OPINION
A Word of Caution to Igbo Leaders
By Abdulrasaq Alkali
For the past 6 – 8 months killings and attacks on security facilities and personnel as well as on ordinary citizens have been ravaging the Southeast Nigeria. These acts have been attributed to the Eastern Security network (ESN), an armed wing of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu.
It is on record that on many occasion Nnamdi Kanu has called for violent attacks on Nigeria’s security personnel and on people from other ethnic groups, just exactly what we are occasioning presently. Unfortunately when Nnamdi Kanu was calling for such attacks the Igbos leaders and politicians rather than cautioning him against such actions turned a deaf ear.
One will wonder why the Igbo leaders always lost their voice when Nnamdi Kanu and his cohorts are committing crimes against Nigerians, but will display all sort of anger and accusation toward the Federal Government when it takes drastic measures to tame his activities and that of IPOB. What exactly is the interest of Igbo leaders in the activities of IPOB?
It is disheartening and shameful that some leaders form southeast are calling for release of Nnamdi Kanu and his cohorts from custody without allowing the judicial process to take its place. While it is common practice around the world to accept repentant members of terror organisations, by rehabilitating them and reintegrating them back into the society (only when there is high certainty that they will not go back to their terror activities) or utilising them to fight the terror organisation.
The Nigerian Federal Government has devised a carrot and stick strategy to fight insurgency in Northeast and banditry in the Northwest. Nonetheless FG cannot dialogue or rehabilitate unrepentant terrorists who are unwilling to do the needful. The Federal Government cannot and should not release an unrepentant leader of a terrorist organisation who has called for attack on Nigerian citizens and is responsible for attack on 164 police facilities and killing 175 security personnel without trial? No responsible government will follow such path of self-destruction.
It is on record that Nnamdi Kanu was previously released on bail and same Igbo elders and politicians stand in as his sureties. But nonetheless, he still went ahead and violated all the terms and conditions of his bail including arranging and participating in mass rallies and promotion of hatred against Nigeria and its citizens. And after the security agencies moved against him he jumped bail and left the country, where he continued to promote terror acts against Nigeria.
One will like to ask where are the Igbo elders when Kanu set up and commanded the Eastern Security Network (ESN) which is responsible for killing and maiming of Nigerians living in the Southeast especially Northerners and attacks on the security personnel. What have the Igbo elders ever done to curtail the terror activities of IPOB or bring Nanmdi Kanu to order? And if they cannot influence whatsoever to put a stop on the activities of Nnamdi Kanu and his terror organisation, why are they trying to blackmail the FG and judiciary in order to avoid prosecuting Nnamdi Kanu? Why are they afraid of allowing judicial process to take its place against Nnamdi Kanu? Or do they have anything to hide? Are their hands really clean in all these mess?
Otherwise, how can elders be bold enough to call for an unconstitutional release of an unrepentant terrorist like Nnamdi kanu and his fellow members of the IPOB terrorist organisation? What do Igbo leaders really want? Today they will call on FG to secure Igboland and tomorrow they will call on the FG to call off security personnel from Igboland. It is worth noting that when these leaders put on public statements at no point have they ever cautioned Nnamdi Kanu and IPOB members against their terrorist activities, instead they always opted to paint the Federal Government black in the eyes of Igbo people by crying marginalisation.
On the issue of marginalisation of Igbos, for many decades there have been strong claim by the Igbos mainly orchestrated by the Igbo leaders and politicians who found it to be a convenient weapon against Government that is not serving their selfish interests. You will never hear of Igbo marginalisation in administrations that have been dominated by such Igbo leaders (e.g. the Administration of Goodluck Jonathan) not because the Igboland received the best of infrastructures or social programs, but because the so called Igbo leaders and politicians have been provided access to the National cake as such driving the “Marginalisation Mantra” is not in their interest. It should be noted that each tribe in Nigeria can only complain of not having enough or exactly as wish but no tribe can convincingly argue of having the short end of the stick.
It is very clear that the promoters of the “Igbo Marginalisation” have succeeded in brainwashing people just to amass private wealth and or use it for political bargain. Because they use the fact that when you tell a lie over and over again and with confidence some people will start to believe in such a lie. And that is exactly what they have achieved with current set of hatred driven Igbo youth they have created.
However, blackmailing Nigeria with a victim mentality is actually not a long term strategy and will definitely backfire (and it has already started to back fire). One of such consequences of this blackmail is the Nnamdi Kanu and his fellow IPOB followers who are groomed with hatred and whose actions and activities are capable of bringing more destruction to Igbo than to Nigeria as a country.
Irrespective of the effort to sow hatred of Nigeria in the heart of many Igbos by some selfish leaders and politicians, even today Igbos are the biggest beneficiary of Nigeria’s diversity. They are welcomed in every nook and cranny of Nigeria, and are allowed to prosper and progress better than they could in their ancestral homeland. Igbos own businesses, houses, plazas, hotels, estates among others in Kano, Lagos, Abuja, Kaduna and Port Harcourt and basically every part of Nigeria.
Unfortunately, that is not the same for other Nigerians living or doing business in South East. It is difficult and to some extent impossible for Hausa, Fulani, Yoruba, Ijaw, Kanuri, Tiv man or woman to own businesses or landed assets in South East due to the unwelcoming nature of the environment.
For peace to reign in Southeast Nigeria, it is imperative for Igbo leaders to accept that they can no longer achieve personal interest through blackmailing the Federal Government and other Nigerian tribes. They need to accept that their continued backdoor support for Nnamdi Kanu and his cohorts will bring nothing positive to Igboland, and will create more foes than friends to Igbos.
*Alkali is National Coordinator, Non-State Actors Consultative Forum (NOSACOF)
OPINION
The David Mark and Atiku Abubakar ADC Protest: A Recycling of Bourgeoisie Metamorphosis
By Uji Wilfred
Right from the foundations of the Independence struggle that led to self-rule, political party formations in Nigeria were crafted majorly for the capture of political power through periodic elections.
Political Parties never had ideological foundations that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.
Political parties in their formation, leadership structure and ownership, belonged more to the ruling oligarchs than the people or the masses.In the First Republic, political parties had little ideological bent, framed along regional and ethnic sentiments, but little of rallying the entire nation along in a unified polity.
In the general elections of 1954 – 1956, each of the ruling political party, the Northern People’s Congress, the Action Group and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens emerged as regional parties in terms of the demographic voting pattern as well as the control of political seats.The First Republic suffered from a contradiction of centripetal and centrifugal forces within the framework of the tripartite system which eventually led to the collapse of that republic.
Political parties as well as the leadership recruitment reflected a regional and ethnic bias more than the need for the national integration of Nigeria.
Decamping across political lines, irrespective of ideological leanings, were the basic norms of the First Republic with political parties splitting out from the major political party. Formation of new political parties to fragment the dominant hold of ruling political parties were common political vices of the political class at that time. For example, Chief Akintola, despite the ideological soundness of the Action Group, splitted up the party with the formation of a new political party.
Chief Akintola’s desire was fired more by ambition than the issues of ideology and national interest.
In Northern Nigeria, the ruling Northern People’s Congress waged a war of suppression and dominance against other minority political parties with strong ideological bent that inspired minority ethnic nationalism.
The NPC through its slogan of One North, One Destiny, suppressed minority political parties such as the United Middle Belt Congress led by Joseph Tarkaa.
The point is that Nigeria from her foundations inherited a political culture where political parties have weak ideological roots as well as party and leadership recruitment.
Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed the recycling of bourgeoisie Political Party Formation and leadership recruitment through a process of metamorphosis that defiles ideological lines and national interest.
Political participation and leadership recruitment has been centered on the urgent need to capture power at the center using political parties owned by a few powerful oligarchs.
The People’s Democratic Party in its formation and foundation was a fraternity of past and serving military generals and their civilian equivalent.
The PDP since its inception has been led by past military officers like David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, the civilian equivalent of the military.
The dream of the PDP led by these retired military generals under the leadership of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was the enthronement of Africa’s biggest political party that was to last for a century.
As good as the dream of the party was, the PDP, like the experience of the First and Second Republics lacked deep ideological roots that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.
The triumph of the People’s Democratic Party forced the rival All People’s Party and the Action Congress of Nigeria into a state of collapse and submission leading up to the bourgeoisie metamorphosis that resulted to the formation of the All Progressive Congress on the eve of 2015 with the sole objective to unseat President Good luck Jonathan.
The APC was a metamorphosis and amalgamation of opposition parties including some dissenting faction of the PDP to reclaim the so called birth right of the far right North in Nigeria to produce the President of Nigeria.
Political recruitment and leadership struggle in Nigeria has never been defined by ideological needs to salvage or emancipate Nigeria as a nation. Political struggle has always been a recycling of that section of the bourgeoisie, through a process of metamorphosis, whose objective is to capture political power at the center.
The present protest and political struggle by the African Democratic Congress, the faction led by David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, is a recycling of bourgeoisie metamorphosis not too different from the experience of 2015.
At best, the David Mark and Atiku Abubakar led protest represents that desperate struggle entrenched in the thinking of the Far Right of Far Northern Nigeria, that political leadership resides in the ancestral birth right of the aristocratic ruling political class of the North.
David Mark and Atiku Abubakar perhaps are suffering from a dementia that has made them forget that they were the agents that destroyed the foundations of democracy in Nigeria through the sacking of former President Good luck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party.
These men formed the All Progressive Congress and wrestled power from a democratic government exploiting the dynamics of national security and developmental challenges.
In 2015, Nigerians believed their opinions and through the ballot removed Good luck Jonathan.
However, since then, has Nigeria fared better under the APC that was enthroned by oligarchs leading in the present protest under the auspices of the ADC.
Perhaps, David Mark and Atiku Abubakar may assume that Nigeria suffers from a collective dementia that has forgotten the past so soon.
There is an adage that says, he who comes to justice and equity must come with clean hands. The same forces that enthroned bad governance in Nigeria factored in the APC, through a metamorphosis, want to rebirth another Nigeria through the ADC.
In ideological terms, this does not make sense, the ADC Protest is the same old thing of old wine in a new wine bottle.
If Nigeria must experience a change, let it come through some revolutionary medium that will not exploit the people’s trust and betray them once in power.
Over the past decades, the betrayal of public trust, exploiting the innocence of the people, perhaps the naivety of the people, is what we have seen and experienced through the circles of bourgeoisie metamorphosis and political leadership recruitment.
OPINION
Where the Politicians Got it Wrong
By Raphael Atuu
Benue State, fondly referred to as the “Food Basket of the Nation,” was created on February 3, 1976, by the military administration, carved out of the old Plateau State. From its inception, the state was administered by a succession of military administrators, followed by civilian governors in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape.
Over the decades, leadership passed through several hands each leaving varying degrees of impact on the state’s trajectory.
In its early years, Benue was widely regarded as a peaceful and united society. Communities coexisted in harmony, bound by shared values, cultural pride, and a strong sense of collective identity.
The economy was largely driven by agriculture, with fertile lands producing yams, rice, cassava, and other staple crops. Institutions like the Benue Cement Company also contributed to economic activity and employment.In those days, the government was distant from the daily struggle of the average citizen. Few people concerned themselves with the affairs of Government House. Wealth and dignity were derived from hard work, farming, trading, and craftsmanship not political patronage.
The people spoke with one voice, celebrated their traditions with pride, and upheld communal respect as a guiding principle.
However, the return of democracy in 1999 marked a significant turning point, one that would reshape the state’s social and political fabric in ways few anticipated.
With democratic governance came new opportunities, but also new challenges. Politics gradually became the most attractive path to wealth and influence.
For many, Government House transformed from a symbol of public service into a gateway to personal enrichment.
The perception of politics shifted from service to self-interest.
As political competition intensified, unity began to erode. Divisions along ethnic, local government, and party lines deepened. The once cohesive voice of the Benue people became fragmented, often drowned in partisan conflicts and power struggles.
Perhaps more troubling was the subtle transformation in societal values.
The Benue man, once admired for courage, resilience, and industry, began though not universally to exhibit tendencies toward dependency and political loyalty over merit.
Sycophancy started to replace integrity, and the dignity of labor was gradually overshadowed by the allure of quick gains through political connections.
Elected officials rose to positions of authority and influence, becoming key decision-makers in society.
Yet, for many citizens, the dividends of democracy remained elusive. Infrastructure development lagged, agricultural potential remained underutilized, and poverty persisted despite abundant natural resources.
The irony is striking: a state so richly endowed, yet struggling to translate its potential into tangible progress.
Beyond economics, insecurity and communal clashes in recent years have further strained the social fabric.
The peace that once defined Benue has been challenged, forcing many communities to confront displacement and uncertainty.
While these issues are complex and multifaceted, the role of political leadership in addressing or failing to address them cannot be ignored.
So, where did the politicians get it wrong?
They lost sight of the essence of leadership service to the people. Governance became more about control than development, more about personal gain than collective good.
Long term planning gave way to short term political calculations. Investments in agriculture, which should have remained the backbone of the state’s economy, were neglected in favor of less sustainable ventures.
Moreover, the failure to foster unity and inclusive governance widened the gap between leaders and the led. Politics became a tool for division rather than a platform for progress.
Yet, all hope is not lost.
Benue still possesses immense potential, fertile land, vibrant culture, and resilient people, what is needed is a return to the values that once defined the state: hard work, unity, integrity, and community driven development.
Leadership must be reimagined, not as an avenue for wealth, but as a responsibility to uplift the people.
The story of Benue State is not just one of decline it is also one of possibility.
With the right vision, commitment, and collective will, the state can reclaim its place as a model of peace, productivity, and progress.
The question remains: will its leaders and its people rise to the occasion?
If you want, I can.
OPINION
Nigeria Not Collapsing, Recalibrating Unsustainable System
By Tanimu Yakubu
Nigeria is not collapsing; it is confronting long-avoided economic realities. The current hardship, though undeniable, reflects a deliberate process of correcting structural imbalances that have persisted for years. Distress is evident, but it must not be mistaken for systemic failure.
Countries in true economic collapse do not unify exchange rates, rebuild external reserves, regain access to international capital markets, or improve fiscal performance.
Nigeria, despite significant pressures, is making measurable progress across these indicators.Ending a Distorted Economic Order
For years, Nigeria operated under an economic framework that projected stability while masking deep inefficiencies.
Artificially suppressed fuel prices, multiple exchange rate windows, and expansionary fiscal practices incentivized arbitrage over productivity.These distortions disproportionately benefited a narrow segment of the population while imposing hidden costs on the broader economy.
Their removal has revealed the true cost structure of the system. While this transition has triggered inflationary pressures, it has also restored policy transparency and enhanced the credibility of economic management.
Strengthening the Fiscal Base
Recent fiscal data indicates a strengthening foundation. Distributable revenues to the Federation Account have risen by over 40 percent following subsidy removal, reflecting improved remittance discipline and reduced leakages.
Nigeria’s public debt remains below 30 percent of GDP, a relatively moderate level compared to peer emerging markets, according to the International Monetary Fund. Meanwhile, external reserves have surpassed $40 billion, based on figures from the Central Bank of Nigeria.
At the subnational level, increased fiscal inflows are enabling more consistent salary payments, with some states introducing inflation adjustments, an indication of gradually expanding fiscal space.
Inflation: A Transitional Challenge
Inflation remains the most immediate and visible consequence of ongoing reforms. It is being driven by exchange rate adjustments, energy price corrections, and longstanding supply-side constraints.
Global experience suggests that such inflationary spikes are often temporary when reforms are sustained. The greater risk lies not in reform itself, but in policy inconsistency or reversal.
Interpreting the Present Moment
Public frustration is both expected and understandable. Nigerians are justified in demanding tangible improvements in living standards. However, it is important to distinguish between short-term hardship and systemic collapse.
Nigeria’s institutional framework remains intact, fiscal capacity is improving, and macroeconomic reforms are actively progressing. This phase represents adjustment, not disintegration.
From Stabilisation to Impact
The next phase of reform must translate macroeconomic gains into measurable improvements in citizens’ welfare.
Strategic investments in healthcare, education, and targeted social protection will be essential to sustaining public confidence.
Ultimately, the credibility of these reforms will be judged not by policy intent, but by their impact on everyday life.
Conclusion: The Imperative of Consistency
Nigeria has long recognised its economic challenges; what has often been lacking is sustained policy execution. The greatest threat at this juncture is not reform fatigue, but reform reversal.
Abandoning the current course would erode credibility, deter investment, and reintroduce the very distortions that hindered growth.
This moment demands patience, discipline, and resolve. Nigeria is not collapsing, it is undertaking a necessary correction and laying the foundation for a more resilient economic future.
Tanimu Yakubu is DG, Budget Office of the Federation.

