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Understanding NNPC Limited’s Governance Ecosystem

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By Pius Nnolum

Ex Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, a former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) from June 2009 to February 2014, on Thursday, December 7, 2023 claimed that “The NNPC Limited is the ‘most opaque’ oil company in the world,” and advised “that the President becoming a petroleum minister is not a good idea,” in an apparent swipe at President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

He made these positions known while delivering his remarks at the Bank Directors Summit organised by the Bank Directors Association of Nigeria in Abuja.

These comments have compelled this obligatory need to interrogate the governance ecosystem in the NNPC Ltd on the watch of Malam Mele Kyari so as to reach a clear understanding of how the national oil company is faring under his leadership.

President Tinubu, in an apparent tradition of his predecessor, ex-President Muhammadu Buhari, kept the position of the substantive Minister of Petroleum Resources to himself. He clearly has the power to appoint his cabinet and self as minister and ex-Emir Sanusi would do well to note this.

Several critical considerations, of course, drove this presidential decision but first a background context. Cut to the bone, energy and its associated infrastructure remain the key development drivers of both ancient and modern civilisations. It’s actually strange that in the morning of the 21st Century, many Nigerian state actors are blissfully unaware that much of the problems of socio-economic transformation are really complications of physical infrastructure – with energy at the epicentre.

Undeniably, energy systems tend to be high-cost investments but are clearly vital to a nation’s economic development and prosperity. Put simply to thrive in the choppy waters of rapid technology and business model changes, organizations that manage a nation’s energy sector require the right leadership. It is imperativeness for any leader to have a clear vision and articulate it well.

Today, National Oil Companies (NOCs) in Africa stand on the brink of significant disruption – and of substantial opportunity – as a new era of structurally lower oil prices challenges business models that have long relied largely on exploration and production of hydrocarbons. This scenario goes beyond the volatilities in the sector, seeded by the Middle East crisis and the Russia-Ukraine war.

The onerous responsibility to drive this behemoth energy corporation fell on the sturdy shoulders of Mele Kyari who was appointed the GMD of the now-defunct Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) by President Muhammadu Buhari, on July 8, 2019. Clearly, Kyari, an unassuming scientist who has traversed the entire value chain of the petroleum industry, has turned out to be the right pick as NNPC boss.

Perhaps his toughest call in an industry he has spent much of his professional life in, Kyari has responded to his top-draw responsibility by quickly taking charge in close synergy with his corporation’s oversight entity, the Ministry of Petroleum Resources. His four-year leadership has demonstrated a fundamental grasp of what fossil energy means and an adroit understanding of the imperativeness of circumspect governance of Africa’s preeminent NOC.

Kyari set sail by defining a clear vision of NNPC’s transformation and sending a clear message that the corporation’s lukewarm governance narratives of the past were gone for good. Recognising the imperativeness of inclusive governance, he considerably up-scaled engagements with various stakeholders to ensure that they were carried along in the Company’s operations.

Besides its role as the bedrock of the Nigerian economy, the petroleum sector has been one of the defining features of the country’s post-independence history. This fact centralizes NNPC in the nation’s political economy, given the oil corporation’s assigned role in the industry.

Not surprisingly, the corporation’s experience has been marked by struggles over what the corporation controls and over who controls it. Perhaps this unique centrality of the corporation in the Nigerian state has spawned its fair share of challenges and reproach.

It could be recalled that a 2010 joint report by Transparency International and Revenue Watch Institute found that NNPC had the poorest transparency record out of 44 national and international energy companies examined. It is heartening that within his four years in the saddle, the NNPC boss has changed that negative narrative.

With Kyari’s new vision, the NNPC is boldly anchored on the principle of Transparency, Accountability, Performance and Excellence (TAPE). Perhaps, one of Kyari’s most important and earliest governance initiatives that sounded a death knell to the extreme operational opacity reputation of the corporation is “Operation White.”

It is a presidential-mandated collaborative initiative driven by NNPC with the active participation of regulatory and security agencies as well as other stakeholders in ensuring that all molecules of regulated petroleum products imported by NNPC are well accounted for and utilised in the country. This initiative effectively ended the era of very poor transparency in the corporation’s governance style. I am not sure ex-Emir Sanusi is aware of this initiative.

Barely five months after publishing its 2018 Audited Financial Statement, the Kyari-led NNPC released its 2019 Audited Financial Statement with a 99.7% reduction in its loss profile from ₦803bn in 2018 to ₦1.7bn in 2019. On account of these unprecedented governance positives, the conservative Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) lauded the corporation.

Even the ravages and disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic did not derail the compelling focus, integrity of service delivery, operational stability and reasoned interventions by the NNPC boss.

Looking at the big picture, the NNPC Ltd’s management, under the firm guidance of Mele Kyari, has patriotically and assiduously worked towards building a stable oil industry for the nation’s growth and development. He has done a good job in posting resounding successes since stepping in the saddle.

Kyari had scaled a number of hurdles, including the mindless theft of Nigeria’s oil by criminal cabals and individuals, which had left Nigeria for a long time unable to meet its oil production quota. The NNPC Limited management, under Kyari’s astute leadership, launched the “Crude Theft Monitoring Application”.

The portal has application options for reporting incidences of crude theft, with prompt follow-up and responses, and another one for crude sales document validation. In a subsequent operation that followed, Kyari announced the discovery of a four-kilometer illegal oil connection line from Forcados Terminal into the sea which had been in operation for nine years.

Certainly, efforts at checkmating crude oil theft and illegal refineries have been yielding positive results as there has been a significant spike of daily oil production to 1.6 million barrels per day. In addition, according to Fourth Quarter 2022 figures released, Nigeria has regained its position as the largest crude oil producer in Africa, ahead of Algeria’s 1.021mb/d and Angola’s 1.088mb/d in November 2022.

The management of NNPC Limited under Kyari addressed persistent oil loss that the old NNPC had suffered before he became its helmsman in 2019. In 2022, the company posted its second consecutive year of ‘profit’ announcing N674.1 billion in the 2021 financial period and growing it from N287 billion in 2020.

The figure represented an increase of N387 billion or 134.8% when compared to the previous N287 billion recorded in 2020. Kyari, who made the disclosure via the verified Twitter handle of the company, said the improvement followed the approval of the 2021 audited financial statements by the board of the oil company.

Aside from recording profit for the company, Kyari has also led the NNPC Limited to resolve age-old disputes with its business partners notably the International Oil Companies (IOCs). This is part of its efforts at boosting Nigeria’s crude production and unlocking investments in the Deepwater space in the aftermath of the coming into being of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA).

Consequently, the NNPC and the IOCs signed various production sharing contracts (PSCs) agreements that would ensure the production of about 10 billion barrels of crude oil and generate over $500bn revenue.

A notable accomplishment of Kyari’s leadership of NNPC Limited is the payment of Nigeria’s joint venture cash call arrears to the IOCs totaling $5.1 billion. This was made possible through the introduction of the Alternative Funding Approach (AFA), which replaced the erstwhile cash-call payment model.

Besides, NNPC signed various Memoranda of Association (MoU) with many countries, including the national oil companies of Ghana, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, and Sierra Leone in furtherance of the planned Nigeria-Morocco Gas pipeline project. The Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline (NMGP), an initiative of the federal government of Nigeria and the Kingdom of Morocco, is a 5,600 kilometers gas pipeline project traversing 13 African countries namely: Nigeria, Benin, Togo, Ghana, Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, The Gambia, Senegal and Mauritania to Morocco.

But, by far, one of the most impressive accomplishments of Kyari’s stewardship at NNPC Limited is the flagging off in November 2022 of the Kolmani Integrated Development Project in Bauchi State, marking the commencement of effort to commercially exploit oil in the Northern part of Nigeria.

The Kolmani Oil Field, estimated to have a reserve of about one billion barrels of crude oil, OPL 809 and 810, lies in the Gongola Basin of the Upper Benue Trough, straddling Bauchi and Gombe States. The oil blocks are owned by the NNPC Limited as a concessionaire with New Nigeria Development Company Ltd, Africa Oilfield Movers Ltd, and SEEPCO as partners. The well is expected to produce 50,000 barrels of crude per day during the first phase.

Going forward and putting negative characterisation of NNPC Limited behind, the Kyari leadership as it is has simply chosen the solemn path of sharply focusing on the subsisting challenges in the sector. The leadership stated it was focused at the moment on delivering the task that had been set for the national oil company, stressing that everyone was free to air their opinion. NNPC’s Chief Corporate Communications Officer, Olufemi Soneye, told the media that there would be no need for an official response to the claims made by the ex-CBN boss.

He explained that constant responses could hinder the enormous task before the oil company, adding that NNPC would rather concentrate on handling the work that it was established to do.

According to Soneye, “Everyone is entitled to their opinion. Constant responses to every individual can hinder our work. Our focus remains on delivering energy security, managing ongoing projects, and implementing reforms.”

But before the Senate recently, the NNPCL GCEO had already made in-sector clarifications that addressed Sanusi’s remittance concerns. He had buttressed that maintaining the energy security target has fostered the confidence that in 2024, Nigeria will become a net exporter of petroleum products.

He affirmed that no subsidy was charged to the federation, adding that the NNPC had contributed N4.45 trillion as direct revenue into the federation account in a combination of taxes, royalties and dividends and paid N406 billion as dividend to Federal Government’s account from July 2023.

The narratives about the success stories of NNPC under Kyari’s leadership promise to be inexhaustive as he continues to come up with one innovation after another.

Dr. Nnolum wrote in from Lagos

OPINION

Strategic Thoughts on the 2027 Presidential Election

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By Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf

Nigeria’s forthcoming 2027 general elections are some twenty months away. The major political parties: the All Progressives Congress (APC), the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the Labour Party (LP) and the New Nigerian People’s Party (NNPP), are merely platforms for contesting elections, not ideologically grounded parties.

But the people are fatigued with their rhetorics, propaganda, and deception.

Yet, the masses interestingly look forward to the 2027 elections. They are interested not so much in the parties or the presidential aspirants, but in their survival as human beings; the security to live, move, and work freely; and the protection of their ethnic identities.

The PDP might not pay much attention to the presidential election. But it will produce a candidate, mainly to register its presence in the election. Its candidate will not shine. The party will indirectly support the ADC, APC or LP candidate. Even so, its gladiators, activists, and followers will be divided, not unanimous, on which candidate to support.

But should former President Goodluck Jonathan decide to contest under the PDP, the chances of him winning the presidential election is high for five major reasons.

First, his simplicity, gentility, fairness to all, even at the expense of his ethnic group and zone, will count favourably for him. Besides, he is not a desperado – a do-or-die politician like late General Muhammadu Buhari, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and Peter Obi.

Second, compared to General Olusegun Obasanjo, Buhari and Tinubu, Jonathan is widely and generally seen as  saintly, a good manager of the economy, a man of the people, with the people in his heart, and a highly considerate person who is fair and just, not an ethnic bigot, religious zealot, regional hypocrite or political desperado.

Third, is the popular perception that Jonathan’s administration was unjustly and unfairly fought by the  parochial and degenerate elements in APC and PDP and some Western powers, including the United States. Yes, people will say he was successfully voted out, but the fact is that he willingly, without much ado, handed over power to Buhari, and avoided the bloodshed Buhari and his hardcore supporters wanted.

But what are the results of throwing Jonathan out? Gross devaluation of the naira. Steep increases in the cost of petroleum products and electricity. A runaway inflation. High insecurity, poverty, hunger, suffering, misery, diseases, out-of-school children, and avoidable pains.

Fourth, the insecurity, terrorism, banditry, genocide, infanticide, cannibalism, kidnapping for huge ransom, destruction of farms, raping of women, sacking of villages, seizure and renaming of villages, and various crimes against humanity mainly perpetuated by Fulani terrorists, will count in Jonathan’s favour.

Fifth, Jonathan will receive huge support in the North-West and Middle-Belt zones, because, as president, he did not trigger, justify, support, increase, or promote criminalities, terrorism, genocide, and crimes against humanity.

The Hausa masses will propagate that Jonathan constructed over five hundred Almajiri schools, which were destroyed during Buhari’s administration by people who parade themselves as “Arewa leaders”! They will also propagate that he fought Boko Haram to the best of his ability, but was betrayed by his trusted lieutenants, friends, and politicians from the same North.

But should Jonathan choose a Hausa politician, who has no solid ties with his people, and who is considered a puppet of the Fulani oligarchs, which encompasses politicians, traditional rulers, and clerics, amongst others, he will face mass rejection from the politically dormant but increasingly awakening Hausa majority. Also, lots of Middle-Belters will take to political cynicism, apathy, and inertia.

But should Jonathan not contest, then, Tinubu may continue to 2031. People will miserably and painfully vote for him on the basis that the devil you know is better than characters who you cannot exorcise their bigotry, cannot trust, are incurably deceptive, and extremely desperate.

Tinubu will win if he retains Kashim Shettima as his vice president. If, however, he makes a change, it has to be somebody like Borno State governor, Babangida Zulum. However, it is highly unlikely Zulum will accept such an offer, unless Shettima pressurises him to do so.

However, should Tinubu replace Shettima with Rabiu Kwankwaso of NNPP, he will be deserted in the North. Hausas and Middle-Belters will point out that Kwankwaso never vehemently criticised the raging terrorism and genocide in the North-West and Middle-Belt. Therefore, he is in support of it.

Also, Southern people are already propagating that the North-West has over-asserted its presence in the highest offices of the federation. So, they must be made to give way to others.

Kwankwaso, therefore, will not be of much electoral value for Tinubu. Kano State will be highly contested. NNPP might still retain Kano, but with a narrow margin. However, if an independent-minded Hausa person runs for the governorship, the chances of NNPP winning will be extremely low.

Also, Tinubu bringing down the cost of living, especially foodstuff, enhancing the value of the naira, reducing the cost of petroleum products, and giving handouts to the masses, will boost his chances. I foresee him opening the land borders for massive food importation. This will count favourably for him. After all, the high cost of foodstuffs is the major issue used by his Northern opponents to vilify him.

Should Jonathan contest, Obi will be relegated to the background. Should Abubakar Atiku emerge as the ADC candidate, Hausas, Middle-Belters, and the people in the South would rather off-load their votes than risk Atiku giving Tinubu problems.

Atiku does not stand much chance of winning the presidential election. Basically, most Nigerians believe in, stand for, and are willing to ensure the unwritten zoning formula of North-South is respected and upheld. So, let the 2027 election be amongst Southern presidential candidates. If this were to be the case and, Jonathan does not contest, then the primary contest will be between Tinubu and Obi.

But, should Atiku insist on contesting, his Fulani ethnic background will negatively count against him.

First, most Nigerians widely believe that the Fulani have dominated the Nigerian political scene since independence. This has seen them produce two military Heads of State, two civilian presidents, and directly or indirectly installed and controlled a Prime Minister and five other military leaders. So let them give others a chance.

Second the activities of Fulani terrorists have generated popular dissatisfaction, distrust, and dislike for the Fulani people. Given their experience with Buhari, majority of non-Fulani people are not ready to risk having another Fulani in power so soon.

Third, the quietness, non-condemnation, and rationalisation of terrorism by the Fulani oligarchs create the impression that they are tacitly continuing the expansionism of Usmanu Dan Fodiyo, and trying to take over Nigeria and settle Fulanis from all over West and Central Africa in it.

Fourth, the increasing grounding of radical Hausa nationalism and irredentism, led by Hajiya Kaltum Alumbe Jitami, is tremendously promoting Hausa identity, confidence, and unity. She is politically awakening Hausas; ideologically radicalising them; and religiously, politically and culturally distancing them from the Fulanis.

Jitami’s propagation that, while our common humanity matters, our ethnic identities supersede and override our religious and regional togetherness, is shattering the regional – “Arewa” – identity; and blasting the formidable religious identities that had been used to politically dis-unite, and handover people to their preferred politicians.

Jitami’s conscientisation is progressively uniting Hausa and Middle-Belters. All are presently airing and asserting their indigenous identities and rendering the religious and regional cloak that had hitherto camouflaged the Fulani agenda.

The 2027 elections will surely expose the decaying and moribund lumpen democracy in the country. But they will also expose the ever-increasing contradictions and antagonisms within the dominant forces, and between the latter and the popular masses.

Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Administration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com

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OPINION

President Tinubu, the North and Distortions of Politics

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By Tunde Rahman

Two years in the saddle, has President Bola Tinubu undercut the North in running the country’s affairs and distributing political appointments and infrastructure? Has he reneged on the promise to the Northern elites three years ago in Kaduna that he would run an all-inclusive government, protect the national interest and be fair to the North?It was in a bid to answer these critical questions that governors, ministers and other top government functionaries from the Northern region converged on Arewa House, Kaduna on July 29 and 30, 2025, under the auspices of the Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation as, to present their scorecards and tell the region what they had all done for it since May 2023.

Ultimately, the intervention by the governors and government functionaries yielded a verdict that outrightly rejected what the questions inherently suggest. They reeled out impressive strides recorded by the administration in infrastructure and security. According to them, President Tinubu has done a lot for the North. Whatever underdevelopment in the region should not be attributed to him but to Northern leaders who neglected the area for many years. However, it was apparent that the motive beneath the frenzied conversation about the Tinubu administration’s achievements is not so much what the President has done–or not done–for the North regarding distribution of national offices and infrastructure. It was, essentially, the interests of some Northern elites angling to shape political decisions and the politics of 2027 at play. As my friend, the Publisher of The Cable and former Editor of Thisday, Simon Kolawole, would say, “it’s all politics”, and this time, 2027 politics.It’s a page from an old politics playbook: couching the political elite’s views, opinions, and interests as those of the larger society where they operate. To achieve their aim, they deploy all kinds of subterfuge, including ethnicity or religion. Richard Sklar hints at this when he states that “tribalism is an instrument in the hands of political elites.”This is evident in the outburst of the New Nigeria Peoples Party leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who recently accused President Tinubu of marginalising the North in infrastructure development. However, available evidence points to the contrary. According to the Director-General, Budget Office, Dr. Tanimu Yakubu, who should know, more than half of the capital budgets for 2024 and 2025 were allocated to projects and programs in Northern Nigeria. “Contrary to politically-motivated narratives, Northern Nigeria is not on the margins; it is at the heart of federal investment priorities. Over 50% of the capital budget for 2024 and 2025 is traceable to projects and programs in the North when major national trunk infrastructure and water basin investments are properly accounted for,” he declaredTanimu outlined flagship projects and interventions that prove the administration’s commitment to developing the North. These include the Abuja–Kano Expressway dualization, ₦12.1 trillion Sokoto–Badagry Superhighway, the most ambitious cross-regional road project in decades, spanning 1,068 km, costing ₦3.63 trillion, with 30% of it already approved by President Tinubu for the project’s initial rollout in Sokoto and Kebbi; Kano–Maradi Standard Gauge Railway, a Sahel trade corridor enabler; Zungeru–Kano Power Transmission Line, boosting industrial power supply; Funtua and Bauchi Inland Dry Ports for agro-export and logistics; and Expansion of Airport Runways in Katsina, Maiduguri and Kaduna. But first, there’s a need for recourse to Tinubu’s promise to the North before he was elected president. On October 17, 2022, Tinubu came before the Northern elite to present his agenda for the region and solicit their votes. This was in the run-up to an election where former vice president Atiku Abubakar, the Peoples Democratic Party candidate in the poll, had fouled the air, fanning the embers of ethnicity, telling the North he belonged to it and was the best candidate to protect the Northern interest. There was tension in the land. The nation’s fault lines were being toyed with. Atiku’s erstwhile presidential running mate in the 2019 election, who had become the Labour Party candidate, Mr. Peter Obi, was also unrelenting, ratcheting up ethnic and religious sentiments for his candidacy.It was against this backdrop that Tinubu mounted the podium at the Arewa House. Tinubu and Atiku were leading other candidates in the North at the time. Thus, the North had become divided, and the atmosphere at the talks venue was charged. In a measured but purposeful tone, Tinubu told the gathering that as president, he would consolidate on the investments of the late President Buhari administration in all sectors to build on the gains recorded. He spoke of his plans to ensure that insecurity was nipped in the bud in the North and across the country, harness the resources that abound in every part of the nation for greater economic development, and utilise the country’s vast natural resources through strategic investment in infrastructure. Speaking specifically and cautiously on his plans for the North, he said, among other things, that the region has a comparative advantage in agriculture, and that under his presidency, the North would emerge as the hub of agribusiness in Africa through massive investment in the sector in collaboration with the private sector. “Agriculture is of special interest to me. It is both an economic and existential issue for every country. Experience in the last seven years has shown the potential of agriculture in solving the problem of unemployment and boosting our GDP,” he said. On his plans for education and reducing out-of-school children in the North, he said that working with both states and local governments to reform and retool the system, he would provide the required leadership and mobilise investment for the sector’s development. According to him, these reforms will give special attention to the welfare and training of teachers and lecturers as necessary catalysts for the better system the North desires.He identified some priority roads and hydropower projects in the North that had either not been followed through on, and new ones he would introduce to aid the region’s development.His lucid presentation and the way and manner in which he calmly but firmly responded to the questions thrown at him were pretty impressive. I know this as a fact because I was there. With that event, the North and Tinubu entered into a pact. In the 2023 presidential election results, the North voted well for Tinubu, giving him about 60% of the votes that brought him to power.Are there gaps in what he promised the North and what he delivered to them? Has President Tinubu mistreated the North two years down the road? I do not think so! The President has kept faith with his promise. However, there is room for improvement. Ongoing projects in the North, like the Sokoto-Badagry Highway, Abuja-Kaduna-Kano reconstruction work, Mambilla Hydroelectric Dam, Baro Inland Port, and Ajaokuta Steel Mill, should be vigorously pursued. The views expressed at the Kaduna two-day summit titled “Assessing Electoral Promises: Fostering Government-Citizens’ Engagement for National Unity” were interesting, though admittedly mixed. The Chairman of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) Board of Trustees, Bashir Dalhatu, alleged that the Tinubu government had neglected the region, especially in its budget allocations and infrastructural development. “Two years into President Tinubu’s four-year tenure, the feeling among the people of the North is, to put it mildly, completely mixed,” he said, citing specific federal budget figures to underscore the alleged neglect. Some contrasting submissions offset such a grim prognosis. Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani and Governor Inuwa Yahaya of Gombe State said the President is committed to fulfilling his promises to the North. At the same time, Secretary to the Government of the Federation George Akume affirmed that President Tinubu’s administration would leave no region behind. Vice President Kashim Shettima, represented by Dr. Aliyu Moddibo, his Special Adviser on General Duties, noted that the current administration’s inclusive reforms were in line with Nigerians’ economic reality.Minister of Budget and National Planning Atiku Bagudu stated that the administration is implementing policies to transform Nigeria’s economy and fulfil the promises made to Nigerians. “The President has complete faith in Nigeria. He does not make decisions based on ethnicity or region. His government is rooted in fairness and inclusivity,” he said.On the fight against banditry and terrorism, National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu said the Tinubu administration had made giant strides in protecting lives and properties. Ribadu said Nigerian security forces had subdued and eliminated some of the terrorist leaders, who had unleashed terror along the Kaduna-Abuja highway, making it safer for travellers. The NSA noted that the once-troubled highways from Zamfara to Katsina, Kaduna-Abuja, and Kaduna to Birnin Gwari, which were a nightmare for travellers, can now be travelled at night due to security improvements. “Politics will not allow people to credit us for all that,” he added.In the final analysis, the Kaduna Governor gave the Northern leaders food for thought when he declared that the Northern woes should not be blamed on President Tinubu. “Yes, President Tinubu made promises. But let’s be honest: he has kept faith with the North in many critical areas – security, agriculture, education, and economic inclusion. The real question is, have we kept faith with our people as Northern leaders?”Rahman is Senior Assistant to the President on Media & Special Duties.

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OPINION

BBNaija, NLNG Prizes and the Question of National Priorities

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By Zayd Ibn Isah

When Olubunmi Familoni won the $100,000 Nigerian Prize for Literature last year with his children’s book The Road Does Not End, I was deeply disappointed that he didn’t even trend on social media.Had he been a Big Brother Naija winner, he would have dominated headlines, trended across platforms, and brands would be falling over themselves to offer him endorsements.

He might even have been given an appointment by his state governor as SSA on Entertainment, because our leaders understand us very well.
They know what we value and where our priorities lie.In the midst of that disappointment, I wrote an article titled “Nigerians and Our Priorities”, which was published by Daily Trust and other outlets.
Nearly a year later, I feel compelled to revisit the topic, because nothing has changed. We still hold the entertainment industry in higher esteem than other sectors.That’s why when many of us criticised Mr. President for hosting the Super Falcons and their coaching staff at the Presidential Villa, where he showered them with cash gifts, houses, and national honours for, of course, bringing glory to Nigeria by winning the African Women’s Cup of Nations in Morocco for a record tenth time, I was surprised by the backlash. Is it not the same footballers most of us are praying our children become, so they can make generational wealth?We Nigerians are fascinating as a people. This is because we are often quick to hold our leaders accountable while ignoring our own shortcomings.Today, unless you are in the entertainment industry, your chances of being recognised and celebrated at home as a creative writer or scientific inventor are slim. Most of the writers and inventors we know and celebrate today are only recognised because they are globally acclaimed. Take, for instance, the Nigerian Prize for Science and the Nigerian Prize for Literature, two of the continent’s most prestigious awards, each worth $100,000.Despite the enormous cash rewards attached to these academic and literary prizes, the awards as a whole hardly generate a fraction of the buzz that surrounds a single season of BBNaija among Nigerians, especially the youths.In particular, the Nigerian Prize for Literature is an annual award sponsored by NLNG, established in 2004. It operates on a four-year cycle, rotating through four genres: prose fiction, poetry, drama, and children’s literature. Prose fiction usually generates more interest than the other three genres, so there’s a lot of buzz in literary circles surrounding this year’s longlist.The shortlist for this year features acclaimed writers like Abubakar Adam Ibrahim, Chigozie Obioma, Yewande Omotoso, Uwem Akpan, Michael Afenfia, and Chika Unigwe. These are all authors whose works have received global praise, although not as much as the likes of Prof. Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie.Still, it is disappointing how as a society we have failed to fully celebrate their importance. It is also amusing how such formidable writers would have to double their hustles if they were to want a seat at the table with Big Brother Naija housemates and other entertainment figures.I can never fully wrap my mind around the fact that these remarkable writers have contributed far more to Nigeria’s creative history than BBNaija housemates—all to barely known outside literary circles. It is even more annoying when you consider how some BBNaija housemates immediately become folk legends after entering Biggie’s house to dance, eat, parade in near nudity, and even indulge in sexual acts under the full view of cameras.As we often say in pidgin, “This life no just balanced at all.”If you’ve been following the trends on X (Twitter), you would have noticed that since this year’s BBNaija housemates entered the house, their names have been trending nonstop. And volunteers are already campaigning for votes for their favourites to win.At this point, we must ask: Why do we, as a people, invest such disproportionate attention in fleeting entertainment spectacles like BBNaija, where religious immorality and social irresponsibility are the order of the day, while ignoring initiatives that actually contribute to our intellectual, cultural, and national development? Isn’t this, too, a form of misplaced priority?In “Nigerians and Their Priorities”, I made a similar argument. Permit me to paraphrase here:“Our society places more emphasis on celebrity culture, political drama, and viral content than on intellectual achievement. Familoni’s brilliant portrayal of Nigerian life and culture deserved to be a national conversation. Yet, how many Nigerians have even heard of his book, let alone read it?”We live in a time when the sensational is preferred over the substantial, the trending over the timeless. From politics to pop culture, we elevate the fleeting while ignoring the foundational.Why is it that as a country, we seem to prioritise fleeting trends over lasting influence, and the sensational over the substantial? Why do political scandals, social media trends, and celebrity culture often dominate our conversations, while achievements in literature, science, sports and other fields often fly low under our collective radar?It is even more tragic when you realize that many Nigerians do not read, and rarely even see the act of reading as a leisurely activity. Even in universities, undergraduates only read to pass exams and make grades.Outside of that academic context, there’s little interest in literature. And if one doesn’t care for books at all, he or she would care less about the people who write them in the first place. Little wonder we end up producing educated illiterates as thousands of graduates emerge from our universities.So again, I ask: What are our national priorities? And are they aligned with the future we claim to desire? For decades our literary output as a nation has been the one thing which has consistently placed Nigeria in a good light. Now, we cannot afford to neglect this great literary heritage and nurture shallow things instead.It is noble to hold our leaders accountable, but we must extend that accountability inward. We are not merely the governed. We are the future governors. And the values we nurture today will determine the kind of nation we lead tomorrow.Zayd Ibn Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.com

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ShareBy Tony Obiechina Abuja The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) said it has commenced consultations with stakeholders on planned review of...

BUSINESS1 hour ago

Nigeria Exports 663m Metric Tonnes of Products within ECOWAS in Six Months

ShareThe Nigeria Export Promotion Council (NEPC), said Nigeria exported products worth 663 million metric tonnes to 11 ECOWAS countries in...

NEWS2 hours ago

President Tinubu, the North and Distortions of Politics

ShareBy Tunde Rahman Two years in the saddle, has President Bola Tinubu undercut the North in running the country’s affairs...

NEWS2 hours ago

Delta Police Arrest Two Suspected Armed Robbers, Recover Firearms, Stolen Items

ShareFrom Francis Sadhere, Delta Two suspected armed robbers have been arrested in Ogwashi-Ukwu, Delta State, after a swift police operation...

NEWS3 hours ago

ITF Secures City and Guilds London Approval as International people Examination Centre

ShareFrom Jude Dangwam, Jos The Industrial Training Fund (ITF) has recorded a significant boost in its efforts to train and...

NEWS3 hours ago

OAU Management Raises the Alarm as Student Goes Missing

ShareFrom Ayinde Akintade, Osogbo The authorities of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, have involved the Osun State Command of the Nigerian...

NEWS3 hours ago

FG Pays Second Tranche of N35,000 Wage Award Arrears to Workers

ShareBy Tony Obiechina Abuja The Federal Government has paid the second tranche of the outstanding N35,000 wage award arrears to...

NEWS6 hours ago

Nigeria’s Slump-and-Die Epidemic: Doctors in Diaspora Write NASS, Tinubu over Increased Deaths, Seeks Emergency Intervention, Funding

ShareFrom Mike Tayese, Yenagoa Nigerian Doctors in diaspora have called on the leadership of the National Assembly and President Bola...

OPINION6 hours ago

Strategic Thoughts on the 2027 Presidential Election

ShareBy Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf Nigeria’s forthcoming 2027 general elections are some twenty months away. The major political parties: the All...

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