OPINION
Can an American Pope Speak to Nigerian Realities?

By Dakuku Peterside
When white smoke curled into the Roman sky and the world learned that the College of Cardinals had elected Robert Francis Cardinal Prevost, Pope Leo XIV — an American — it was met with mixed emotions across Africa. For many, particularly in Nigeria, it stirred a sense of cautious hope layered with curiosity.
However, it also raised questions about whether a pontiff shaped by the wealth, power, and contradictions of the United States could truly understand the depth of Nigeria’s struggles and the weight of its aspirations. Could he effectively address the wounds of a country still healing from centuries of colonisation, exploitation, and spiritual marginalisation?Yet as days passed and the new Pope began to speak—not in abstractions, but in words charged with moral clarity and historical awareness — Nigerian Catholics began to feel a surprising resonance. Nigeria with the second largest Catholic population in Africa is home to significant church influence. From rural churches in Ebonyi to urban dioceses in Lagos and Kano, conversations shifted. What started as distant interest has evolved into an emerging conviction: that Pope Leo XIV might be the global moral voice Africa, and Nigeria in particular, has long yearned for — not because he is perfect, but because he appears willing to listen, learn, and lead with compassion.The emergence of an American Pope now could mean a lot for global Christianity. It is coming at a time of great moral possibilities for a world in active realignment. Can democracy go awry while morality remains intact? Can an American political leader destabilise the world order while an American pope preaches unity and peace? Pope Leo XIV has a heavy moral burden. He can only discharge it by emulating Pope Francis, by drawing closer to the masses to emphasise our common humanity over and above the clashing swords of global big powers and political showmanship.Sister Benedicta Okeke of Onitsha captured this shift in a post-mass conversation: “You can’t imagine how healing it is to hear a pope acknowledge colonialism not as a thing of the past but as a system whose aftershocks still affect our people. When he said, ‘Africa’s poverty is not a divine mystery but a human-made injustice,’ I wept. For once, our pain was not dismissed as charity fodder. It was treated as a matter of justice.” Recalling Leo XIV’s inaugural homily in which he condemned “the old and new empires that bleed the global south,” her words distilled decades of frustration among believers who have watched multinational corporations extract resources. At the same time, local communities remain poor. At that moment, she said, “our wounds were not invisible anymore.”Nigeria is home to a significant proportion of the world’s poorest populations. A pope who places the poor at the centre of his teachings reaffirms the Church’s mission of compassion and solidarity. Pope Leo XIV’s unwavering focus on social equity and economic justice will resonate deeply in Nigeria, where poverty, inequality, and limited access to healthcare and education persist. His leadership could redirect global Catholic aid priorities towards Africa, inspiring international donors and Catholic organisations to intensify their commitments to humanitarian efforts. His voice could also encourage local Catholic communities to build stronger, self-sustaining social ministries that reflect the Church’s preferential care for the marginalised, instilling a sense of inspiration and motivation in believers nationwide.The new Pope’s empathy for migrants struck another chord. His bold defence of migrant rights, a stance that has reverberated among Nigerian migrants worldwide, is a testament to his global perspective. In a modest flat in Milan, Chidozie Umeh shared a message with his local parish group: “The Pope’s bold defence of migrants made me feel visible for the first time in many years. When he said ‘no human being is illegal,’ it wasn’t just a slogan — it was a lifeline.” For thousands of Nigerians enduring racism, statelessness, and institutional neglect in Europe and North Africa, the Pope’s stance is more than symbolic. It is a form of pastoral advocacy that they rarely receive from their home or host governments. For Nigerians navigating uncertain legal status in Europe or the Middle East, Leo XIV’s stark defence of migrant rights is surely a lifeline.But the promise of Leo XIV’s papacy is not confined to words. Its echoes are beginning to shape the ground realities of faith communities across Nigeria. In Enugu, some Catholic faithfuls have begun mobilising funds for mobile health clinics in underserved communities. The Pope’s emphasis on structural justice — not just acts of mercy — has pushed them to reimagine healthcare as a right, not a luxury. Similar ripples are felt in Jos, where some youth leaders recently mobilise agricultural cooperatives: They’re starting a community farm project because the Pope reminds them that the Eucharist must extend beyond the altar, and charity begins in the parish.For these Catholics, papal words are seeds that must germinate in local initiatives.A broader theological implication of this papacy is its impact on representation and hope. For many Nigerians, the election of an American pope signals that the papacy is no longer a preserve of European tradition. If a man from the United States can lead the Church, then perhaps Africa’s turn is not far, and this is no longer a distant dream. It is a possibility. The notion of a future African pope — once whispered in seminaries as wishful thinking — is now discussed with cautious realism.And it’s not only about leadership at the top. This new papacy concerns cultural legitimacy. Our liturgy — our drums, our dance, our call-and-response chants — have always been considered secondary, something to be tolerated. But now, the Pope himself has said African worship is not an imitation of Catholicism; it is Catholicism. Diversity is no longer a concession; it is the soundtrack of Catholic universality. It is a testament to the Church’s recognition of its global congregation’s richness and diversity.The most pressing issues Pope Leo XIV has thrust into the spotlight are Christian institutions’ credibility, accountability and transparency. Nigeria is no stranger to ecclesiastical scandals, financial opacity, and misplaced priorities. But now, voices within the Church are rising with renewed confidence. Leo XIV’s insistence on public diocesan audits should reverberate in Nigeria, where some parishes keep opaque books. The Pope’s zero-tolerance stance emboldens Nigerians to ask hard questions of bishops. In a country where corruption routinely hollows out institutions, a transparent Church could model the good governance the state so often lacks.This sense of empowerment extends into diplomacy and development, where the Pope’s background as an American could prove strategically beneficial. If this Pope speaks directly to US lawmakers about ethical foreign policy, it could change how aid is delivered and how conflicts are addressed. He understands both African suffering and American power. The hope is that he could serve as a moral interpreter between Africa and the West — a bridge with a conscience.Leo XIV’s personal familiarity with Africa deepens these hopes. Nigerians still recall the Pope’s past visits to Jos and other cities. We feel he understands our reality, which means he can interpret our needs to audiences in Washington and Rome alike. That bridge-building potential implies that the pontiff could unlock US philanthropic networks for dialogue programmes across Nigeria’s religious fault lines.That potential is especially resonant in economic and environmental justice circles. If Pope Leo XIV addresses debt injustice or the exploitative structure of global trade, Washington will not ignore him. He’s not just a theologian. He’s an insider with prophetic courage. In the oil-polluted communities of the Niger Delta, some activists assume that when the Pope shines the papal spotlight on our creeks, maybe then the oil giants will remember we are people, not just pipelines. The notion that a spiritual leader could steer profit-driven decisions may seem utopian, yet history is full of encyclicals that nudged governments toward unexpected reforms.However, the Pope’s impact on domestic reform may be most transformative. Inspired by his message, parishioners in Yola’s St Theresa’s Church recently drafted an open letter urging their governor to publish a transparent and people-focused budget. In southern Kaduna, where violence has claimed countless lives, Father John Yakubu confessed: “This Pope challenges us priests to leave our comfort zones. We are called not only to preach, but to walk beside victims — to be visible where pain is present.” When moral authority radiates downward through the ecclesial chain, it can animate laity and clergy alike to confront entrenched dangers.All these voices converge on a single conviction: the Church’s relevance in Africa will depend on how deeply it listens to Africa. An American pope who learned compassion amid his nation’s contradictions may be uniquely positioned to foster that listening. He stands at the confluence of Washington’s power, Rome’s tradition, and Africa’s youthful dynamism. If he can channel those currents into a river of justice, he will do more than make history — he will help heal it.For now, Nigerians keep watch, balancing hope with realism. They know that papal exhortations do not automatically translate into legislative victories, access to education, healthcare or clean water taps. But they also know that culture often shifts on the hinge of imagination, and Leo XIV has already widened that imaginative horizon. As youth leader Blessing Iyorah stood in her cassava field outside Jos, she captured this new spirit best: “Faith isn’t an escape plan. It’s a construction manual. The Pope has given us blueprints. Now we must build the kingdom — right here, right now, with our own hands.” And in that soil, under the sun of central Nigeria — amid prayer, planning, and prophetic courage — the significance of an American pope for Nigeria might be taking root.Dakuku Peterside, a public sector turnaround expert, public policy analyst and leadership coach, is the author of the forthcoming book, “Leading in a Storm”, a book on crisis leadership.OPINION
Advancing Nigeria’s Security Strategies through Unmanned Aerial Systems

By Patricia Amogu
In the face of Nigeria’s deepening security crisis, marked by terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, and communal violence, a glimmer of hope is on the horizon as homegrown security innovations gain momentum.These indigenous initiatives are gradually taking centre stage, lifting the spirits of millions and giving balance to the lives of many vulnerable and displaced communities across the country.
Recently, a groundbreaking collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) birthed the first and largest indigenous attack drones and bomb systems in Nigeria and Africa. Unveiled at the company’s Abuja headquarters, this cutting-edge technology is being hailed by stakeholders as a potential game changer in the fight against insurgency and organised crime.According to Mr Bright Echefu, Chairman of EIB Group and founder of Briech UAS, the innovation became imperative as extremist groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP increasingly weaponised commercial drones to spy on troops, coordinate ambushes, and conduct aerial attacks.“Our enemies are adapting fast; they are using off-the-shelf drones to launch crude but deadly strikes.“We cannot afford to rely on outdated tools anymore,” he said.Echefu said that as Nigeria continued to invest in indigenous defense manufacturing, the country might potentially become a player in defence and security issues of many countries.Of interest, the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) characterises Nigeria’s security situation as complex and deteriorating, citing armed banditry and widespread kidnappings as the leading causes of instability.Available data indicates that in 2023 alone, more than 75 per cent of conflict-related deaths were reported in the northern region.Attacks by Islamist groups, counter-insurgency operations, separatist tensions, and herder-farmer clashes continue to fuel widespread displacement and humanitarian distress.The North-East, in particular, has seen entire communities fleeing for safety as armed groups impose levies and destroy essential infrastructure.According to EUAA figures, more than 21,000 Nigerians applied for asylum in the EU+ between January 2023 and March 2024, signaling a troubling trend of migration driven by insecurity.A security expert said Briech UAS’s new technology promised to enhance Nigeria’s ability to detect, deter, and respond to security threats in real-time.“For the fast rising tech company, some features stand out an advanced surveillance and thermal imaging for wide-area monitoring, real-time intelligence gathering to support on-ground tactical operations, rapid response capabilities to intercept or neutralise threats before escalation and cost-effective, scalable solutions for ongoing border and community surveillance“These drones also have potential applications beyond combat, such as disaster response, infrastructure inspection, and search-and-rescue efforts.“As traditional security methods struggle to match the speed and complexity of modern threats, indigenous technological solutions like Briech’s are increasingly vital.“The partnership with the Nigerian Army reflects a broader strategic shift—one that embraces innovation, local expertise, and adaptive warfare tactics to restore safety and rebuild public confidence.“As Briech UAS positions Nigeria at the forefront of drone-powered security innovation in Africa, citizens and stakeholders alike are watching with cautious optimism there is a dim light at the end of the tunnel,’’ he said.The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Christopher Musa, described the initiative as a significant step in Nigeria’s journey toward self-reliance in defence technology and national security enhancement.He said that the innovation was a game-changer in an era of complex and asymmetric security threats, emphasising the significance of producing local military solutions, especially in the face of global politics and procurement challenges.“These force multipliers will play a vital role in enhancing the operational effectiveness of our military, particularly in a world where global politics surrounding the procurement of advanced military hardware have become more intricate.’’The CDS said that countries that did not produce such solutions faced bureaucratic bottlenecks and diplomatic hurdles when acquiring the critical platforms.“We are facing such challenges directly, if you do not produce what you need, you will be at the mercy of others, even when you have the financial resources to acquire them,” he said.He said that the drones would help Nigeria respond swiftly to security challenges, cutting down on dependence on foreign equipment.In his submission at the unveiling, Gov. Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau said that homegrown solutions had great impact for the country’s security needs.He emphasised on the importance of protecting national sovereignty and safeguarding the country from activities of non-state actors.“We have made a mistake by allowing non-state actors to acquire capabilities that rival those of state actors,” Mutfwang said.He said that Plateau was actively working with local manufacturers like Briech UAS, with drones already deployed in the state, improving the effectiveness of security operations.Deserving no less attention, Echefu, during a media tour of the firm’s security facilities, said that through innovation and advanced technology, Nigeria could handle its security challenges.According to him, the company provides intelligence support for Nigeria’s security agencies though digital forensics, tracking and critical assets as well as supply of combat and surveillance drones.He said it manufactured Arginin Reconnaissance Drones configured for high-performance reconnaissance and surveillance missions.“The company also produces Arsenio BFLY and Xander Reconnaissance drones among other super precise attack drones that can navigate difficult environments.“These systems are crucial in combating insurgent groups, adopting different drones for reconnaissance and attack missions.“The primary purpose was to demonstrate the capabilities of the security apparatus deployed to fight insurgency, its potential is to enhance counter-insurgency operations and mitigate the threats posed by insurgent groups.“The significance of this effort lies in stressing the potential of the equipment to enhance intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities.’’Echefu said the tools would also improve force protection and reduce troop casualties by minimising reliance on manned reconnaissance missions.According to him, the use of commercial drones by insurgent groups presents significant challenges for security forces.“To address this, the security apparatus is leveraging technologies like drone detection and jamming systems, improved intelligence gathering, and counter-drone systems.“The system will generate insights from the collected data, allowing for better decision-making and improved resource allocation.“This system will provide at-a-glance dashboards showing the status and location of monitored items, including parameters like satellite imagery and intelligence gathering capabilities to support security agencies,’’ he said.Echefu said with the right support and increased investment, indigenous companies had the capacity to provide the needed logistics support to the military in the fight against insecurity.He acknowledged the support from government to the indigenous security firms and called for more policies to foster Nigerian companies’ growth, especially those in defence and security sector.“I can tell you that I am not the only one that is into supporting the various sectors, by local activities, local productions; there is a lot going on. People are even producing tractors in Nigeria now.“Nigeria has 100 per cent capacity right now to end this urgency with the number of local companies that are investing heavily.“The Nigerian military strongly supports local manufacturers through research collaboration and support,” Echefu said.Security analysts are of the view that more states should embrace drones for comprehensive surveillance, especially for hard-to-reach areas.They say collaboration between the Nigerian Military and Briech will boost cross-border counter-terrorism operations and strengthen internal control over weapons systems and logistics. (NAN)OPINION
Akpabio-Akpoti Senate Judgment and the Contrived Ambiguity

By Simbo Olorunfemi
Much has been made of Justice Binta Nyako’s judgement in the case of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan v The Clerk of the National Assembly of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and others. Many have argued that it is the ambiguity, non-definitive, and non-declaratory nature of the ‘judgment’ that has led to the confusion that has since then ensued, culminating in the embarrassing public spectacle we witnessed a few days ago.
Having now taken time to review the full judgment, not just the extracts that first came out, I have come to a different conclusion on the matter. Rather, I am of the opinion that what we are dealing with is a case of contrived ambiguity and manufactured confusion. A dispassionate reading can only lead one willing to learn to clarity. There is nothing ambiguous or confusing in that judgment.All that is needed is to situate the judgment in the proper context of the circumstances that led to the cause of action, pay attention to the reliefs sought by the plaintiff, bearing in mind that the Court is no Father Christmas, before reading the decisions of the court. That done, it becomes obvious that, but for a deliberate attempt at mischief, there is nothing that should have triggered the confusion that we have witnessed in the matter.Dial back to the very beginning. The senator had raised hell on the floor of the Senate about the reassignment of seats, insisting on speaking from a seat not assigned to her, while holding on to Order 10 of the Senate rules. Every effort, within and outside the chambers, to make her understand that while Order 10 offers her the privilege to speak at ‘anytime’, that privilege is itself contingent upon speaking from her assigned seat, in accordance with the rules.She not only refused to abide by the rules on the day, but she also followed up with a radio interview. A motion was subsequently moved by another senator, stating that his privilege had been breached, leading to the matter being referred to the Committee on Ethics and Privileges, which then invited her to appear before it. Rather than do so, she opted to approach the Court.She sought the court to protect her right to a fair hearing and privileges under Orders 9, 10, and 11, arguing that a combined reading of these orders ought to have served as cover for her actions on the floor of the Senate and protected her from being referred to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.In other words, her suit was virtually a carryover of her argument on the floor of the Senate, and subsequently in public fora, that by virtue of Order 10, she had a right to speak from wherever she chose. It is on the basis of, and around this, that she filed an action seeking six reliefs.It is instructive that the Court didn’t find merit in any of the reliefs she sought, thereby comprehensively ruling in favour of the Senate, asserting its rights to set its rules, discipline its members, and pointing out that the Senate President is vested with the right to assign and reassign seats. It also affirmed that members can only speak from assigned seats, and that it is within the rights and purview of the Senate to refer the senator to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.In the words of the court (CAPS mine for emphasis): “In the circumstances of this case, as rightly contended by the Defendants, an invitation to appear before an Ethics Committee of the Senate is a CLEAR MANIFESTATION OF PROCEDURAL FAIRNESS, NOT A BREACH OF IT. From a careful reading of the Originating Summons, there exists no allegation whatsoever to the effect that the Defendants contravened…statutory or constitutional provisions as the crux of this action is hinged solely on protection of parliamentary privilege on the floor of Senate. It cannot be the intendment of Section 36(1) of the 1999 Constitution that this Court has powers to entertain complaint against any and every discussions/written communication arising from plenary sessions of the 2nd defendant. If it were the case, then this Honourable Court would know no rest.”It is safe to say that the Court resolved all the issues raised in favour of the Senate (even partly affirming the argument raised by the parliament in its preliminary objection on the lack of jurisdiction). Even on the matter of contempt filed by the Senate President on 5th May, seeking five reliefs, the Court, in protest of the 27th April satirical apology of the senator, found her guilty of contempt, fined and ordered her to issue a public apology.There is therefore no confusion, from the judgment as seen, that all the direct reliefs sought by the senator were denied and orders to that effect expressly made.Justice Binta Nyako might have simply wrapped it up, but it is my opinion that, having reviewed the rules of the Senate and out of consideration for the constituents in Kogi State, she then ventured further to offer an opinion on the extensive powers of the Senate, which allows it to suspend a member ad infinitum. Bear in mind that there was no relief directly sought in this regard. The Court only decided to widen the scope of consideration, and in that light, the Justice argued that “to make a LAW THAT HAS NO END IS EXCESSIVE and cannot be the intendment of the law,” thus imploring the Senate to EXERCISE ITS POWER to review the rules and recall the senator.These are the words of Justice Binta Nyako in that regard. (CAPS mine for emphasis): “On the issue of denial of the Plaintiff to the representation of her Senatorial District without inspiring the function of the NASS, I will give and say due to the gravity of the issue, I have read in its entirety, the Senate Rules under which the Plaintiff was suspended, thus denying the representation of her Senatorial District.“I believe that the constitution, Legislative House (Powers & Privileges) Act, nor the Senate Rules will not intend for that to happen. I have read with interest, Chapter ix (8) of the Senate Rules and Section 14(2) of the Legislative House (Powers & privileges) Act ix (8) allows the Senate to suspend a senator until a time determined by the Senate ad infinitum while S.14(2) allows for suspension of a member (Senator) in similar terms, even without pay.“I do not think the constitution envisages this.“A Senator is expected to represent his people in either Legislative house for a specific number of days per session. If any suspension is UNWARRANTED, then I OPINE that the Act and the Senate Rules should also be specific and not live it at large. A suspension cannot exceed the requisite number of days the member should sit. The constitution says a legislative year is 181 days and the house should sit for this number of days. This makes it at least 36.2 weeks in a year, which is a session. To suspend a member for 6 months means suspension for 180 days and this is half the number of days the member is expected to sit in the House representing his people.“I do not think this is the intention of the framer of the law. To make a LAW THAT HAS NO END IS EXCESSIVE and cannot be the intendment of the law. I AM OF THE OPINION that the Senate has the POWER TO REVIEW this provision of the Senate Rules and even amend Section 14(2) of the Legislative Houses (Powers & Privileges) Act, both for being over-reaching. The Senate has the power to and I believe should recall the plaintiff and allow her to same time, represent the people who sent her there to represent them.”I believe that what the Court did was to, out of compassion, offer a lifeline to the senator, in realisation that this was a difficult situation. The court has clearly established the powers of the Senate and that it has not contravened its rules and the law in this instance. I believe that offering that opinion was the Court’s way of asking the Senate to temper justice with mercy.I believe that if that judgment had been accepted with a bit of contrition and humility, and there had not been the rush to foist a different interpretation on it, as is obvious to some of us who have read it, thereby reading into the decision of the court what was not there, we might not be where we are today. I believe a more diplomatic approach might have served as a lifeline for a rapprochement between the senator and the Senate.An apology to the Court, as ordered, and an apology to the Senate, as had been requested by the Senate, could have followed suit, and that would have offered an opportunity for a dignified closure to this phase of an embarrassingly mismanaged fight.I do not see how enlisting the services of social media influencers and full-time activists can help turn a recommendation into an order. There is a time for everything. No matter how far one might have gone in a particular direction, there is always an opportunity to retreat, rethink, and re-strategise.Simbo Olorunfemi works for Hoofbeatdotcom, a Nigerian communications consultancy and publisher of Africa Enterprise. Email: Editor@enterpriseafrica.ngOPINION
The Impact of Incessant Attacks in Farming Communities

By Efe Omoghene
Rural communities across Nigeria’s Middle Belt and the North, which were once the major cities’ food pipeline, are now struggling to feed themselves. Thriving farmlands now bear the weight of fear and insecurity. With each disrupted planting season, the country edges closer to a more profound food security crisis, exacerbating what began as a regional instability into a nationwide emergency.
Incessant attacks have led to deaths and the displacement of farming communities in states that contribute significantly to Nigeria’s agricultural output. In June alone, attacks in Benue State, the “Food Basket of the Nation”, claimed dozens of lives and uprooted entire communities. While these incidents are heartbreaking, they are not new; we are only witnessing frequent recurrence. This troubling pattern of insecurity continues to force farmers off their land, disrupt food production, and weaken the nation’s ability to feed itself.Statistics from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre show that an estimated 295,000 internal displacements related to conflicts and violence were reported in Nigeria in 2024 alone. This includes the states of Benue, Borno, Katsina, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara. This is not just a crisis of safety; it’s a crisis of sustenance.For years, states such as Benue, Kaduna, Niger, Plateau, and Zamfara have been key food-producing regions, responsible for much of Nigeria’s grains, roots, fruits, and livestock. However, these areas are increasingly becoming places where violence has made farming a risky endeavour. Clashes between herders and farmers, banditry, terrorism, and communal violence have transformed fertile lands into contested zones. When farmers fear for their safety, they often cease farming or abandon their land altogether.The impact is already being felt. Markets are seeing rising prices on staple foods like yams, rice, and tomatoes. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, the cost of beans in the country in October 2024 was 282 per cent higher compared to the same period in 2023.The Food and Agriculture Organisation’s trend analysis for the north-eastern states indicates persistently high or increasing levels of food insecurity since 2018. The number of people needing urgent aid has increased by at least four million annually during the lean seasons since June 2020. Additionally, the north-west and parts of the north-central regions now exhibit critical levels of severe food insecurity and malnutrition, identifying them as major hunger hotspots requiring urgent attention from policymakers.A study revealed that 52.44 per cent of respondents in Niger State experienced food insecurity due to various insecurity activities such as blocking local routes, killings, kidnapping, and disruption of market functions. Insurgencies in the North Central states have also contributed to rising poverty levels among livestock farming households, with 83.84 per cent of livestock farmers participating in a study reporting significant declines in livestock production due to insurgency.If this pattern continues unchecked, the consequences could be long-term. More families will face hunger, and young people will leave rural areas for safety and work, draining the agricultural workforce in rural communities. Dependence on humanitarian aid will rise, and the burden on government resources will increase.This year, Nigeria is already projected to face a significant hunger gap, with up to 33 million people at risk of acute food insecurity in the lean season (between June and August), according to the FAO. This represents a seven million-person increase from the same period in 2023.Food security is not solely the government’s responsibility. It is a basic human right and our collective responsibility. Relying solely on farmers in distressed areas is not a very practical approach. Thankfully, the country is not in a hopeless situation.Across Nigeria, there are numerous examples of humanitarian and community-led peacebuilding efforts in action, and Sahel Consulting is proud to be part of this momentum. We are actively collaborating with local and international partners to develop practical solutions in the food value chain, empowering farmers and strengthening agribusinesses across Nigeria.Through our programs in dairy, seed, tuber, and policy systems, we are facilitating the increase in productivity, improving market access, and building capacity at the grassroots level. Whether it’s training dairy farmers in Adamawa, scaling clean seed yam innovations in Benue, advancing true potato seed systems in Plateau, or improving livestock nutrition through feed and fodder initiatives, our work is rooted in collaboration, innovation, and long-term impact.Similar efforts are taking shape through the work of the Gates Foundation. Gates Ag One, in partnership with the Institute for Agricultural Research at the Ahmadu Bello University, Kaduna State, is providing farmers with access to improved seed varieties for crops like beans and maize, engineered to resist pests and withstand drought. The foundation also funds projects to enhance livestock productivity and strengthen dairy value chains.State governments have also started implementing policies to support ranching to address farmer-herder conflicts and enhance agricultural productivity. Eleven states, including Anambra, Bauchi, Delta, Jigawa, Kano, Lagos, Niger, Nasarawa, Ondo, Plateau, and Zamfara, are either allocating land for ranches, developing policies, or committing to do so in the future. This initiative is part of a broader shift from open grazing to more modern, sustainable ranching practices. Farmer-herder dialogues, early warning systems, and conflict mediation groups have all demonstrated promise.Private organisations are also collaborating with ministries, agencies, and local partners to support resilient food systems through training, innovation, and market access.This is by no means the end of the story. While these efforts are commendable, their impact is not particularly noticeable vis-à-vis the insecurity, as they are implemented in isolation and on a relatively small scale. The real challenge, and opportunity, lies in collaboratively scaling initiatives that are working. For lasting change, we need to invest more in proven interventions. Government policies must be supported by robust implementation strategies, and private and development actors must be empowered to apply these models in more communities across the country.It is not enough to initiate these projects; we must establish frameworks that ensure they are sustainable, community-led, and responsive to the realities of the local communities. Clear safeguards and inclusive principles must be in place, especially in areas where displacement and land rights are already sensitive issues. Any solution must consider the voices of host communities and guarantee mutual benefit.Let’s focus on what’s already showing promise, such as improved seed distribution, inclusive value chain optimisations, and community-based peacebuilding. But let’s also be honest: we need to do much more, and we must do it together.The key is to make human security a foundation, not an afterthought, for agricultural development. Farmers need more than seeds and tools. They need to know that if they invest in their land, neither their lives nor their farms will be lost to violence; if they plant, they will live to harvest.Food security starts with human security. When fields are safe, they flourish. And when rural communities thrive, the whole country benefits—from Lagos to Maiduguri, Port Harcourt to Makurdi.Efe Omoghene is the strategic communications officer with Sahel Consulting