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AFRICA IN THE TURBULENCE OF A WORLD IN SEARCH OF DIRECTION 

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By Benson Upah

I am delighted to be part of the 2023 annual lecture series of the Society for International Relations Awareness (as a discusant) put together by its highly resourceful and energetic President, Comrade Owei Lakemfa, veteran journalist, renowned columnist, a leading socio-political influencer and former General Secretary of OATUU.

It is a fitting tribute to his organisational ability and the growing list of his network that today’s event is being chaired by the highly-regarded Ambassador-Emeritus, His Excellency Ambassador Brownson Dede and another equally highly-regarded Ambassador-Emeritus, His Excellency, Ambassador John Kayode Shinkaiye and His Excellency, Dr Kayode J.
Fayemi, immediate past Governor of Ekiti State (now lecturer at one of the ivy-league universities in London) as the lecturer in the massive auditorium of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs brimming with serving and retired diplomats and other distinguished guests. It attests to the seriousness of today’s business.

In my view, there are three assumptions pertaining to the topic of discussion, _Africa In The Turbulence of A World In Search of Direction_ .

The first is that the world is in a state of turbulence distinctly unique from previous turbulences. The second is that the world is in need of a direction. The third is where Africa is expected to be in the midst of it all.

Turbulence is a natural phenomenon that has engaged Physics over time and will continue to be of interest to mankind for its “chaotic behaviour” and it’s “complex, a-periodic and deterministic” mood (John Lumley : Cornell University). Turbulence is associated with cataclysm or instability of tsunamic proportions but of transient nature and attributed to “…the instabilities of some basic luminar flow” (Ai-Kady Tsinober: ResearchGate). Serious work on turbulence is said to have begun sometime between 1889 and 1903 (Francois . G. Schmitt).

In summary, “turbulence is a state of confusion and disorganised change” which the Collins Dictionary sums up as “confusion, turmoil, unrest and instability”. 

However, we are gathered here today not to talk about geological formations or malformations or physics in quest of predictions or interpretations of their make-up but extreme or severe violent situations or grave multi-dimensional social disorder created by our politics, decisions, greed, selfishness and selfrighteousness.

 Indeed there cannot but be turbulence “in a world consumed by displays and the ceaseless chatter of fast inter action, the melodic elegance and emotional symphony”, writes Go-Ramblers.com.

Turbulence occurs as a result of collision of ideas, beliefs, policies, hegemonies or civilisations in pursuit of power. Turbulence has been with us since man started organising himself into society(ies) and conquering his environment. The resultant effects have been massive disruptions of systems, indescribable destructions, and often the collapse of empires and emergence of new ones.

 In the 20th century alone there were two world wars that led to consequential global power shift, the collapse of Ottoman and British empires respectively. Preceding the wars were other wars in Europe, Africa and Asia, though of lesser magnitude and destruction but nonetheless of great significance. In the much older world, Mali, Ghana, Songhai empires collapsed as indeed Greek and Roman due to a combination of reasons already adduced, lending credence to the Mats Berdal summation that “Attempts to comprehend, through empirical inquiry and philosophical reflection, the likely effects of deeper, seemingly unstoppable processes of socio-economic change on patterns of violent conflict within and across societies are not new” (How “New” Are “New Wars”? Global Economic Change and the Study of Civil War)

Indeed, under the watch of the UN, we had one of the longest and most intense ideological confrontations in history with over a dozen proxy wars to the bargain…the clash between the West and the East, capitalism and socialism. The collapse of the Soviet Union which effectively marked the end of socialism as a global fighting force did not necessarily lead to a peaceful world either, reinforcing my belief that turbulence is inherently pàrt of human nature. Infact, while Russia was nursing its wounds( from the collapse of Soviet Union), China was re-strategising and re-positioning, preparatory to launching itself on the global stage as an economic super power. Today, it is both an economic and military super power.

From the ashes of the Soviet empire, Putin, a thoughtful and proud Russian, over time rebuilt and repositioned Russia as a global military force to rival the US military might even as Colin Powell (Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff) had said then that only the size of the Russian empire had changed, that Russia had the wherewithal (like the US) to destroy the world within 15 minutes. Today, Russia has a nuclear arsenal second to none. This in itself has always been considered a threat by the West despite the fact that Russia had “opened” up.  

Some however, hold the view that the immediate and more significant threat has been the triumphal mentality of the West under the leadership of the US, which against all grains of wisdom and in utter violation of agreement reached with Russia (not to expand the NATO frontiers), has all but annexed the former member-states of the great Soviet Union in the name of NATO membership, a move Russia persistently protested against on the basis of national security concerns but was ignored. Putin captures the mood here thus:”The history of the West is essentially the chronicle of endless expansion. Western influence in the world is an immense military and financial pyramid scheme that constantly needs more “fuel” to support itself, with natural, technological and human resources that belong to others. This is why the West simply cannot and is not going to stop. Our arguments, reasoning, calls for common sense or proposals have simply been ignored” (his address to the plenary session of the 20th meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club in Sochi 2023).

However, attempts to make Ukraine a NATO member have not gone on very well and today we have a hot war between NATO and Russia in its second year even as Putin exonerates Russia of blame: “We are compelled to respond to ever increasing military and political pressure…It was not us who started the so-called ‘war in Ukraine’…” (his address to the plenary session of the 20th meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club in Sochi 2023).

It has been a war into which virtually everything (boots, projectiles, technology etc) from at least 35 countries has been thrown (32 from the West and 3 from the East).

And for the first time after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, we have come really close (closer than Cuba) to the possibility of the use of nuclear weapons, close enough for Putin to say the lessons of history have not been learnt:

“In the early 21st century, everybody hoped that states and peoples had learned lessons of the expensive and destructive military and ideological confrontations of the previous century, saw their harmfulness and the fragility and interconnectedness of our planet, and understood that the global problems of humanity call for joint action and the search for collective solutions, while egotism, arrogance and disregard for real challenges would inevitably lead to a dead-end , just like the attempts by more powerful countries to force their opinions and interests onto everyone else. This should have been obvious to everyone. It should have, but it has not. It has not” (Putin’s address to the plenary session of the 20th meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club in Sochi 2023).

While some might accuse Putin of being sentimental, it is a trite fact that “We learn from history that we do not learn from history” (Georg Hegel).

If Putin’s initial remarks were considered as indirect, he came in the open and unmistakably belligerent in subsequent comments underscoring the gravity of the situation:

” The United States and its satellites have taken a steady course towards hegemony in military affairs, politics, the economy, culture and even morals and values. Since the very beginning, it has been clear to us that attempts to establish a monopoly were doomed to fail. The world is too complicated and diverse to be subjected to one system, even if it is backed by the enormous powers of the West accumulated over the centuries of its colonial policy. Your colleagues as well —-many of them are absent today, but they do not deny that to a significant degree, the prosperity of the West has been achieved by robbing colonies for several centuries. This is a fact. Essentially, this level of development has been achieved by robbing the entire planet”.

Today, another hot war has erupted in the Middle East between Israel and Hamas with their traditional allies in tow and the possibility of the war escalating and spreading to other regions.

 The two hot wars are by no means the only flash points in the world. There are a dozen other places considered to be high -risk including Taiwan, South China Sea, North Korea, Iran, Syria, Yemen, etc, prompting the formation of emergency geo-political organisations including AUKUS. At some point, thoughts were had of extenting NATO membership to Japan even as Japan is not contiguous to the North Atlantic! Across Africa and Asia, there have been other wars in various stages prompting some to conclude that the world is in a desperate situation.

 However, others argue that “there are no desperate situations; only desperate men” (Joseph Goebbels). Putin seems to share the view that the situation is not desperate even when his actions speak to the contrary. At Sochi, he had said:

“I am confident that humanity is not moving towards fragmentation into rivaling segments, a new confrontation of blocs, what ever their motives, or a soulless universalism of a new globalisation. On the contrary, the world is on its way to a synergy of civilisation-states, large spaces, communities identifying as such”.

In spite of Putin’s seeming optimism, Einstein is among those who subscribe to the notion that “the world is a dangerous place to live, not because of the people who are evil, but because of the people who dont do anything about it” (Albert Einstein).

 Not a few share this philosophy including Putin who is seen as having risen to the threat posed by the West, bullet for bullet, projectile for projectile and boot for boot.

The confrontation is by no means limited to the military domain. The US has rallied the West in its policy of containment, curtailment and encirclement of China just as the West has slammed unprecedented sanctions on Russia even as their economies run into recession as a result of these sanctions.

In Africa, there is a renewed rivalry between the West and the East (led by Russia and China) on the one hand and the familiar Western landlords. Political, economic and military advantages are at the heart of it all. There are also wars, insurgencies and other threats internal to these African countries. 

In light of these irreconcilable differences around the world with everybody’s finger on the trigger, the world might truly be in some significant danger and accordingly has need of a new direction. But more importantly, where does that leave Africa?

First, the direction the world is presumed to be in need of. In my view the world is in need of more integration, co-operation, and collaboration in all spheres of human endeavour to end hunger, poverty, want, disease, ignorance and discrimination. But wait a minute, this is the view of the doves, and although in the majority, they have little or no say in the affairs of the world even as Putin says, “we stand for equality, for diverse potential of all countries”. In summary therefore, the integrative view will be no more than a sermon preached from the oak-panelled chamber of the United Nations General Assembly which the more powerful countries will shrug off with a familiar smugness.

Accordingly, not a few think the world will increasingly get more violent, bitter and polarised with regional military and socio-economic organisations such as NATO and EU not masking their interests which are often downright insular and selfish. This pits the West against the rest of the world, much of a febrile world. The renewed and unmasked herd behaviour (or gang-up) of Western countries in recent conflicts with literally no dissenting voice from within even when the truth is so obvious, has pushed not a few to the painful realisation that the West only cares about its own skin. This inevitably raises the decibels of bitterness, polarisation and confrontation.

 With time, it is most probable that regional organisations such as NATO and EU and their parallels elsewhere will take precedence over the UN which some of us predict will die a slow natural death, more out of its impotence and irrelevance than anything else. The glaring recent herd-behaviour of Western countries under the leadership of the United States and determination of some other countries to no longer “take orders any more or make their interests and needs dependent on anyone, above all on the rich and more powerful” (Putin in Sochi) will be another spark that will ignite a wave of confrontations never before seen. It will similarly trigger the formation of other regional organisations or the strengthening of existing ones like BRICS. 

 Like in the West, voices of citizens will continue to count for less yielding their pre-eminent position to the voices of regional partisans like Joe Biden of the United States. Resentful citizens and weaker nations will be pacified with more short-term social protection measures and quiet rebukes respectively (to fall in line or be isolated in the group). In a few words, I disagree with Thomas L. Friedman’s assertion that, “We are moving from a world where the heavy eat the light to a world where the light eat the heavy” _(Understanding Globalisation: The Lexus and Olive Tree)_ 

The domains of confrontation will be expanded from the military to technology, economy, and culture as I have earlier mentioned. I bet this is already happening as chips are not to be sold to China or Russia. The trade in other sensitive military technology has equally been restricted, in spite of the once popular advert in The Washington Post:

“SOONER OR LATER, ALL TYRANNIES CRUMBLE

Those That Keep Putting Their Customers 

On Hold Tend to Crumble Sooner” (Thomas . L. Friedman; _Understanding Globalisation: The Lexus and the Olive Tree)__ 

 There will be nuclear proliferation in order to ensure the global spread or balance of terror. At the moment more Western countries have nuclear weapons than other regions of the world. However, a nuclear war will not be fought by the two countries with the most powerful nuclear arsenal, the US and Russia. This, however, does not preclude the use of tactical nuclear strikes on some other vulnerable targets in the manner the US bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  

While the possibility of the Russia- US nuclear show-down may be remote, much of it is contingent on the willingness of China to join the fray but it is doubtful that China which uses Russia as a learning curve in practically everything from opening up to taking back a break-away republic, will go for a nuclear war now. Perhaps, in the next seven to ten years when it would have achieved nuclear parity with the US. But then, wars do drop from the skies sometimes. A nuclear war will not be different.

  Due to the reckless use of its power of sanctions, conscious and sustainable efforts are already been made and will be further strengthened to downgrade the global dominance of the US Dollar through “strange” alliances. This will take a while and a lot of conversation between common foes such as China and India, Iran and Saudi Arabia and other countries.

The unprecedented sanctions against Russia and its oligarchs invariably pitched the West not just against Russia but the rest of the world as well as presented the former as not a safe sanctuary for storing up fortune. However, what happens next is entirely in the womb of time but it is a certainty that a per cent age of global wealth will move from the West. However, where to and in what form, I do not know.

Contrary to popularly-held notions that governments’ power or influence will be minimised by the combination of multinationals and other social forces, governments in the emerging global order will re-invent themselves through ingenious alliances with dominant forces, good or bad, to perpetuate their strangle-hold on power. It will be a world more Machiavellian and dangerous, from North to South and East to West in the name of preserving or protecting the people or their civilisations. And especially because peer-review platforms or mechanisms will be non-existent, external pressures will count for nothing. It will be a world of bullies where might is right. It will equally be a world of infinite possibilities never before seen, but largely malevolent. And benevolent too! Patricia Clavin, Professor of Modern History at Oxford argues that:

“Turbulence can push individuals, institutions, and states to their limits. History shows that it simultaneously fosters creative, pluralistic and dynamic advocacy that leads to new modes of co-operation, often in history’s darkest hours”.

It could also be a world in transition as there could be a global power shift in line with the view that:

“Power is not eternal. No one in the world can remain strong all the time. Man is first a child, then youth, then maturity, old age. Such is the life expectancy of states as well” (Sheihk Ahmed Yassin, 1998). 

While this arguemnt is consistent with historical changes of this magnitude, another school of thought says the West will not relinquish its strangle-hold on global power so easily, not without a fight! Even though Putin says the West has lost it, the odds still favour it.

Back to the question of where Africa will be in the new contestations for power or its aftermath?

Putin gives an idea about how to take advantage of the situation thus:

“Relying on your civilisation is a necessary condition for success in the modern world, unfortunately a disorderly and dangerous world that has lost its bearings. More and more states are coming to this conclusion, becoming aware of their owns interests and needs, opportunities and limitations, their own identity and degree of interconnectedness with the world around them” (Putin in Sochi).

But does Africa have any civilisation left on which to rely as a condition and vehicle for entry and participation in this global ferment or arena?

In my view, Africa will be no more than a map, a patch on the earth—the pliant giant, raped, abused and abandoned by those who love her or despise her. Mario Puzo ( _The Godfather_ ) says that a race that allowed itself to be ground to dust is not one any would worry about.

Africa has attributed its inability to grow or develop like other parts of the world to slavery, colonialism, neo-colonialism (which Nkrumah says is the highest/last stage of imperialism) and much more recently, globalisation. 

Although the reading of Karl Marx, Lenin and more recent works such as *How Europe Underdeveloped Africa* (Walter Rodney), *The Wretched of the Earth* (Frantz Fanon), *Globalisation And Its Discontents* ( Joseph Stiglitz) and other titles gives us an insight into the horrors of slavery, colonialism, neo-colonialism and the double-standards of globalisation, it is time to stop complaining about these phenomena. After an average of 60 years of independence, these are no longer acceptable excuses for Africa’s miserable backwardness. We cannot continue to accept the refrain of, “they took us away”. For how long?

They also took the Jews away but they said, “Never again!” The narrative has since changed for them.

It is of great importance to note that Africa’s erstwhile colonial masters were themselves former colonies of other powers, some under colonialism three to five times longer than Africa was. Rather than wallow in self-pity or indulge in blame game (for their misfortunes), they set to work and became dominant world powers. Perhaps, more significant is the fact that some former colonies who got their independence the same time as most African countries have since transformed. Malaysia, Singapore and others are in this class. Although great powers such as India, Pakistan and China got their own independence much earlier but not more than 15 years before Nigeria, for instance. China, the world’s wonder-country was under three different colonial masters! 

However, in terms of turning situations around, I would think the US leads the pack. After a violent independence struggle against the British 

and a bitter civil war, the US grew sufficiently strong enough to ‘colonise’ Britain, it’s former colonial master as well as dominate the world.

Given these scenarios of turning situations around, I would think Africa has not done enough for itself taking a distant last with no light at the end of the tunnel. At the risk of repetition, Africa is satisfied with blaming others for its woes. When the political elite are in consensus, they blame erstwhile colonial masters. When they are not, they blame opposition politicians or imaginary enemies. Opposition politicians blame witches in their villages. The working class/peasants (in the majority) who have the power to fight or even effect a change of this irredeemably corrupt elite, blame evil spirits and are often divided along primordial lines, rationalising the sins of their leaders. In a few circumstances when they are united, each person waxes into a state of inertia, waiting and hoping for the other person to do something, thus they lose the advantage of collective power of numbers and spark to push. They also lack the power of creative thinking because they are too busy talking or making noise to do anything reasonably meaningful. It is a known axiom that a people who talk too much have little time for thinking or work.

 The few geniuses, and “mad” men and women with the will and initiative to triumph, with or without government, are brutally crushed with regulations and gun-toting task forces.

Africa’s problems are largely internal and they are corruption, oppression, repression, unhelpful education and the inability of the victims to effect a change of leadership. We have a predatory and narrow-minded political elite that are unrepetantly selfish and greedy, lazy and unimaginative, brutal and unforgiving (Frantz Fanon puts it more poignantly). They are impatient and intolerant of their people with little thoughts for tomorrow. They have all the vices of colonialists and none of their virtues. Their overwhelming power and influence have a paralysing effect on the people and the land. The people themselves are too docile for a meaningful fight with their traducers.

This elite are more at home with smarter and self-indulgent foreign counterparts than their own people. Often in dark blue suits and black shoes, these foreign collaborators are implacably arrogant and self-conceited. They facilitate the hitch-free movement of the stolen money or resources, provide sanctuary for their safe-keeping, tell the African elite how to spend the money and then turn around to call all of us “fantastically corrupt”.

 Yakubu Mohammed underscores the gravity of the role played by the local African elite when he writes:

“Economic textbooks on Africa and other poor continents of the world should be updated to take into account the role of indigenous exploiters who use their positions to pauperise their countries and kill their fellow human beings because of their insatiable appetite for money and the good things money can _bring” ( _The Guardian,_ Wednesday, September 1, 2021).

While the African elite take a significant portion of this blame, time has also come for shared-responsibility between the African political elite and their partners in crime in Western capitals. But can Africa muster the necessary will and courage to demand for the reparation of the illegal wealth stowed away or have it reinvested or will it continue on this path of whinning? Which ever decision Africa takes, it must not, never again allow their silk-suited foreign counterparts pour cigar smoke in our faces while they live off us.

The mentality of political leaders waiting for aid before doing anything, must stop even as no nation can be unto itself an island. Even some liberal scholars attest to this. Giles Bolton for instance avers that, “Aid, no matter how good can do no more than help create the conditions for development. It can’t deliver it” ( _Aid and Other Dirty Business_ ) . My opinion is that aid may be good but it will take us no where for the simple reason that the aid-giver determines not only what we need, it decides what we get, and how we spend it. But that is not the end of the story. The aid-giver help us spend the aid and still asks for something bigger in return.

In light of this, the turbulence into which we are getting is a great opportunity for Africa to die a permanent death or to break even, get even….steal, take by force (if it has the courage) but certainly, to stop begging, to stop blaming! It is for weaklings. Development cannot come to Africa on the basis of pity or charity. It will come on chariot wheels with flaming fire!

There are theories and models of development but I have chosen to reduce them to two here; Market and State. Of state model, the assumption is that, “no developmental state, no development [as] the idea of a developmental state puts robust, competent public institutions at the centre of the developmental matrix” (Peter Evans 2010: quoted by Omano Edigheji in his book, _Nigeria: Democracy Without Development: How to Fix It_ ).

He similarly quotes Nasir Ahmad el-Rufai, a market-minded politician thus:

“Societies make progress when visionary leaders emerge to organise and direct collective actions for peaceful co-existence, with sensible rules, clear incentives and sanctions that enable individuals to realize their full potential”. 

This is illustrated further as follows:

“…countries escape poverty only when they have appropriate economic institutions, especially private property and competition….countries are more likely to develop the right institutions when they have an open pluralistic political system with competition for political office, a widespread electorate, and openness to new political leaders” (Gary S. Becker, Nobel laureate in economics in _Why Nations Fail)_ 

Which ever model Africa chooses to use, we should stop destroying our indigenous technology, no matter how crude. Enough of razing to the ground artisinal refineries when our sophisticated refineries cannot yield a drop of refined oil. Enough of destroying our local gun factories when our Defence Industries Corporation can only boast of beds, bolts and nuts after 50 years while it’s counterparts in Brazil and elsewhere are building fighter jets. Enough of destroying other private initiatives. Enough of parading jaded market cliches like “government has no busisness in business”. Indeed, government has every business in business!With an inherently weak and dubious organised private sector (Mbeki-Report On Illicit Financial Flows in Africa) we do not need a soothsayer to tell us that government and organised private sector must of necessity create a synergy. 

The turbulence has and will take many dimensions including attempts to re-colonise Africa by both the West and the East. It is a golden opportunity for Africa to play the beautiful bride and for it to know there are no benevolent colonial masters or foreign partners. It is important for Africa to know that diplomacy or international co-operation is not about chastity or charity naivety. Everybody takes what they can and move on.

It is equally important for African countries to note that they do not need hymnal or harmonic peace to develop but blood and grit! I propose the emergence of sub-regional powers with the wherewithal to inspire development across their sub-regions as well as whip into line smaller or weaker nations. 

Africa must decide for itself where it wants to be by making smart choices. Africa should not be scared to venture. After all, strength comes from rubble (Napoleon). “And out of the rubble comes peace” ( Marwa Al-Sabouni, a Syrian Architect).

At the beginning of this presentation, I did say that there were three possible assumptions with the first being that the world is in a state of turbulence distinctly different from the regular turbulence we know. Developments as earlier enunciated point to this. I have talked about multi-dimensional confrontations across the world in multiple domains and their potential effects including major destructions and emergence of new global power centres. In spite of the potential magnitude of the changes expected, this may be no more than a phase in the global cycle of power and therefore not extraordinarily unique after all.

The second assumption is that the world is in need of a direction. My thoughts on this àre similar to the first assumption. The world has never been a perfect place even during the Eden Garden era and the so-called Golden Age or Age of Enlightenment. The world has been in search of direction from its birth to the first industrial revolution, the second and third and then the fourth. Only “recently” in its relentlessly quest, it “found” itself on the brink of a self-destructive world of Artificial Intelligence realising just in time to step back. 

The world will therefore keep on searching for a direction because it has no light of its own. The only light it gets, comes from the sun, and only for a few hours a day.

The third assumption is where Africa will be or expected to be during or after the turbulence. My take is, Africa is not new to turbulence. It was the centre of creation (Serengeti) and creation didn’t happen peacefully (using the big-bang theory). Africa is one of the few places on earth that an ocean turned into a desert, and with tempratures hitting the roof in the Mediterranean/Red Sea nowadays, who knows what will happen next. Africa experienced slavery twice (first came the desert and then the ocean). Africa came under ruthless colonialism by Western powers (with the Belgian Beasts leading the pack) and at the moment coping with neo-colonialism, globalisation, disease, poverty and underdevelopment. The expected turbulence in Africa could range from nature-made to man-made. The “rebellions” in Francophone Africa are some of the things we expect aside from being sucked into the vortex of violence arising from a global military confrontation.

The point being made here is that the new turbulence ought not shock or awe or paralyse Africa (given its history) even as no two turbulence are ever the same. Nonetheless, how it weathers this new turbulence will entirely be determined by the decisions or choices Africa makes since this is expected to be some kind of participatory colonialism in which Africa is expected to have a voice if it choose to, unlike Berlin Conference of 1884 where there was no African.

 Finally, in the emerging world order, in spite of the growing resentment of the weaker nations (for being bullied), and commitment of the powerful nations to be more accommodating, few powerful nations, if any, are prepared to share the perch with the weaker ones….except for the vote or the cheer from the sidelines. Weaker nations will always be reminded of the risks they face from the enemy camp if they don’t fall into line in their own camp. Similarly, they would be reminded of potential isolation from their own camp, and lastly, their own people, especially during elections. Afterall, powerful countries can make things happen in weaker nations.

The last line is that all the three assumptions might seem unique and extraordinary on a scale possibly never before seen but in the cold and remorseless trudge of time, all this might be no more than another phase of existence…waiting for another phase.

 _Benson Upah, a Public Affairs and Leadership Analyst, writes from bensonupah@gmail.com_

OPINION

THE PRESS IN THE LAND OF FASHIONABLE PANDEMIC

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Text of a public lecture to mark the 64th Independence Anniversary of Nigeria, delivered at Iwe Iroyin House, Oke Ilewo, Abeokuta, on Thursday October 3rd, 2024.

By Dare Babarinsa Chairman, Gaskia Media Ltd

I want to thank the members and leadership of the Nigerian Union of Journalists, NUJ, the Bravo Zone, organisers of this event, for the special honour and privilege of standing before this distinguished audience at this sacred spot of Nigerian journalism.

As you all know, it was here in 1859, that the first newspaper in Nigeria, Iwe Iroyin, was published.
Since then, from generation to generation, there is no stopping us the inheritors. We salute the courage of the Reverend Henry Townsend of the Church Missionary Society, for his pioneering effort in starting the Iwe Iroyin Fun Awon Yoruba ati Egba.
By tackling the problems of contemporary journalism here, we are actually seeking inspirations from our professional ancestors to get us solutions to lingering problems. We are here to discuss journalism at this challenging times. Coming here to Abeokuta for me is not just a visit to the sacred grove of journalism where Henry Townsend and his colleagues found inspiration to start the journey of Nigerian journalism. For me, Abeokuta represents a special terminus in my career as a journalist. After I graduated from the University of Lagos in 1981, I was posted here for my compulsory National Service. I did my national service with the Ogun State branch of the National Youth Service Corps as the NYSC Public Relations Officer. Our office was then on Nawar ur Deen Street in the heart of the old Abeokuta. As the NYSC PRO, I collaborated with the Information Officer to produce the NYSC regular newsletter. We also produced the magazine called Corps Torch. It was an exhilarating period when one of the titans of our profession, Chief Olabisi Onabanjo, was the elected governor of Ogun State. It is also on record that the second elected Governor of Ogun State, Chief Olusegun Osoba, is also one the living legends of journalism. Chief Osoba had the distinction of serving as chief executive of three national newspapers; the Nigerian Herald in Ilorin, the Sketch in Ibadan and the monumental Daily Times in Lagos. Chief Osoba remains a great inspiration to many of us especially those who have the courage to plunge into politics. In 2006, I sought to become the Governor of Ekiti State. It was Chief Osoba who took me to the legendary Alhaji Babatunde Jose so that I can receive the right spiritual impartation from the highest ecclesiastical personage of our profession. I remain eternally grateful to both Chief Osoba and Baba Jose.At the heart of what we are discussing today is what has happened to journalism that we now have very few of our colleagues gunning for high elective offices. During the last general elections, only few of our colleagues sought high elective offices to become President, governors, state or federal legislators. In Ogun State here, our distinguished colleague, Modele Sarafa Yusuf, made an attempt to become the governor, but her ambition was aborted. We now found that the Fourth Nigerian Republic has very few journalists in high elective political offices. You ask yourself where are the Bisi Onabanjos, Lateef Jakandes and Segun Osobas of this era? Last year, one of our distinguished colleagues and one of the best-known Nigerians all over the world, Basorun Dele Momodu, sought to secure the presidential nomination of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, PDP. Momodu lost his nomination bid. He did not have access to enough fund which is now the main weapon of political contest in contemporary Nigeria. Yet this is the same country in which many top journalists have played prominent roles in the past. Indeed, the founding fathers of our republic have used journalism as their staging post. Herbert Macaulay, the Father of Nigerian Nationalism, though trained as a surveyor, was also a man who used the newspaper as his weapon against the British colonial power. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the founder and Editor-in-Chief of the West African Pilot, was the first President of Nigeria and first Premier of the defunct Eastern Region. The first Premier of the defunct Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was also a former reporter for the Daily Times and the founder of the Nigerian Tribune, now the oldest surviving privately owned newspaper group. The first and only Prime Minister of Nigeria, the late Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was a broadcaster. We also had many top journalists who served during the First and Second Republics in important positions. Chief Anthony Enahoro, former editor of the Southern Nigerian Defender, was the hero who moved the motion for Self-Government for Nigeria in 1953. Enahoro later played a prominent role during the Nigerian Civil War and was the leader of the opposition National Democratic Coalition, which led the struggle against military dictatorship culminating in victory and the birth of democratic dispensation in 1999.The truth is that journalists have been involved in every important stage of Nigerian history. In the last struggle against military rule, many media houses were at the forefront of the struggle. Mention must be made of media houses like the TELL, The News, Punch, Guardian, African Concord, Newswatch and the National Concord. Many top journalists were sent to prison and many were hounded into involuntary exile. Some of our colleagues, like Baguada Kaltho of the TheNews paid the supreme sacrifice. Many journalists including the likes of Niran Malaolu, George Mba, Ben Charles Obi, Femi Ojudu, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, Nosa Igiebor, Soji Omotunde, Osa Director, Chris Anyanwu, Kolawole Ilori, Ayo Akinkuotu, Kunle Ajibade, Bayo Onanuga, Dele Omotunde, and many others suffered imprisonment, detention without trial, exile, persecution and brutalisation. In the end, our beloved country is now free from military rule and any form of tyranny. As we celebrate the 64th year of our independence, we should not forget also those heroes who made freedom from military rule possible. Without that freedom, we will not be gathered here today. If we dare, we can sure that operatives of the State Security would be waiting in the wings to take some people into detention.Now, our country is free from military rule; and we have elected leaders in charge of every layer of our country’s administration from the presidency to the local government councils. But our country is not free from socio-economic challenges and nowhere is more emblematic of this than the Nigerian newsrooms. In this discourse, I am going to refer to the traditional media; the newspapers, radio and television stations. The economic and social situation has affected the Nigerian media drastically. In 1966 Chief Osoba was a young reporter with the old Daily Times. He was assigned to go and cover the burial of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa in Bauchi. Because of the urgency of the situation, he had to hire a small aircraft from Lagos that flew him to Bauchi. I don’t know which newspaper, radio or television station can afford that now. When I joined the Concord group of newspapers in 1982, our daily print run was more than 200,000 copies. During the editorship of Mr Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, the print run of the old Sunday Times was 600,000 copies. When we printed the first edition of Tell magazine in 1991, our first print run was 25,000. In my 15 years as an Executive Director of TELL, there were weeks when our print run exceeded 150,000 copies. Now the great times are past and we are worried.There is no need dwelling too long in the land of nostalgia. It is true that the traditional media have taken a beating from the new media during this Internet Age. This is the trend all over the world. But what has been a challenge in Europe, America and Asia is a disaster for us in Africa, particularly in Nigeria. I don’t know of any newspaper in Nigeria today that has a print run of more than 50,000 copies daily. Yet in this 2024, the print run of the Sunday Times of South Africa is now 500,000 copies. The Times of India is still circulating more than 2.8 million copies daily. The Yomiuri Shimbun in Japan have a daily circulation of more than 9.1 million copies. So, what is happening to us?There are many reasons for the downturn in the media. We lament about the trauma of the military years which has left us with many scars: the assassination of Dele Giwa, the first Editor-in-Chief of the old Newswatch, the attempted assassination of Mr Michael Ibru, the publisher of The Guardian, the imprisonment, the frame ups, the persecutions, the involuntary exiles, the hunting, the seizure of newspaper and magazine copies, the arsons against newspaper houses, the kidnapping and the harassments. Yes, these are serious things. But Israel and the Palestinians have been at war, alternated with armed peace, since 1948 and yet their media have grown since then. The Jerusalem Times has a circulation of more than 500,000 copies. Israel, if you must know, with a population of about 10 million people, is far smaller than Lagos State.We can also talk about the coming of the Internet Age. But it is clear that we are not more internet savvy than the Japanese or the South Koreans and Egyptians. Then what has happened to us? Why has our readers left us or why have we drifted away from our readers? The answers to these two questions are important and we want to hear from our media managers so that we can save the press and also rescue journalists and journalism from economic stranglehold. I may not know the answers to these two questions. But I can suggest some steps forward in the interest of the media and our country.The most important ingredient in any human endeavour is knowledge. This is more so in journalism. When Alhaji Jose decided that the Daily Times must be transformed into a modern media house, he invested in the recruitment of young educated persons. That was how people like Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, Araoye Oyebola, Segun Osoba, Tony Momoh, Femi Sonaike, Idowu Sobowale, Tunji Oseni and many others were recruited into the Daily Times. They were different from those who were trained in Fleet Street Journalism School, London. Now we need to invest in the training of journalists for the new age; those who can understand the transformation that is affecting the media landscape all over the world. It is when the media practitioner is educated that he can educate his audience. He must stay a step ahead of his readers and his listeners. He must know something about everything. The second step is that almost all surviving media houses need new investments. We can see that every year car manufacturers change their models. They add new things so that they can stay competitive in the market. We have seen that most media owners don’t want to put new investments in their establishment. They hardly buy new machines or invests in new skills. This is not right. Just as those who are producing carbonated drinks or beverages are always putting more money in research and new methods of production, the media should not lag behind in new investment. We have seen, with adequate investment, the television sector has been transformed with the emergence of new privately owned stations like AIT, Silverbird, TVC, Arise and Channels. These are significant results of adequate investments. However, we have not had such transformative investments in the newspaper and magazine sector.In the past, what transformed the Nigerian press into the giant of Africa was the involvement of the government. During the First Republic and up to the end of the Second Republic in 1983, the practice in Nigeria was that every senior public servant was entitled to at least one newspaper per day. In the old Western Region, every primary school was supplied with copies of Aworerin children magazine. Every secondary school had a library supplied with newspapers and magazines. In my school, Ife Anglican Grammar School, Ile-Ife of the 1970s, we were supplied with copies of newspapers like the Daily Times, Tribune, Sketch, New Nigerian, Observer, Chronicle, Herald and the Nigerian Standard. We had magazines like Time, Newsweek, African Film, Drum, Trust, Spear, Readers Digest, Headlines and Home Study. It was my exposure to these newspapers and magazines that inspired me to become a journalist.However, with the seizure of power by the military on December 31, 1983, the situation changed gradually for the worse. The new military regime cut down on the privilege of public officers to newspapers and magazines. This led to drastic reduction in the print run of media houses. By the coming of democracy in 1999, the practice of public officers having access to copies of newspapers and magazines have been stopped in most establishments. This stoppage was also copied by the private sector. Therefore, bank managers, factory foremen and sundry elites also stopped buying newspapers. Today, ignorance has become a fashionable pandemic in our country.Yet the country has no future if there is no serious investment in knowledge. Therefore, the Federal and state governments should go back to the old practice of creating access for government officials to get copies of newspapers and magazines. This will immediately boost the sales of copies of newspapers and magazines and it would help to inform the public about the activities of the government. This will indeed strengthen our democracy. But the republic would be in danger if the people are ignorant. An ignorant public can easily fall under the spell of falsehood and rumour and what has become commonly known as fake news. We cannot allow our country to be covered with the blanket of ignorance for that would endanger our democracy. The bulk of the assignment to rescue journalism from the thraldom of the challenging economic climate is with stakeholders in our profession. These are our colleagues in the Nigerian Union of Journalists, NUJ, the Guild of Editors, the Newspaper Proprietors Associations of Nigeria, NPAN, and the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria, BON. It is these organisations that can engage with the Federal and state governments to ensure that the old regime of supply of newspapers and magazines are restored to government establishments. It is also they who can reopen the old, almost forgotten cases of paper production in Nigeria. Today, an almost completed paper production industry is lying idle in the jungle of Iwopin, Ogun State and also Oku Iboku in Akwa-Ibom state. Millions of dollars have been sunk into these two industries and yet everyone is pretending that they don’t exist. It is time the NUJ and the NPAN raise the issue with the government. The cost of newspapers is prohibitive because every input into newspaper production is imported from other countries. The most important of these is the newsprint. Yet newsprints can be produced in Iwopin and Oku-Iboku. There was also the old paper mill at Jebba, Kwara State. There is no doubt that our country is passing through economic turbulence which is affecting the media seriously. Turbulence is part of existence. It is what propel societies to move forward and proffer solutions to problems. When the forefathers of Nigerian journalism gathered here in the 19th Century, it was to provide light, to dispel the darkness of ignorance. It is good we are drawing inspiration from this very spot where the light was ignited. From the light ignited here, every part of our country received light. Therefore, let us resolve to start applying solutions to make the journalists more secure and more prosperous in his job. One of the things the NUJ could do is that any media house that is employing at least 20 journalists must provide life insurance for them. This is the practice world-wide. Nigeria should not be an exception.There would be many things that would be affecting the fortunes of journalists in the new Internet Age. One is the growth of Citizen Journalism. There is hardly anything we can do about that. What we must focus on therefore is how to improve the quality and credibility of the traditional media so that Africa would not become the dumping ground of fake news and poisonous propaganda. You can imagine what has happened to the minds of some of our children that they would sell the houses of their parents and do unimaginable things so that they can finance their trips across the Sahara Desert to go to an uncertain future in Europe. In the past, Africans were taken by force to Europe to work as slaves in factories and farms. Today, the slaves pay their own fares.We who have not crossed the Mediterranean should be wary about some of our colleagues who have become enslaved by moral bankruptcy. They would not write a story or report an event unless they are bribed. They think journalism is an avenue for cheap money. Such moral bankruptcy is aided by the financial inability of many media houses to meet their obligations to their employees. This is a debilitating and corrosive situation that is digging at the foundation of journalism and undermining its professional integrity. I appeal to our leaders in the NUJ to confront this problem and reclaim the loss grounds of our professional reputation as the Fourth Estate of the Realm.We have a duty to create a future for journalism that would be better and greater than the past. At the height of his glory and power, Alhaji Babatunde Jose, the chairman and managing director of the Daily Times was said to have been offered the post of Prime-Minister in the military government of General Yakubu Gowon. That was in those days when diarchy, that is a combination of civilian and military regime, was being suggested for Nigeria. Jose was reported to have rejected the offer with the flat statement that “I would rather be the Managing Director of the Daily Times than be the Prime Minister of Nigeria.”Those were the days of yore. Now let us move forward to create a future greater and better than that past.

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OPINION

Kidnapping, Rising Underground Industry in Nigeria

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By Bankole T. James

As  President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration completes 15 months of cold, bitter and unforgiving governance in office, it is worthy to note that kidnapping and abduction is gradually becoming a major issue in Nigeria, while the Nigerian public, security experts, and policy-makers are grappling with the continuous surge in kidnapping and abduction cases.

  From a historical context, kidnapping/abduction is actually not a new thing, it has always been a troubling issue over the last two decades, particularly in the Niger Delta region.
But the situation, however, has spiraled out of control, evolving into an organised crime enterprise.

Today, kidnapping in Nigeria is no longer restricted to certain regions or political motivations, it has become an industry on its own, that is; an enterprise which is driven largely as a result of many factors.

Throughout the last 15 months of Tinubu’s administration, Nigeria has experienced several unsettling incidents of mass abductions, particularly in the Northern states such as Kaduna, Niger, and Zamfara, as well as in parts of the Southeast.

Nowadays, schools, highways, and even religious institutions are no longer safe, and there is the growing fear that has left Nigerians in a state of insecurity. From students and religious leaders to wealthy individuals and ordinary citizens, no one is exempted from the threats posed by organized kidnapping syndicates. As a result, I beg to ask the questions: how did we get here, and what, if anything, is changing?

From Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East to banditry and kidnapping in the North-West and North-Central regions, despite promises of enhancing military operations and intelligence by the Tinubu administration. “Security shall be the top priority of our administration because neither prosperity nor justice can prevail amidst insecurity and violence. To effectively tackle this menace, we shall reform both our security doctrine and its architecture. We shall invest more in our security personnel, and this means more than an increase in number.

We shall provide better training, equipment, pay, and firepower,” President Bola Tinubu vowed during his inaugural speech on 29 May, 2023. Fifteen months after he (President Tinubu) made this statement, based on the findings by PUNCH, about 2,140 people were reported kidnapped across 24 states of the country between January and July 2024. Between the months of January and July, gunmen have reportedly kidnapped 193 people in January, 101 in February, 543 in March, 112 in April, 977 in May, 97 in June, and 117 in July, totalling 2,140. Between January 4 and 5, 85 travelers were abducted along the Kaduna-Abuja highway near Katari, in the Kachia Local Government Area of Kaduna State. On February 1, a terrorist group kidnapped about 60 wedding guests who were escorting a bride home in the Sabuwa Local Government Area of Katsina State.

On Thursday, March 7, 280 pupils and teachers of Government Secondary School and LEA Primary School at Kuriga, Kaduna State, were abducted by bandits. That same month, terrorists kidnapped 87 people after launching a fresh attack on the Kajuru-Station community in the Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State. On April, 30, children were kidnapped at Kasai village in Batsari Local Government Area of Katsina State. On May 24, bandits abducted no fewer than 200 resident members of the Kuchi community in the Munya Local Government Area of Niger State. In June, terrorists kidnapped 20 travelers along the Maiduguri-Kano Highway.

On September 2, Suspected pirates abducted 10 passengers from a boat traveling in the Bonny waterway, Rivers State. On September 4, gunmen abduct Oyo State governor Makinde’s aide, PDP chieftain Akika from home. On September 5, a senior nursing staff member of Babcock University Teaching Hospital, Mrs. Elizabeth Uruakpa, 66, was abducted by unknown gunmen in Ilisan Remo, Ogun State. Also, about 28 people were reportedly abducted by a group of terrorists at Tsanu village in the Talata Mafara Local Government Area of Zamfara State on September 6.

At this point, it will be so absurd to sideline the costly effect of the Tinubu’s administration, a crawling economic landscape that is grappling with record inflation, rising unemployment, and an increasing cost of living crisis. Although the Tinubu administration might have inherited an economy struggling with the aftershocks of COVID-19 and the global downturn, the removal of fuel subsidies, though aimed at long-term economic relief, has just worsened the immediate financial burden on many Nigerians. However, as far as I’m concerned, this is one of the most unwise political decisions ever made by a statesman. 

It is already an established fact that Nigeria’s worsening insecurity is driven as a results of economic stagnation, leading more people to resort to kidnapping for survival as the pool of high-net-worth individuals shrinks. Hardship in Nigeria is like a national cake that is being served on everyone’s table, and everyone is definitely having their own share of it. The situation in the country is looking dicey, and it seems the country is governed by terrorists, bandits and kidnappers. The rate of kidnapping and abduction is beyond alarming.

Desperation, coupled with the lack of legitimate economic opportunities has driven many young people to resort to criminal activities, including kidnapping and abduction, which guarantees a quick and substantial financial gain, has become the latest means of survival for many of them. According to Nairametrics, a new report by SBM Intelligence reveals that Nigerians have paid around N1.048 billion as ransom to kidnappers between July 2023 and June 2024. “But unlike Boko Haram, those carrying out many of the recent kidnappings are not driven by a political or religious cause, their primary motivation is money.

Authorities do not usually manage to apprehend kidnappers, but on rare occasions when they do, these criminals are often revealed to be ordinary people with families, jobs, or even university students. For some, kidnapping has become a desperate means of survival.” said Nigerian novelist Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani in The Sunday Times. Evidently, the structural conditions of Nigeria, marked by high inflation, unemployment, and poverty have fuelled the rise of kidnapping as a “career” for many disenfranchised youths. 

For many, this is not a last resort but rather an intentional decision driven by the need for economic survival in a country where the state has failed to provide adequate opportunities for the majority of its citizens.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and fourth-largest economy is grappling with a persistent kidnapping, an underground industry that has left countless lives devastated. Killings and abductions have become tragically a daily routine, affecting every corner of the country, but I beg to ask – how did we get here?

Surprisingly, these kidnappers are not just demanding ransom, they demand in-kind payments from the families of victims ranging from food, drinks and other items. This proves that people are hungry. The country’s hunger strike where food prices have skyrocketed has created no other options for the lazy and less privileges ones other than to resort to crimes, a condition for kidnapping. Once again, I beg to ask – how did we get here?

The way forward? I honestly do not have any proposed solution as regards this current situationship because terrorism is like a worm that has eaten into our fabric as a society, but I do think if things can at least go back to the old days, when Nigeria was still affordable and less expensive, when people still dear to dream and hope for a better tomorrow, the urge and drive for kidnapping and terrorism might reduce a little bit. 

This does not suggest that terrorism and kidnapping will cease but at least when there’s food on our table to eat, and the ambassadors of poverty are greedy but still care enough to do their duty and responsibility to the masses,  then a meaningful solution can be put in place to address the issue of terrorism and kidnapping.

Here’s my closing remark. Nigeria is a movie, but with an elaborate theme of absurdity. A paradox of a nation flowing with milk and honey where the countrymen are hungry. Nigeria is a fraction of prosperity and negativity,  an inside joke, and a caricature of itself. A one chance on a roller coaster, you can’t move, you can’t stop it, you can’t get out and if you get out, brother man stay out cause my country is a gamble between life and death. A jungle where dogs lead dogs and brothers cause their brothers to stumble.James writes in via taiwobankole438@gmail.com

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OPINION

Lessons from Edo, Kwara and Sokoto Polls

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By Nasir Aminu

The Hausa proverb, “If your brother’s beard catches fire, pour water on yours,” reminds us to take precautions and learn from others, as we might encounter the same. I do not wish to be philosophical, but this article may sound like one, as I use examples from this weekend’s elections in Sokoto, Kwara, and Edo states.

And if we, as a country, want to progress, we must all learn from other events.
Each of us has a role to play in this journey of learning.
To learn is to begin with observation—the raw encounter with reality. Through these unfiltered glimpses, we gather data – fragments of truth, unpolished and unshaped. Yet, data alone offers no wisdom; it is simply a silent witness.
The act of transforming data into information is where learning truly takes root. Here, patterns emerge, meanings form and knowledge takes shape. Observation teaches humility, data demands discipline, and information invites understanding.Let me put this idea in the context of an election. Voting on Election Day is the observation—a moment where citizens express their choices. These countless individual observations are combined into data, represented by the tallying of votes. However, the raw numbers tell us little; they only gain meaning when transformed into information. Information reveals the mood of the electorate, the shifting loyalties, the triumphs, and the failures. In this journey from observation to information, we learn new lessons and find the deeper truths of our collective will. In this journey from observation to information observations, we truly understand the will of the people and the lessons history needs us to see.Yes, the old cliché that politics is a game of numbers will remain, but we must consider it as what it is—data. If we want to learn more from the recently observed Edo election, we must see beyond the numbers of APC-291,667, PDP-247,274, and LP-22,763, where PDP lost its incumbency. Similarly, the ruling party swept all the seats in Sokoto and Kwara’s LG elections. APC won all the chairmanship and councillorship positions in all the local government areas. Although, for Sokoto, the main opposition party—PDP—did not participate in the election.Every election observation is unique. The 2023 election was partly blamed for a lack of unity among the opposition. It was also fingered for voter fraud, which was ruled out by the “revered” justices of the apex court. Would it have made any difference if these issues had been addressed? There is a reasonable probability that some things may change, and some require further investigation.Another lesson to learn is why Edo voted overwhelmingly for LP in the Presidential election, but only four per cent of the voters did so with this weekend’s result. What caused the loyalty shift in such a short time? There are many unanswered questions here, and we will only know when we probe beyond the numbers.The counterfactual issue is how the ruling party—Tinubu’s APC—used the current economic hardship to their advantage. The August protest is one issue that is believed to have reduced its popularity. The party’s economic policies, like fuel subsidy removal, have triggered a cost-of-living crisis in the country. These issues were expected to work against them in the Edo election. But they did not. If it had, Edo, Kwara and Sokoto state voters would not have overwhelmingly voted for the ruling party. Instead, they won.Success has many fathers, while defeat is an orphan. Many are claiming credit for the electoral victory in Edo. Ganduje suggests using a similar model in upcoming off-cycle elections. Akpabio is scheduled to present the certificate to Tinubu. Senator Oshiomhole, APC governors and Philip Shaibu boasted about their contributions. Wike showed his dancing moves on social media.Yiaga Africa, a political observer, reported that the problem was mainly the lack of a decent electronic collation centre. They observed massive vote buying by the three leading political parties—APC, LP and PDP. These parties were also involved in result alterations and mutilations. The observer alleges deductions were made during collation, with the electoral officers complicit in this fraudulent exercise.The PDP blames the loss on the power of incumbency, INEC for shifting the goalposts as results were being collated, and many other excuses. Again, what good are these excuses if we do not learn from them?Yes, electoral fraud, rigging and disenfranchisement were alleged. But these allegations must be competently proven before the court. However, people do not have confidence in the judicial system. This is why politicians prefer to be challenged in court after winning as opposed to them doing so. They know the power of incumbency will work in their favour.Besides, rigging ultimately requires voters’ acceptance or passive tolerance. It succeeds in environments where people are complicit. There will be no space for rigging when the electorate is vigilant, vocal, and organised. So, whenever there is a case of rigging, the general conclusion is that the electorate was given incentives to turn a blind eye to it. Of course, we must learn these lessons.In the coming weeks, the Ondo State governorship election and several local government council elections will take place. Politicians must predict potential threats and devise ways to deal with them by avoiding defeats at all costs. Attention to voter fraud, using the power of incumbency, especially at the collation centres, is essential.Political parties and candidates must take valuable lessons from this weekend’s election cycle. States like Kaduna, Kano, Akwa Ibom, Jigawa, Plateau, and Benue offer insights into the challenges and opportunities faced during elections. Whether in voter mobilisation, security management, or adherence to electoral laws, each state’s experience holds critical knowledge. Competent parties and contestants must apply these lessons if they genuinely stand a chance to fight in the contests.One truth we must accept is that the anger shown against the APC in the August protest is no longer relevant today. The public’s voting pattern and body language, through voter apathy and their silence when defeated candidates allege electoral malpractices, is a clear signal. The results from Edo, Kwara, and Sokoto show that the people accept the current economic hardship and insecurity in the country.When the people are truly ready for change, they will make it known. They will rise from their comfortable seats of indifference, set aside their deep admiration for the status quo, and perhaps even whisper a faint demand for something different.The slogan campaign of the incumbent contestants is simple—maintain the status quo. They now know people are okay with Tinubu’s APC style of governance.But the opposition party contestants have a mountain to climb. They must update their previous information with this weekend’s lessons. The August protests are a thing of the past. Voters are still attracted to inducements and apathetic to a free and fair electoral process. The electoral commissions can change the goalposts at any time. Above all, strategic alliances may not yield the expected outcome.The lesson is clear: those who wish to win must adapt, learn, and face reality with eyes wide open, for complacency has no place in politics.

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