the NELFUND board, disbursement delays continued well into May 2025.In response to growing dissatisfaction, NELFUND recently announced a major overhaul of its application system.NELFUND Chief Executive Officer, Mr Akintunde Sawyerr, recently revealed that the agency was deploying a fully digitised, user-friendly platform to streamline the loan process and eliminate bureaucratic delays.“Education is a right, not a privilege; with this technology-driven model, we are establishing a transparent and efficient system that puts students first,” he said.Sawyerr added that the reforms aligned with Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which prioritised educational access and youth empowerment.According to him, more than 320,000 students had already benefited from the scheme, with thousands more undergoing verification as operations scale-up.Looking ahead, NELFUND also plans to integrate its systems with institutional portals across the country.This collaboration aims to enable seamless data exchange, automate student record verification, and speed up loan processing.While recent reforms are encouraging, experts insist that sustained political will, transparency, and inclusive policies are essential to realise the full potential of Nigeria’s student loan scheme.They agree that, in theory, the loan scheme offers a vital opportunity to democratise access to higher education in Nigeria.In practice, however, its rollout has been hindered by legal ambiguities, implementation delays, and regional inequities.If these challenges remain unresolved, experts warn, the scheme may end up widening the very educational gap it was intended to close. (NAN)OPINION
Can an American Pope Speak to Nigerian Realities?

By Dakuku Peterside
When white smoke curled into the Roman sky and the world learned that the College of Cardinals had elected Robert Francis Cardinal Prevost, Pope Leo XIV — an American — it was met with mixed emotions across Africa. For many, particularly in Nigeria, it stirred a sense of cautious hope layered with curiosity.
However, it also raised questions about whether a pontiff shaped by the wealth, power, and contradictions of the United States could truly understand the depth of Nigeria’s struggles and the weight of its aspirations. Could he effectively address the wounds of a country still healing from centuries of colonisation, exploitation, and spiritual marginalisation?Yet as days passed and the new Pope began to speak—not in abstractions, but in words charged with moral clarity and historical awareness — Nigerian Catholics began to feel a surprising resonance. Nigeria with the second largest Catholic population in Africa is home to significant church influence. From rural churches in Ebonyi to urban dioceses in Lagos and Kano, conversations shifted. What started as distant interest has evolved into an emerging conviction: that Pope Leo XIV might be the global moral voice Africa, and Nigeria in particular, has long yearned for — not because he is perfect, but because he appears willing to listen, learn, and lead with compassion.The emergence of an American Pope now could mean a lot for global Christianity. It is coming at a time of great moral possibilities for a world in active realignment. Can democracy go awry while morality remains intact? Can an American political leader destabilise the world order while an American pope preaches unity and peace? Pope Leo XIV has a heavy moral burden. He can only discharge it by emulating Pope Francis, by drawing closer to the masses to emphasise our common humanity over and above the clashing swords of global big powers and political showmanship.Sister Benedicta Okeke of Onitsha captured this shift in a post-mass conversation: “You can’t imagine how healing it is to hear a pope acknowledge colonialism not as a thing of the past but as a system whose aftershocks still affect our people. When he said, ‘Africa’s poverty is not a divine mystery but a human-made injustice,’ I wept. For once, our pain was not dismissed as charity fodder. It was treated as a matter of justice.” Recalling Leo XIV’s inaugural homily in which he condemned “the old and new empires that bleed the global south,” her words distilled decades of frustration among believers who have watched multinational corporations extract resources. At the same time, local communities remain poor. At that moment, she said, “our wounds were not invisible anymore.”Nigeria is home to a significant proportion of the world’s poorest populations. A pope who places the poor at the centre of his teachings reaffirms the Church’s mission of compassion and solidarity. Pope Leo XIV’s unwavering focus on social equity and economic justice will resonate deeply in Nigeria, where poverty, inequality, and limited access to healthcare and education persist. His leadership could redirect global Catholic aid priorities towards Africa, inspiring international donors and Catholic organisations to intensify their commitments to humanitarian efforts. His voice could also encourage local Catholic communities to build stronger, self-sustaining social ministries that reflect the Church’s preferential care for the marginalised, instilling a sense of inspiration and motivation in believers nationwide.The new Pope’s empathy for migrants struck another chord. His bold defence of migrant rights, a stance that has reverberated among Nigerian migrants worldwide, is a testament to his global perspective. In a modest flat in Milan, Chidozie Umeh shared a message with his local parish group: “The Pope’s bold defence of migrants made me feel visible for the first time in many years. When he said ‘no human being is illegal,’ it wasn’t just a slogan — it was a lifeline.” For thousands of Nigerians enduring racism, statelessness, and institutional neglect in Europe and North Africa, the Pope’s stance is more than symbolic. It is a form of pastoral advocacy that they rarely receive from their home or host governments. For Nigerians navigating uncertain legal status in Europe or the Middle East, Leo XIV’s stark defence of migrant rights is surely a lifeline.But the promise of Leo XIV’s papacy is not confined to words. Its echoes are beginning to shape the ground realities of faith communities across Nigeria. In Enugu, some Catholic faithfuls have begun mobilising funds for mobile health clinics in underserved communities. The Pope’s emphasis on structural justice — not just acts of mercy — has pushed them to reimagine healthcare as a right, not a luxury. Similar ripples are felt in Jos, where some youth leaders recently mobilise agricultural cooperatives: They’re starting a community farm project because the Pope reminds them that the Eucharist must extend beyond the altar, and charity begins in the parish.For these Catholics, papal words are seeds that must germinate in local initiatives.A broader theological implication of this papacy is its impact on representation and hope. For many Nigerians, the election of an American pope signals that the papacy is no longer a preserve of European tradition. If a man from the United States can lead the Church, then perhaps Africa’s turn is not far, and this is no longer a distant dream. It is a possibility. The notion of a future African pope — once whispered in seminaries as wishful thinking — is now discussed with cautious realism.And it’s not only about leadership at the top. This new papacy concerns cultural legitimacy. Our liturgy — our drums, our dance, our call-and-response chants — have always been considered secondary, something to be tolerated. But now, the Pope himself has said African worship is not an imitation of Catholicism; it is Catholicism. Diversity is no longer a concession; it is the soundtrack of Catholic universality. It is a testament to the Church’s recognition of its global congregation’s richness and diversity.The most pressing issues Pope Leo XIV has thrust into the spotlight are Christian institutions’ credibility, accountability and transparency. Nigeria is no stranger to ecclesiastical scandals, financial opacity, and misplaced priorities. But now, voices within the Church are rising with renewed confidence. Leo XIV’s insistence on public diocesan audits should reverberate in Nigeria, where some parishes keep opaque books. The Pope’s zero-tolerance stance emboldens Nigerians to ask hard questions of bishops. In a country where corruption routinely hollows out institutions, a transparent Church could model the good governance the state so often lacks.This sense of empowerment extends into diplomacy and development, where the Pope’s background as an American could prove strategically beneficial. If this Pope speaks directly to US lawmakers about ethical foreign policy, it could change how aid is delivered and how conflicts are addressed. He understands both African suffering and American power. The hope is that he could serve as a moral interpreter between Africa and the West — a bridge with a conscience.Leo XIV’s personal familiarity with Africa deepens these hopes. Nigerians still recall the Pope’s past visits to Jos and other cities. We feel he understands our reality, which means he can interpret our needs to audiences in Washington and Rome alike. That bridge-building potential implies that the pontiff could unlock US philanthropic networks for dialogue programmes across Nigeria’s religious fault lines.That potential is especially resonant in economic and environmental justice circles. If Pope Leo XIV addresses debt injustice or the exploitative structure of global trade, Washington will not ignore him. He’s not just a theologian. He’s an insider with prophetic courage. In the oil-polluted communities of the Niger Delta, some activists assume that when the Pope shines the papal spotlight on our creeks, maybe then the oil giants will remember we are people, not just pipelines. The notion that a spiritual leader could steer profit-driven decisions may seem utopian, yet history is full of encyclicals that nudged governments toward unexpected reforms.However, the Pope’s impact on domestic reform may be most transformative. Inspired by his message, parishioners in Yola’s St Theresa’s Church recently drafted an open letter urging their governor to publish a transparent and people-focused budget. In southern Kaduna, where violence has claimed countless lives, Father John Yakubu confessed: “This Pope challenges us priests to leave our comfort zones. We are called not only to preach, but to walk beside victims — to be visible where pain is present.” When moral authority radiates downward through the ecclesial chain, it can animate laity and clergy alike to confront entrenched dangers.All these voices converge on a single conviction: the Church’s relevance in Africa will depend on how deeply it listens to Africa. An American pope who learned compassion amid his nation’s contradictions may be uniquely positioned to foster that listening. He stands at the confluence of Washington’s power, Rome’s tradition, and Africa’s youthful dynamism. If he can channel those currents into a river of justice, he will do more than make history — he will help heal it.For now, Nigerians keep watch, balancing hope with realism. They know that papal exhortations do not automatically translate into legislative victories, access to education, healthcare or clean water taps. But they also know that culture often shifts on the hinge of imagination, and Leo XIV has already widened that imaginative horizon. As youth leader Blessing Iyorah stood in her cassava field outside Jos, she captured this new spirit best: “Faith isn’t an escape plan. It’s a construction manual. The Pope has given us blueprints. Now we must build the kingdom — right here, right now, with our own hands.” And in that soil, under the sun of central Nigeria — amid prayer, planning, and prophetic courage — the significance of an American pope for Nigeria might be taking root.Dakuku Peterside, a public sector turnaround expert, public policy analyst and leadership coach, is the author of the forthcoming book, “Leading in a Storm”, a book on crisis leadership.OPINION
GTBank, VeryDarkMan, and the EFCC: A Dangerous Precedent for Free Speech in Nigeria

By Jeff Okoroafor
In recent weeks, the arrest of social media activist Martins Vincent Otse, popularly known as VeryDarkMan (VDM), by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has sparked outrage and reignited debates about the Nigerian government’s misuse of law enforcement agencies to suppress dissent.
The circumstances surrounding his detention—reportedly linked to his criticisms of Guaranty Trust Bank (GTBank) and its influential customers—raise serious concerns about the weaponization of financial and anti-corruption institutions to silence critics. VeryDarkMan, known for his unfiltered commentary on social and political issues, has built a reputation for exposing alleged corruption, fraud, and misconduct among Nigeria’s elite. His recent posts questioning GTBank’s dealings with high-profile individuals appear to have triggered his arrest. While the EFCC claims his detention is related to “cyberstalking” and “defamation,” many see it as a politically motivated move to punish him for speaking truth to power.This is not the first time a vocal critic has been targeted under dubious charges. The EFCC, originally established to combat financial crimes, has increasingly been accused of being weaponized by the government and powerful interests to intimidate activists, journalists, and opposition figures. The agency’s swift action against VDM—while turning a blind eye to far more severe cases of fraud involving politically connected individuals—exposes its selective enforcement of the law.GTBank, one of Nigeria’s most prominent financial institutions, has denied involvement in VDM’s arrest. However, given the bank’s history of litigation against critics and its connections to influential figures, skepticism remains. If GTBank or any of its high-net-worth customers pressured authorities to detain VDM for his online commentary, it would represent a dangerous collusion between corporate power and state repression.Banks should not operate as instruments of censorship. If citizens cannot question financial institutions without fear of arrest, Nigeria’s already fragile democracy suffers further erosion. The right to criticize corporations—especially those handling public funds—is fundamental to accountability.The EFCC was once hailed as a crucial anti-graft agency, but under successive governments, it has devolved into a tool for political vendettas. From the arrest of journalists like Agba Jalingo to the harassment of activists like Omoyele Sowore, the pattern is clear: the EFCC is increasingly deployed to stifle free speech under the guise of fighting cybercrime.Section 24 of Nigeria’s Cybercrime Act, often cited in such cases, is dangerously vague and prone to abuse. It criminalizes “offensive” or “annoying” messages, giving authorities broad discretion to punish dissent. This law, alongside the EFCC’s growing politicization, creates a chilling effect where citizens self-censor to avoid persecution.The arrest of VeryDarkMan is not just about one individual—it is a test of Nigeria’s commitment to free speech. If financial institutions and government agencies can arbitrarily detain critics, then no voice is safe. Civil society, the media, and the legal community must push back against this authoritarian trend.Judicial Accountability: Courts must scrutinize EFCC’s actions and reject frivolous charges meant to suppress speech.Legislative Reform: The Cybercrime Act should be amended to remove ambiguous provisions that enable repression.Public Pressure: Nigerians must demand transparency from GTBank and the EFCC, ensuring that neither entity is used to punish critics.Nigeria cannot claim to be a democracy if the state and corporate powers conspire to silence dissent. The EFCC must return to its core mandate of fighting corruption—not citizens. VeryDarkMan’s case should serve as a rallying cry for all who believe in free expression. If we allow this precedent to stand, we risk descending into a regime where only the powerful have a voice, and truth is a punishable offense.Jeff Okoroafor is a social accountability advocate and a political commentator focused on governance, accountability, and social justice in West Africa.