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A Birthday Tribute to His Excellency Senator Kashim Shettima, Vice President of The Federal Republic Of Nigeria

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Your Excellency,

On behalf of the National Executive Council, National Executive Committee and the entire membership of the Alumni Association of the National Institute (AANI), I extend warm felicitations and heartfelt good wishes to Your Excellency on the occasion of your birthday.

We are mindful of Your Excellency’s expressed wish that this milestone be observed quietly, with public attention directed towards the more pressing task of nation building rather than personal celebration.

We fully respect your wishes. Nevertheless, as members of the family of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, we cannot allow this special day to pass without acknowledging your remarkable journey of service and expressing our sincere appreciation for your friendship, support and commitment to our Alma Mater.

Your Excellency’s distinguished journey from the banking profession through public service as Governor of Borno State and Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to your present position as Vice President has been marked by courage, resilience, intellectual depth and a commitment to the Nigerian project.

For AANI, our appreciation goes beyond the office you occupy. We particularly acknowledge and commend Your Excellency’s warm disposition towards the Association, your accessibility and receptiveness to our engagements, and your recognition of the immense reservoir of knowledge, experience and strategic capacity within the NIPSS alumni community.

We are especially grateful for your consistent support for NIPSS Kuru, our Alma Mater, and your appreciation of its strategic importance to national development. Your commitment to strengthening the Institute as a centre of excellence for policy research, strategic thinking and leadership development is deeply appreciated by the entire NIPSS family.

Your Excellency’s recognition of the need to ensure that the wealth of knowledge and policy recommendations generated by NIPSS translate into tangible outcomes in governance is particularly commendable. It reflects your understanding that the Institute and its alumni constitute an important national asset whose intellectual resources can contribute significantly to addressing Nigeria’s complex developmental, security, economic and social challenges.

AANI equally appreciates your openness to engaging with the Association on issues of national importance. Your disposition towards our ideas and initiatives has reinforced our belief that the NIPSS family can and should remain a strategic partner in the collective effort to build a more secure, prosperous, united and resilient Nigeria.

As you attain another milestone in your life, we celebrate not merely the passage of another year, but a life dedicated to public service and the advancement of our dear country.

We pray that Almighty Allah will continue to grant Your Excellency wisdom, strength, sound health, courage and divine guidance as you discharge the enormous responsibilities entrusted to you by the President and the people of Nigeria.

May the years ahead bring you greater fulfilment and enable you to continue contributing meaningfully to the peace, stability, prosperity and development of our beloved nation.

Happy Birthday, Your Excellency.

May Almighty Allah continue to bless you and your family, and grant you many more years of purposeful service to Nigeria.

Ambassador Emmanuel Obi Okafor mni, President, Alumni Association of the National Institute AANI, Abuja

When the Government Owns The Newsroom, Who Owns The Truth?

By Isaac Asabor

There was a time when entering a newsroom meant entering a sanctuary of truth; a place where facts mattered more than friendships, accountability mattered more than political convenience, and the journalist’s loyalty was owed not to the man in the Government House but to the public. That ideal is increasingly under siege.

In too many state-owned media organizations, journalism has been reduced to an elaborate performance in which the script is written elsewhere, the characters are carefully selected, the villains are predetermined, and the journalist is expected to read his lines without asking inconvenient questions.

In fact, the newsroom, once a watchdog, is gradually becoming a kennel. And the tragedy is that the journalist holding the pen may have little control over what he is permitted to write.

State-owned media, in principle, should belong to the people. After all, governments do not own public broadcasting organizations in the same way individuals own private businesses. They are funded, directly or indirectly, by taxpayers. Their obligation, therefore, should be to inform citizens fairly, scrutinize the government responsibly and provide credible information on matters of public interest. But somewhere along the line, ownership has been confused with control.

The consequence is a dangerous mutation: public media becomes government media, government media becomes ruling-party media, and ruling-party media eventually becomes propaganda machinery. That is where the real danger begins.

As it is at the moment, loyalty has become the qualification to work in state-owned media outfits.  One of the most damaging practices in state-owned media is the politicization of appointments.

Instead of entrusting media organizations to professionals with the experience, independence and editorial courage required to manage them, governments sometimes treat such institutions as extensions of the political reward system. The message to the newsroom becomes unmistakable: loyalty is more valuable than competence.

Once political loyalty becomes the currency for appointment, the newsroom’s editorial compass begins to malfunction. The editor who should be asking, “Is this story true?” starts asking a more dangerous question: “How will the governor react to this?” That single change in question can destroy an entire institution.

A reporter who knows that an uncomfortable story could offend a political appointee will think twice before filing it. An editor who fears losing his position will find reasons to kill it. A management team dependent on political goodwill will gradually learn the art of avoiding stories that embarrass those who control the purse.

Nobody needs to issue a written order. Fear becomes the editor. Silence becomes policy. Self-censorship becomes professional survival. And this is how journalism can be executed without anyone firing a bullet.

The most effective censorship is not necessarily the one imposed through a memo. Sometimes it is the censorship a journalist imposes on himself because he has learnt what happens to colleagues who cross invisible political boundaries.

Against the backdrop of the foregoing, the journalist undeniably becomes the victim.  It is tempting to blame journalists when state-owned media fail in their responsibilities. That criticism is not entirely misplaced. Journalists are professionals and must be held to ethical standards irrespective of where they work. But it is intellectually dishonest to ignore the environment in which many of them operate.

Consider a journalist who works in an organization where management is politically appointed, editorial decisions are subject to political interference, salaries are irregular and investigative journalism receives little or no financial support. Then ask that journalist to behave like an entirely independent watchdog. That is easier said than done. A hungry journalist is still a human being.

A journalist with school fees to pay, rent to settle, children to feed and medical bills to confront is vulnerable to pressures that may not appear in any journalism ethics textbook. This is why the economic condition of journalists cannot be separated from the quality of journalism they produce.

When salaries are delayed for months and reporters are expected to chase stories without transportation, communication or investigative resources, the newsroom becomes fertile ground for ethical compromise. The infamous “brown envelope” culture does not emerge from nowhere. It thrives where institutional poverty meets personal desperation.

This does not excuse corruption. A journalist who accepts money to distort a story has violated the public trust. But institutions that deliberately or negligently keep journalists financially vulnerable should not pretend to be shocked when ethical standards begin to collapse. You cannot starve a watchdog and then complain that it has stopped barking.

Perhaps the most disturbing feature of the state-owned media ecosystem is the double standard, which in summary is the politics of selective accountability.

Private media organizations can face regulatory scrutiny, public condemnation and legal consequences when they breach professional standards. Yet state-owned media can sometimes behave as though government ownership provides a diplomatic passport against accountability. That is a dangerous assumption.

A public broadcaster should not become a political weapon simply because the government pays its bills. Its microphone belongs to the public. Its cameras belong to the public. Its journalists, ultimately, serve the public.

The moment a state-owned broadcaster becomes a platform for ridiculing political opponents, suppressing embarrassing information, amplifying government achievements while burying government failures, or manufacturing favourable narratives, it ceases to perform the public-service function for which it exists. It becomes propaganda. And propaganda is not journalism wearing a different shirt. It is the opposite of journalism.

Given the backdrop of the foregoing view, it is expedient at this juncture to opine that journalism asks questions. Propaganda supplies answers. Journalism investigates power. Propaganda protects power. Journalism gives citizens the information they need to make informed judgments. Propaganda tells citizens what judgment they should make. The difference could not be clearer.

In fact, the puppeteers may win the newsroom, but they lose the audience. This is as there is another problem politicians and their media managers often fail to understand. The problem emerges when credibility cannot be commanded.

A government can compel a state broadcaster to praise it from morning until night. It can instruct presenters to celebrate every project, describe every policy as historic and portray every critic as an enemy of progress. But it cannot compel citizens to believe it. In an age of social media, satellite television, online newspapers, podcasts and citizen journalism, audiences have more avenues than ever to compare narratives and perspectives.

When citizens repeatedly discover that a state broadcaster presents only one side of reality, they eventually stop regarding it as a credible source of independent information. There is, perhaps, no greater tragedy for a media organization than losing the trust of the very audience it is meant to serve. Indeed, the most devastating punishment a media organization can suffer is not criticism, but irrelevance, when people simply stop relying on it for news.

Once the audience concludes that a broadcaster merely says whatever those in power want said, the organization loses the most valuable asset any media house possesses: trust. And once trust disappears, no amount of government funding can purchase it back.

Surprisingly, particularly to those who seem not to understand the dynamics of journalism, government needs journalists it can disagree with.  This is where political leaders must demonstrate maturity.

A strong government does not need a newsroom populated by people who agree with everything it does. In fact, a government should value journalists capable of asking difficult questions because uncomfortable journalism can serve as an early-warning system. A reporter who exposes a failed public project is not necessarily an enemy of the government.

An investigation into corruption is not automatically an attack on the governor. A critical editorial is not a declaration of war. Sometimes criticism is simply criticism. And governments that understand this can actually use journalism to improve governance. A serious administration should want its media organizations to expose potholes, abandoned projects, corruption allegations, failing hospitals, dysfunctional schools and the grievances of citizens.

Given the foregoing, it is compelling to ask, “Why?”. The answer is simple. It is because the government cannot see everything. The journalist can become the government’s eyes and ears among the people, but only if the journalist is permitted to report what he sees and hears. Unfortunately, the irony is that political leaders who suppress bad news often deprive themselves of the information required to correct their own mistakes. They surround themselves with praise singers until they can no longer hear reality.

At this juncture, it is expedient to opine that the newsroom must be rescued. The solution is not to abolish state-owned media. That would miss the point. The solution is to restore the meaning of public media.

Appointments must be based primarily on professional competence rather than political loyalty. Editorial independence must become more than a phrase buried in policy documents. Journalists must receive regular and decent salaries, while newsrooms must be adequately funded to conduct serious reporting. There must also be transparent editorial standards and mechanisms for protecting journalists from arbitrary political interference. Above all, public broadcasters must understand that their first responsibility is not to make the government look good. It is to tell the public what is happening. If the government performs well, journalism should report it. If the government fails, journalism should report that too. That is not sabotage. That is the job.

A public broadcaster should be able to interview a governor and ask uncomfortable questions without the journalist fearing that his career has just been placed on the chopping block.

It should be able to investigate government spending without management receiving a midnight telephone call demanding that the story disappear. It should be able to give opposition voices reasonable access without being accused of treason. Anything less is not public broadcasting. It is political broadcasting masquerading as public service.

This argument may sound deliberately provocative, particularly when governments that own media organizations are perceived to be the puppeteers of the press. But perhaps provocation is necessary because what is at stake is not merely the welfare of journalists. It is democracy itself. Democracy cannot survive on citizens receiving carefully manufactured information.

When public media become government megaphones, citizens lose access to the independent scrutiny required to judge those in power. When journalists become afraid to report inconvenient truths,

corruption becomes easier to conceal. When editors begin to measure stories by their political consequences rather than their public-interest value, journalism loses its soul.

And when journalism loses its soul, democracy loses one of its most important safeguards. The real tragedy is that the journalists themselves may become casualties of the system.

They enter the profession wanting to investigate, question and inform. They may eventually discover that the most dangerous story is not the one they published. It is the one they were ordered not to publish. That is how journalism is executed. Not necessarily through dismissal. Not necessarily through censorship.

Sometimes, it is executed one suppressed story at a time, one intimidated editor at a time, one hungry reporter at a time, until an entire newsroom forgets what it was created to do. The greatest danger, therefore, is not that governments own media organizations. It is that governments may forget why public media exist in the first place.

In fact, the newsroom is not a throne room. The journalist is not a courtier. And the microphone is not a political loudspeaker. It belongs to the public.

If state-owned media must survive as credible institutions, governments must stop treating them as instruments of political patronage and start treating them as what they ought to be: public institutions whose first loyalty is to truth, accountability and the citizens who ultimately pay for them.

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Talata Mafara Attack: ISN Demands Intelligence Overhaul, Special Courts to Crush Banditry

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By David Torough, Abuja

The Institute of Security, Nigeria (ISN) has called for a fundamental overhaul of Nigeria’s approach to terrorism, banditry and kidnapping, warning that criminal groups are becoming increasingly organised and capable of challenging the authority of the state.

The institute made the call while reacting to the reported invasion of Talata Mafara market in Zamfara State, where non-state actors allegedly imposed a ₦50 million levy and demanded 100 livestock, giving residents a seven-day ultimatum.

The ISN said the development exposed the need for security agencies to move beyond reactive operations and adopt stronger intelligence-led strategies capable of identifying and dismantling criminal networks before they launch attacks.

In a statement signed by its Deputy President and Chief Executive Officer, Barr. Adebayo Akinade, the institute said the activities of terrorists and bandits were no longer limited to isolated attacks but increasingly involved the control of economic activities, collection of illegal levies and disruption of legitimate livelihoods.

It warned that such activities could gradually establish a parallel system of criminal authority in affected communities if left unchecked.

The institute consequently urged the Federal and state governments to establish a coordinated security framework bringing together federal security agencies, state security outfits and vetted community guards.

It also called for the creation of a National Security Fusion Centre, supported by state-level fusion desks, to facilitate real-time intelligence sharing and faster responses to emerging threats.

According to the ISN, security agencies should penetrate criminal networks operating around markets, cattle-rustling routes and illicit livestock value chains while targeting the logistics and financial structures sustaining banditry.

It recommended regulated livestock markets and improved tracking systems to prevent stolen cattle from being absorbed into legitimate commercial channels.

The institute further proposed special courts for terrorism, kidnapping and banditry cases, arguing that a faster judicial process would strengthen the fight against organised criminal groups.

It urged the government to deploy modern technologies, including forest geo-fencing, livestock tracking, drones and citizen-reporting platforms, alongside improved tactical mobility and air surveillance.

The ISN also called for a two-hour rapid-response mechanism in vulnerable areas and increased investment in night-vision equipment and other specialised capabilities.

Beyond security operations, the institute advocated stronger community-based early-warning systems and local peace and security forums involving traditional rulers, farmers, market unions, faith organisations and civil society groups.

It urged citizens to report threats rather than surrendering to ransom and illegal levy demands, while encouraging communities to document attacks and preserve evidence for investigations and prosecution.

The institute said professional training in terrorism studies, intelligence management and counter-banditry operations should be strengthened as part of efforts to build a more effective national security architecture.

The ISN reaffirmed its readiness to support government and security agencies through research, training, policy advisory services and professional certification, saying a coordinated response was essential to restoring public confidence and protecting national development.

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Lagos Court Nullifies Onise of Ise Installation, Orders Withdrawal of Staff of Office

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By David Torough, Abuja

The Lagos State High Court sitting in Lagos has set aside and nullified the purported installation and coronation of Ibrahim Adebowale Saliu as the Onise of Ise Kingdom in Lekki Local Council Development Area (LCDA) of Epe Local Government Area, Lagos State.

The court also ordered the Lagos State Government to immediately withdraw the letter of appointment, staff of office and recognition granted to Saliu, following the installation and coronation conducted at the Ministry of Local Government, Chieftaincy Affairs and Rural Development, Alausa, Ikeja, on August 21, 2026.

In a ruling delivered on Friday, September 11, 2026, by Justice Yetunde Adesola Adesanya of the Lagos State High Court, Igbosere, the court further ordered Saliu to surrender the letter of appointment, staff of office and other benefits of office obtained during the disputed installation.

The court also directed him to immediately stop parading or holding himself out as the Onise of Ise pending the hearing and determination of the substantive suit.

The ruling arose from a Motion on Notice for Mandatory Injunction filed on August 24, 2026, by Alhaji Adeniyi Atere and Mrs Idowu Adebisi Lana, the claimants/applicants in Suit No. LD/0022PRA/2026.

The defendants/respondents in the suit include the Lagos State Governor, the Attorney-General of Lagos State, the Commissioner for Local Government, Chieftaincy Affairs and Rural Development, the Ministry of Local Government, Chieftaincy Affairs and Rural Development, Epe Local Government Area, Lekki LCDA and four individuals identified as members of the selection process, while Saliu is the 11th defendant/respondent.

The dispute centres on the process that produced Saliu as the Oba-elect and subsequently led to his appointment and installation as Onise of Ise.

A key issue before the court was whether the August 21 installation could stand after an earlier interim injunction had been issued restraining the state government and other specified defendants from taking steps to appoint Saliu as Onise of Ise.

Earlier court order

The ruling recalled that Justice S. I. Sonaike had, on August 13, 2026, issued an interim order restraining the first to fifth defendants from acting on a March 30, 2026 letter purportedly forwarding Saliu’s name as the Oba-elect of Ise Kingdom.

The order also restrained them from putting into effect any process aimed at appointing Saliu as Onise of Ise pursuant to the letter or instrument of nomination.

The court noted that the earlier order was made in the context of alleged non-compliance with the Obas and Chiefs of Lagos State Law, 2015, and the relevant Registered Declaration regulating the selection to the Onise of Ise stool.

According to the ruling, the interim injunction was to last for seven days unless renewed by the court, with August 20 fixed as the return date for a report of compliance and continuation of hearing.

The court further found that the enrolled order had been duly served on the relevant respondents and that there were acknowledged copies of the order in the court’s file.

Importantly, the ruling noted that the first to fourth respondents had themselves filed a motion dated August 18 seeking, among other things, an order discharging or setting aside the August 13 interim injunction or, alternatively, an order not to renew it.

Thus, the respondents were aware of the order and were actively challenging it through the judicial process.

Installation despite subsisting injunction

The claimants alleged that despite the service of the order, the state government proceeded with the installation on August 21.

The court recorded the allegation that the Special Adviser to the Governor on Local Government, Chieftaincy Affairs and Rural Development, Dr Nurudeen Yekini Lanre Agbaje, handed over the letter of appointment and staff of office to Saliu at the ministry.
Photographs of the purported coronation and installation were also tendered as an exhibit before the court.

The court subsequently made a significant finding on the conduct complained of. It held that the evidence before it established an infringement of the earlier court order, stating:
“Not only do the averments in the Affidavits support the grant of the Order sought, but there is also irrefutable evidence of the infringement of the Order of this Honourable Court of 13th August 2026 that entitles the Claimants/Applicants to the grant of the mandatory Orders sought in this application.”

The court’s finding is central to the judgment because the application was not merely seeking to prevent a future installation; the applicants were asking the court to reverse steps that had allegedly been taken while the interim order was still in force.

Court considers power to reverse completed act

Justice Adesanya considered the legal principles governing mandatory injunctions, noting that such an injunction is positive in nature because it requires a defendant to undo an act that has already been carried out.

The court reviewed several authorities, including CBN v. UTB (Nig.) Ltd., CBN v. Industrial Bank Ltd., Abubakar & 10 Ors. v. Jos Metropolitan & Anor., and H.R.H. Alhaji Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari & Ors. v. Alhaji Saadu A.O. Bukola.
Of particular relevance was the Court of Appeal decision in the Sulu-Gambari chieftaincy case, which the applicants had relied upon.

In that case, the Court of Appeal held that although injunctions generally do not restrain completed acts, an exception could arise where a party deliberately proceeds with an act after becoming aware of an application seeking to restrain it.
The court quoted the appellate court as stating:
“To condone such a situation amounts to encouraging ‘executive lawlessness’ which will only jeopardize the rule of law and civilized conduct.”

The Court of Appeal had consequently recognised that a restorative mandatory injunction could be used where a party deliberately acted in disregard of the authority of the court.

Justice Adesanya found that the principle was applicable to the circumstances before her.

Court orders reversal of installation

Having considered the processes, affidavits, exhibits and submissions of counsel, the court granted the application in full.

The first mandatory order compels the first to fourth defendants- comprising the Lagos State Governor, Attorney-General, the Commissioner for Local Government, Chieftaincy Affairs and Rural Development, and the ministry, to withdraw the appointment letter, staff of office and recognition of Saliu as Onise of Ise.

The court’s order specifically relates to the appointment and recognition arising from the August 21 installation and coronation.

The second order compels Saliu himself to surrender the appointment letter, staff of office and other paraphernalia of office associated with the disputed stool.

The third order directs him to stop parading or holding himself out as the Onise of Ise pending the final determination of the substantive suit.

The court’s fourth and most consequential order expressly sets aside and nullifies the purported installation and coronation.

The ruling states:
“AN ORDER OF THIS HONOURABLE COURT SETTING ASIDE AND NULLIFYING the purported installation and coronation of the 11th Defendant/Respondent as the Onise of Ise Kingdom…”

The court made clear, however, that the mandatory injunctions are interim orders and are not the final determination of the substantive chieftaincy dispute.
It expressly stated:
“THESE MANDATORY ORDERS OF INJUNCTION ARE GRANTED PENDING THE HEARING AND DETERMINATION OF THE SUBSTANTIVE SUIT.”

Court stresses obedience to its orders
The ruling also dealt extensively with the importance of compliance with subsisting court orders.

The applicants had argued that proceeding with the installation after service of the injunction amounted to executive lawlessness, self-help and an attempt to overreach the judicial process.

While those descriptions originated from the applicants’ grounds, the court’s decision ultimately accepted the central factual contention that the earlier order had been infringed and that mandatory relief was warranted.

The court also noted that the respondents, despite being aware of the proceedings and the interim order, did not proceed to have their pending August 18 motion determined before the disputed installation took place.

According to the ruling:
“The Respondents being fully aware of the pendency of these proceedings and the Order of this court chose to stay away from the proceedings, failed to move their pending Motion on Notice dated 18th August 2026, or defend the instant application rather proceeded to flout the Interim Order of this Court.”

The court consequently concluded that the circumstances justified the exceptional remedy of a mandatory injunction to restore the position that existed before the disputed act.

It therefore ordered that the state government’s recognition and instruments of office be withdrawn and that Saliu cease to hold himself out as Onise of Ise while the substantive case remains pending.

The substantive suit will determine the underlying dispute over the lawful selection and appointment to the Onise of Ise stool.

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Former PDP National Chairman, Bamanga Tukur is dead

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Frontline business magnet and former National Chairman of Peoples Democratic Party(PDP), Alhaji Bamanga Tukur is dead. He was aged 90.

The former Governor of the old Gongola state passed on Saturday, September 12, after a protracted illness.

Eldest son of the deceased, Awwal D.

Tukur confirmed the demise of his father to newsmen in Yola.

He however, gave no details.

Tukur, a nonagenarian was an international businessman who founded the African Business Round Table, which platform he used to market bsuiness opportunities on the continent to international investors.

He had a successful career in the public service and rose through the ranks to become the General Manager and Chief Executive of Nigerian Ports Authority(NPA) during the regime of General Yakubu Gowon.

He was appointed Minister of Industries by former Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha and after leaving office, remained an active political actor and effectively combined with the operation of his vast business empire, which spanned shipping, manufacturing among others.

He was reputed for his philanthropic gestures both in his home state of Adamawa and across the country.

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