OPINION
AFRICA IN THE TURBULENCE OF A WORLD IN SEARCH OF DIRECTION
By Benson Upah
I am delighted to be part of the 2023 annual lecture series of the Society for International Relations Awareness (as a discusant) put together by its highly resourceful and energetic President, Comrade Owei Lakemfa, veteran journalist, renowned columnist, a leading socio-political influencer and former General Secretary of OATUU.
It is a fitting tribute to his organisational ability and the growing list of his network that today’s event is being chaired by the highly-regarded Ambassador-Emeritus, His Excellency Ambassador Brownson Dede and another equally highly-regarded Ambassador-Emeritus, His Excellency, Ambassador John Kayode Shinkaiye and His Excellency, Dr Kayode J. Fayemi, immediate past Governor of Ekiti State (now lecturer at one of the ivy-league universities in London) as the lecturer in the massive auditorium of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs brimming with serving and retired diplomats and other distinguished guests. It attests to the seriousness of today’s business.In my view, there are three assumptions pertaining to the topic of discussion, _Africa In The Turbulence of A World In Search of Direction_ .
The first is that the world is in a state of turbulence distinctly unique from previous turbulences. The second is that the world is in need of a direction. The third is where Africa is expected to be in the midst of it all.
Turbulence is a natural phenomenon that has engaged Physics over time and will continue to be of interest to mankind for its “chaotic behaviour” and it’s “complex, a-periodic and deterministic” mood (John Lumley : Cornell University). Turbulence is associated with cataclysm or instability of tsunamic proportions but of transient nature and attributed to “…the instabilities of some basic luminar flow” (Ai-Kady Tsinober: ResearchGate). Serious work on turbulence is said to have begun sometime between 1889 and 1903 (Francois . G. Schmitt).
In summary, “turbulence is a state of confusion and disorganised change” which the Collins Dictionary sums up as “confusion, turmoil, unrest and instability”.
However, we are gathered here today not to talk about geological formations or malformations or physics in quest of predictions or interpretations of their make-up but extreme or severe violent situations or grave multi-dimensional social disorder created by our politics, decisions, greed, selfishness and selfrighteousness.
Indeed there cannot but be turbulence “in a world consumed by displays and the ceaseless chatter of fast inter action, the melodic elegance and emotional symphony”, writes Go-Ramblers.com.
Turbulence occurs as a result of collision of ideas, beliefs, policies, hegemonies or civilisations in pursuit of power. Turbulence has been with us since man started organising himself into society(ies) and conquering his environment. The resultant effects have been massive disruptions of systems, indescribable destructions, and often the collapse of empires and emergence of new ones.
In the 20th century alone there were two world wars that led to consequential global power shift, the collapse of Ottoman and British empires respectively. Preceding the wars were other wars in Europe, Africa and Asia, though of lesser magnitude and destruction but nonetheless of great significance. In the much older world, Mali, Ghana, Songhai empires collapsed as indeed Greek and Roman due to a combination of reasons already adduced, lending credence to the Mats Berdal summation that “Attempts to comprehend, through empirical inquiry and philosophical reflection, the likely effects of deeper, seemingly unstoppable processes of socio-economic change on patterns of violent conflict within and across societies are not new” (How “New” Are “New Wars”? Global Economic Change and the Study of Civil War)
Indeed, under the watch of the UN, we had one of the longest and most intense ideological confrontations in history with over a dozen proxy wars to the bargain…the clash between the West and the East, capitalism and socialism. The collapse of the Soviet Union which effectively marked the end of socialism as a global fighting force did not necessarily lead to a peaceful world either, reinforcing my belief that turbulence is inherently pàrt of human nature. Infact, while Russia was nursing its wounds( from the collapse of Soviet Union), China was re-strategising and re-positioning, preparatory to launching itself on the global stage as an economic super power. Today, it is both an economic and military super power.
From the ashes of the Soviet empire, Putin, a thoughtful and proud Russian, over time rebuilt and repositioned Russia as a global military force to rival the US military might even as Colin Powell (Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff) had said then that only the size of the Russian empire had changed, that Russia had the wherewithal (like the US) to destroy the world within 15 minutes. Today, Russia has a nuclear arsenal second to none. This in itself has always been considered a threat by the West despite the fact that Russia had “opened” up.
Some however, hold the view that the immediate and more significant threat has been the triumphal mentality of the West under the leadership of the US, which against all grains of wisdom and in utter violation of agreement reached with Russia (not to expand the NATO frontiers), has all but annexed the former member-states of the great Soviet Union in the name of NATO membership, a move Russia persistently protested against on the basis of national security concerns but was ignored. Putin captures the mood here thus:”The history of the West is essentially the chronicle of endless expansion. Western influence in the world is an immense military and financial pyramid scheme that constantly needs more “fuel” to support itself, with natural, technological and human resources that belong to others. This is why the West simply cannot and is not going to stop. Our arguments, reasoning, calls for common sense or proposals have simply been ignored” (his address to the plenary session of the 20th meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club in Sochi 2023).
However, attempts to make Ukraine a NATO member have not gone on very well and today we have a hot war between NATO and Russia in its second year even as Putin exonerates Russia of blame: “We are compelled to respond to ever increasing military and political pressure…It was not us who started the so-called ‘war in Ukraine’…” (his address to the plenary session of the 20th meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club in Sochi 2023).
It has been a war into which virtually everything (boots, projectiles, technology etc) from at least 35 countries has been thrown (32 from the West and 3 from the East).
And for the first time after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, we have come really close (closer than Cuba) to the possibility of the use of nuclear weapons, close enough for Putin to say the lessons of history have not been learnt:
“In the early 21st century, everybody hoped that states and peoples had learned lessons of the expensive and destructive military and ideological confrontations of the previous century, saw their harmfulness and the fragility and interconnectedness of our planet, and understood that the global problems of humanity call for joint action and the search for collective solutions, while egotism, arrogance and disregard for real challenges would inevitably lead to a dead-end , just like the attempts by more powerful countries to force their opinions and interests onto everyone else. This should have been obvious to everyone. It should have, but it has not. It has not” (Putin’s address to the plenary session of the 20th meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club in Sochi 2023).
While some might accuse Putin of being sentimental, it is a trite fact that “We learn from history that we do not learn from history” (Georg Hegel).
If Putin’s initial remarks were considered as indirect, he came in the open and unmistakably belligerent in subsequent comments underscoring the gravity of the situation:
” The United States and its satellites have taken a steady course towards hegemony in military affairs, politics, the economy, culture and even morals and values. Since the very beginning, it has been clear to us that attempts to establish a monopoly were doomed to fail. The world is too complicated and diverse to be subjected to one system, even if it is backed by the enormous powers of the West accumulated over the centuries of its colonial policy. Your colleagues as well —-many of them are absent today, but they do not deny that to a significant degree, the prosperity of the West has been achieved by robbing colonies for several centuries. This is a fact. Essentially, this level of development has been achieved by robbing the entire planet”.
Today, another hot war has erupted in the Middle East between Israel and Hamas with their traditional allies in tow and the possibility of the war escalating and spreading to other regions.
The two hot wars are by no means the only flash points in the world. There are a dozen other places considered to be high -risk including Taiwan, South China Sea, North Korea, Iran, Syria, Yemen, etc, prompting the formation of emergency geo-political organisations including AUKUS. At some point, thoughts were had of extenting NATO membership to Japan even as Japan is not contiguous to the North Atlantic! Across Africa and Asia, there have been other wars in various stages prompting some to conclude that the world is in a desperate situation.
However, others argue that “there are no desperate situations; only desperate men” (Joseph Goebbels). Putin seems to share the view that the situation is not desperate even when his actions speak to the contrary. At Sochi, he had said:
“I am confident that humanity is not moving towards fragmentation into rivaling segments, a new confrontation of blocs, what ever their motives, or a soulless universalism of a new globalisation. On the contrary, the world is on its way to a synergy of civilisation-states, large spaces, communities identifying as such”.
In spite of Putin’s seeming optimism, Einstein is among those who subscribe to the notion that “the world is a dangerous place to live, not because of the people who are evil, but because of the people who dont do anything about it” (Albert Einstein).
Not a few share this philosophy including Putin who is seen as having risen to the threat posed by the West, bullet for bullet, projectile for projectile and boot for boot.
The confrontation is by no means limited to the military domain. The US has rallied the West in its policy of containment, curtailment and encirclement of China just as the West has slammed unprecedented sanctions on Russia even as their economies run into recession as a result of these sanctions.
In Africa, there is a renewed rivalry between the West and the East (led by Russia and China) on the one hand and the familiar Western landlords. Political, economic and military advantages are at the heart of it all. There are also wars, insurgencies and other threats internal to these African countries.
In light of these irreconcilable differences around the world with everybody’s finger on the trigger, the world might truly be in some significant danger and accordingly has need of a new direction. But more importantly, where does that leave Africa?
First, the direction the world is presumed to be in need of. In my view the world is in need of more integration, co-operation, and collaboration in all spheres of human endeavour to end hunger, poverty, want, disease, ignorance and discrimination. But wait a minute, this is the view of the doves, and although in the majority, they have little or no say in the affairs of the world even as Putin says, “we stand for equality, for diverse potential of all countries”. In summary therefore, the integrative view will be no more than a sermon preached from the oak-panelled chamber of the United Nations General Assembly which the more powerful countries will shrug off with a familiar smugness.
Accordingly, not a few think the world will increasingly get more violent, bitter and polarised with regional military and socio-economic organisations such as NATO and EU not masking their interests which are often downright insular and selfish. This pits the West against the rest of the world, much of a febrile world. The renewed and unmasked herd behaviour (or gang-up) of Western countries in recent conflicts with literally no dissenting voice from within even when the truth is so obvious, has pushed not a few to the painful realisation that the West only cares about its own skin. This inevitably raises the decibels of bitterness, polarisation and confrontation.
With time, it is most probable that regional organisations such as NATO and EU and their parallels elsewhere will take precedence over the UN which some of us predict will die a slow natural death, more out of its impotence and irrelevance than anything else. The glaring recent herd-behaviour of Western countries under the leadership of the United States and determination of some other countries to no longer “take orders any more or make their interests and needs dependent on anyone, above all on the rich and more powerful” (Putin in Sochi) will be another spark that will ignite a wave of confrontations never before seen. It will similarly trigger the formation of other regional organisations or the strengthening of existing ones like BRICS.
Like in the West, voices of citizens will continue to count for less yielding their pre-eminent position to the voices of regional partisans like Joe Biden of the United States. Resentful citizens and weaker nations will be pacified with more short-term social protection measures and quiet rebukes respectively (to fall in line or be isolated in the group). In a few words, I disagree with Thomas L. Friedman’s assertion that, “We are moving from a world where the heavy eat the light to a world where the light eat the heavy” _(Understanding Globalisation: The Lexus and Olive Tree)_
The domains of confrontation will be expanded from the military to technology, economy, and culture as I have earlier mentioned. I bet this is already happening as chips are not to be sold to China or Russia. The trade in other sensitive military technology has equally been restricted, in spite of the once popular advert in The Washington Post:
“SOONER OR LATER, ALL TYRANNIES CRUMBLE
Those That Keep Putting Their Customers
On Hold Tend to Crumble Sooner” (Thomas . L. Friedman; _Understanding Globalisation: The Lexus and the Olive Tree)__
There will be nuclear proliferation in order to ensure the global spread or balance of terror. At the moment more Western countries have nuclear weapons than other regions of the world. However, a nuclear war will not be fought by the two countries with the most powerful nuclear arsenal, the US and Russia. This, however, does not preclude the use of tactical nuclear strikes on some other vulnerable targets in the manner the US bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
While the possibility of the Russia- US nuclear show-down may be remote, much of it is contingent on the willingness of China to join the fray but it is doubtful that China which uses Russia as a learning curve in practically everything from opening up to taking back a break-away republic, will go for a nuclear war now. Perhaps, in the next seven to ten years when it would have achieved nuclear parity with the US. But then, wars do drop from the skies sometimes. A nuclear war will not be different.
Due to the reckless use of its power of sanctions, conscious and sustainable efforts are already been made and will be further strengthened to downgrade the global dominance of the US Dollar through “strange” alliances. This will take a while and a lot of conversation between common foes such as China and India, Iran and Saudi Arabia and other countries.
The unprecedented sanctions against Russia and its oligarchs invariably pitched the West not just against Russia but the rest of the world as well as presented the former as not a safe sanctuary for storing up fortune. However, what happens next is entirely in the womb of time but it is a certainty that a per cent age of global wealth will move from the West. However, where to and in what form, I do not know.
Contrary to popularly-held notions that governments’ power or influence will be minimised by the combination of multinationals and other social forces, governments in the emerging global order will re-invent themselves through ingenious alliances with dominant forces, good or bad, to perpetuate their strangle-hold on power. It will be a world more Machiavellian and dangerous, from North to South and East to West in the name of preserving or protecting the people or their civilisations. And especially because peer-review platforms or mechanisms will be non-existent, external pressures will count for nothing. It will be a world of bullies where might is right. It will equally be a world of infinite possibilities never before seen, but largely malevolent. And benevolent too! Patricia Clavin, Professor of Modern History at Oxford argues that:
“Turbulence can push individuals, institutions, and states to their limits. History shows that it simultaneously fosters creative, pluralistic and dynamic advocacy that leads to new modes of co-operation, often in history’s darkest hours”.
It could also be a world in transition as there could be a global power shift in line with the view that:
“Power is not eternal. No one in the world can remain strong all the time. Man is first a child, then youth, then maturity, old age. Such is the life expectancy of states as well” (Sheihk Ahmed Yassin, 1998).
While this arguemnt is consistent with historical changes of this magnitude, another school of thought says the West will not relinquish its strangle-hold on global power so easily, not without a fight! Even though Putin says the West has lost it, the odds still favour it.
Back to the question of where Africa will be in the new contestations for power or its aftermath?
Putin gives an idea about how to take advantage of the situation thus:
“Relying on your civilisation is a necessary condition for success in the modern world, unfortunately a disorderly and dangerous world that has lost its bearings. More and more states are coming to this conclusion, becoming aware of their owns interests and needs, opportunities and limitations, their own identity and degree of interconnectedness with the world around them” (Putin in Sochi).
But does Africa have any civilisation left on which to rely as a condition and vehicle for entry and participation in this global ferment or arena?
In my view, Africa will be no more than a map, a patch on the earth—the pliant giant, raped, abused and abandoned by those who love her or despise her. Mario Puzo ( _The Godfather_ ) says that a race that allowed itself to be ground to dust is not one any would worry about.
Africa has attributed its inability to grow or develop like other parts of the world to slavery, colonialism, neo-colonialism (which Nkrumah says is the highest/last stage of imperialism) and much more recently, globalisation.
Although the reading of Karl Marx, Lenin and more recent works such as *How Europe Underdeveloped Africa* (Walter Rodney), *The Wretched of the Earth* (Frantz Fanon), *Globalisation And Its Discontents* ( Joseph Stiglitz) and other titles gives us an insight into the horrors of slavery, colonialism, neo-colonialism and the double-standards of globalisation, it is time to stop complaining about these phenomena. After an average of 60 years of independence, these are no longer acceptable excuses for Africa’s miserable backwardness. We cannot continue to accept the refrain of, “they took us away”. For how long?
They also took the Jews away but they said, “Never again!” The narrative has since changed for them.
It is of great importance to note that Africa’s erstwhile colonial masters were themselves former colonies of other powers, some under colonialism three to five times longer than Africa was. Rather than wallow in self-pity or indulge in blame game (for their misfortunes), they set to work and became dominant world powers. Perhaps, more significant is the fact that some former colonies who got their independence the same time as most African countries have since transformed. Malaysia, Singapore and others are in this class. Although great powers such as India, Pakistan and China got their own independence much earlier but not more than 15 years before Nigeria, for instance. China, the world’s wonder-country was under three different colonial masters!
However, in terms of turning situations around, I would think the US leads the pack. After a violent independence struggle against the British
and a bitter civil war, the US grew sufficiently strong enough to ‘colonise’ Britain, it’s former colonial master as well as dominate the world.
Given these scenarios of turning situations around, I would think Africa has not done enough for itself taking a distant last with no light at the end of the tunnel. At the risk of repetition, Africa is satisfied with blaming others for its woes. When the political elite are in consensus, they blame erstwhile colonial masters. When they are not, they blame opposition politicians or imaginary enemies. Opposition politicians blame witches in their villages. The working class/peasants (in the majority) who have the power to fight or even effect a change of this irredeemably corrupt elite, blame evil spirits and are often divided along primordial lines, rationalising the sins of their leaders. In a few circumstances when they are united, each person waxes into a state of inertia, waiting and hoping for the other person to do something, thus they lose the advantage of collective power of numbers and spark to push. They also lack the power of creative thinking because they are too busy talking or making noise to do anything reasonably meaningful. It is a known axiom that a people who talk too much have little time for thinking or work.
The few geniuses, and “mad” men and women with the will and initiative to triumph, with or without government, are brutally crushed with regulations and gun-toting task forces.
Africa’s problems are largely internal and they are corruption, oppression, repression, unhelpful education and the inability of the victims to effect a change of leadership. We have a predatory and narrow-minded political elite that are unrepetantly selfish and greedy, lazy and unimaginative, brutal and unforgiving (Frantz Fanon puts it more poignantly). They are impatient and intolerant of their people with little thoughts for tomorrow. They have all the vices of colonialists and none of their virtues. Their overwhelming power and influence have a paralysing effect on the people and the land. The people themselves are too docile for a meaningful fight with their traducers.
This elite are more at home with smarter and self-indulgent foreign counterparts than their own people. Often in dark blue suits and black shoes, these foreign collaborators are implacably arrogant and self-conceited. They facilitate the hitch-free movement of the stolen money or resources, provide sanctuary for their safe-keeping, tell the African elite how to spend the money and then turn around to call all of us “fantastically corrupt”.
Yakubu Mohammed underscores the gravity of the role played by the local African elite when he writes:
“Economic textbooks on Africa and other poor continents of the world should be updated to take into account the role of indigenous exploiters who use their positions to pauperise their countries and kill their fellow human beings because of their insatiable appetite for money and the good things money can _bring” ( _The Guardian,_ Wednesday, September 1, 2021).
While the African elite take a significant portion of this blame, time has also come for shared-responsibility between the African political elite and their partners in crime in Western capitals. But can Africa muster the necessary will and courage to demand for the reparation of the illegal wealth stowed away or have it reinvested or will it continue on this path of whinning? Which ever decision Africa takes, it must not, never again allow their silk-suited foreign counterparts pour cigar smoke in our faces while they live off us.
The mentality of political leaders waiting for aid before doing anything, must stop even as no nation can be unto itself an island. Even some liberal scholars attest to this. Giles Bolton for instance avers that, “Aid, no matter how good can do no more than help create the conditions for development. It can’t deliver it” ( _Aid and Other Dirty Business_ ) . My opinion is that aid may be good but it will take us no where for the simple reason that the aid-giver determines not only what we need, it decides what we get, and how we spend it. But that is not the end of the story. The aid-giver help us spend the aid and still asks for something bigger in return.
In light of this, the turbulence into which we are getting is a great opportunity for Africa to die a permanent death or to break even, get even….steal, take by force (if it has the courage) but certainly, to stop begging, to stop blaming! It is for weaklings. Development cannot come to Africa on the basis of pity or charity. It will come on chariot wheels with flaming fire!
There are theories and models of development but I have chosen to reduce them to two here; Market and State. Of state model, the assumption is that, “no developmental state, no development [as] the idea of a developmental state puts robust, competent public institutions at the centre of the developmental matrix” (Peter Evans 2010: quoted by Omano Edigheji in his book, _Nigeria: Democracy Without Development: How to Fix It_ ).
He similarly quotes Nasir Ahmad el-Rufai, a market-minded politician thus:
“Societies make progress when visionary leaders emerge to organise and direct collective actions for peaceful co-existence, with sensible rules, clear incentives and sanctions that enable individuals to realize their full potential”.
This is illustrated further as follows:
“…countries escape poverty only when they have appropriate economic institutions, especially private property and competition….countries are more likely to develop the right institutions when they have an open pluralistic political system with competition for political office, a widespread electorate, and openness to new political leaders” (Gary S. Becker, Nobel laureate in economics in _Why Nations Fail)_
Which ever model Africa chooses to use, we should stop destroying our indigenous technology, no matter how crude. Enough of razing to the ground artisinal refineries when our sophisticated refineries cannot yield a drop of refined oil. Enough of destroying our local gun factories when our Defence Industries Corporation can only boast of beds, bolts and nuts after 50 years while it’s counterparts in Brazil and elsewhere are building fighter jets. Enough of destroying other private initiatives. Enough of parading jaded market cliches like “government has no busisness in business”. Indeed, government has every business in business!With an inherently weak and dubious organised private sector (Mbeki-Report On Illicit Financial Flows in Africa) we do not need a soothsayer to tell us that government and organised private sector must of necessity create a synergy.
The turbulence has and will take many dimensions including attempts to re-colonise Africa by both the West and the East. It is a golden opportunity for Africa to play the beautiful bride and for it to know there are no benevolent colonial masters or foreign partners. It is important for Africa to know that diplomacy or international co-operation is not about chastity or charity naivety. Everybody takes what they can and move on.
It is equally important for African countries to note that they do not need hymnal or harmonic peace to develop but blood and grit! I propose the emergence of sub-regional powers with the wherewithal to inspire development across their sub-regions as well as whip into line smaller or weaker nations.
Africa must decide for itself where it wants to be by making smart choices. Africa should not be scared to venture. After all, strength comes from rubble (Napoleon). “And out of the rubble comes peace” ( Marwa Al-Sabouni, a Syrian Architect).
At the beginning of this presentation, I did say that there were three possible assumptions with the first being that the world is in a state of turbulence distinctly different from the regular turbulence we know. Developments as earlier enunciated point to this. I have talked about multi-dimensional confrontations across the world in multiple domains and their potential effects including major destructions and emergence of new global power centres. In spite of the potential magnitude of the changes expected, this may be no more than a phase in the global cycle of power and therefore not extraordinarily unique after all.
The second assumption is that the world is in need of a direction. My thoughts on this àre similar to the first assumption. The world has never been a perfect place even during the Eden Garden era and the so-called Golden Age or Age of Enlightenment. The world has been in search of direction from its birth to the first industrial revolution, the second and third and then the fourth. Only “recently” in its relentlessly quest, it “found” itself on the brink of a self-destructive world of Artificial Intelligence realising just in time to step back.
The world will therefore keep on searching for a direction because it has no light of its own. The only light it gets, comes from the sun, and only for a few hours a day.
The third assumption is where Africa will be or expected to be during or after the turbulence. My take is, Africa is not new to turbulence. It was the centre of creation (Serengeti) and creation didn’t happen peacefully (using the big-bang theory). Africa is one of the few places on earth that an ocean turned into a desert, and with tempratures hitting the roof in the Mediterranean/Red Sea nowadays, who knows what will happen next. Africa experienced slavery twice (first came the desert and then the ocean). Africa came under ruthless colonialism by Western powers (with the Belgian Beasts leading the pack) and at the moment coping with neo-colonialism, globalisation, disease, poverty and underdevelopment. The expected turbulence in Africa could range from nature-made to man-made. The “rebellions” in Francophone Africa are some of the things we expect aside from being sucked into the vortex of violence arising from a global military confrontation.
The point being made here is that the new turbulence ought not shock or awe or paralyse Africa (given its history) even as no two turbulence are ever the same. Nonetheless, how it weathers this new turbulence will entirely be determined by the decisions or choices Africa makes since this is expected to be some kind of participatory colonialism in which Africa is expected to have a voice if it choose to, unlike Berlin Conference of 1884 where there was no African.
Finally, in the emerging world order, in spite of the growing resentment of the weaker nations (for being bullied), and commitment of the powerful nations to be more accommodating, few powerful nations, if any, are prepared to share the perch with the weaker ones….except for the vote or the cheer from the sidelines. Weaker nations will always be reminded of the risks they face from the enemy camp if they don’t fall into line in their own camp. Similarly, they would be reminded of potential isolation from their own camp, and lastly, their own people, especially during elections. Afterall, powerful countries can make things happen in weaker nations.
The last line is that all the three assumptions might seem unique and extraordinary on a scale possibly never before seen but in the cold and remorseless trudge of time, all this might be no more than another phase of existence…waiting for another phase.
_Benson Upah, a Public Affairs and Leadership Analyst, writes from bensonupah@gmail.com_
OPINION
Is Ibadan Tinubu’s 2027 Strait of Hormuz?
By Festus Adedayo
Yesterday, Seyi Makinde, governor of Oyo State, rallied Nigeria’s opposition political parties to Ibadan. According to him in his welcome address, the summit was to rescue Nigeria from the stranglehold of Nigeria’s apparent descent into autocracy, “a pattern where the space for real political competition is disappearing.
” Ibadan summit’s message is an echo of a famous proverbial phrase and song of late Yoruba broadcaster and actor, Papa Adebayo Faleti, in the classic film, Saworoide. Faleti warned the maximalists of Jogbo country, especially its ruler, Lapite, a corrupt and ambitious king who skips traditional rituals to rule selfishly and perhaps forever, that there will be consequences for inordinate ambition. “Òrò yìí yó mà l’éyìn, àjàntièlè,” Faleti sang.To underscore Ibadan’s historical centrality in recalibrating a drifting Nigeria and warning its rulers of calamity ahead, Makinde made reference to a similar summit held on Ibadan soil in 1950 and the calamity of Operation Weti e. A Yoruba word for “drench it” during the violent political crisis in Western Nigeria between 1962 and 1965 which led to the “Wild Wild West” anarchy tag. It was hallmarked by riots, arson and drenching of political opponents with petrol as a result of an attempt to rig elections. That crisis became the precursor of the 1966 coup.
From January 9 to 28 of 1950, a review of the Nigerian Constitution took place in Ibadan to address shortcomings of the 1946 Richards Constitution. Ibadan welcomed fifty members of the Legislative Council where the push for greater autonomy and regional representation that laid the groundwork for the 1951 Macpherson Constitution was made.
Same summit was held in Ibadan on October 19, 1954. On this day, some of the most influential nationalist figures of mid-20th-century Nigeria gathered in Ibadan. The mercurial Adegoke Adelabu was there. So also were figures like T.O.S. Benson, Dr. M. I. Okpara, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani and another NCNC top-shot, Mr. Arimah. That gathering was a reflection of the importance and dominance of Ibadan as a major political force and battleground.
From the 1950 summit, to that of 1954, Ibadan has always been a hot-seat of roiling politics and attempt to reshape a broken Nigerian space. Ibadan never looked back. Its party politics is a hotbed of intense rivalry, shifting coalitions, alignment and realignment of interests. One of its markers was the infamous First Republic phrase, “If you see my hand, you cannot see the inner of me; Demo (NNDP) is the party I support” “B’òo r’ówó mi, oò rí’nú mi, Demo n’mo wà”. The Mabolaje-NCNC alliance conversation, held in Ibadan, prepared grounds for Nigeria’s October and December regional and federal elections. NCNC and the Mabolaje, a dominant Ibadan-based political movement, led by Adelabu, was mordantly opposed to Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group.
Music had a place of pride in this electrifying politics. In pre-colonial Africa, not only were musicians custodians of history, they were defenders of political figures. Their songs addressed political, social, and economic issues of society. At the Mabolaje-NCNC alliance of 1954 venue, though I have no empirical fact to back it up, I am almost sure Odolaye Aremu, Ilorin Dadakuwada music exponent, would be on the bandstand. As Hubert Ogunde was AG’s official musician, so also was Odolaye for the NCNC. You will recollect Ogunde’s Yorùbá Ronú song, a politically motivated rendition which was a total condemnation of SLA Akintola’s government. Odolaye also shot back with his adulatory dirge for SLA and Adelabu when both died.
Wrapped up in a unique traditional Yorùbá musical genre originating from Ilorin, Kwara State, which combines Oríkì (praise chanting), Òwe (proverbs), and Àròfò, (poetry) Odolaye delivered lacerating punches to counter the Action Group. One of such was his mockery of Awolowo’s free education policy which he claimed was not well thought out. He sang, “e jé ká ra léèdì (pencil) k’a si ra’we, iwe ti won ò rà télè télè láti kékeré o, ìgbà wo l’àá kà’wé t’ó di baba?”. On Adelabu’s car crash in 1958 while returning to Ibadan from Lagos, which led to riots and many deaths because he was believed to have been murdered, Odolaye made a cryptic quip insinuating he was murdered: “Death came for Adelabu suddenly… must we set trap for ourselves?” – “Ó kù dèdè k’ó w’Olúyòlé l’olójó dé o/Njé ó ye ká de tàkúté de’ra wa?”
In a few days’ time, I will be doing a public review of the book, Black Esther: The Tales of Ìyá Olóbì, My Grandmother. Written by Kayode Samuel, veteran journalist and former Chief of Staff to ex-Governor Gbenga Daniel of Ogun State, Samuel’s grandmother was a profoundly witty woman. Her grandson, the author, must have inherited her spellbinding wits. Ìyá Olóbì (Woman trader in Kolanut) was most times very prickly, especially on issues that had to do with Omo Yíbò (the Igbo). She was a willing accomplice of the then spiraling mutual mistrust between Yoruba and Igbo which gained notoriety shortly before independence. Often times, Ìyá Olóbì manufactured other wordly-like stories that ended up as ethnic profiling of the Igbo. Undoubtedly, however, she was a parlour heroine, a victim of her own animus, a woman whose daily life was an admixture of women wiles, humour and mastery of the power of the Yoruba language.
Black Esther is full of Ìyá Olóbì’s linguistic nuggets. Let me single out two of those which exhibit her Yoruba mastery. They flashed through my mind two Saturdays ago immediately I saw the musical tantrums of Saheed Osupa, Yoruba Fuji music icon, whose real name is Akorede Babatunde Okunola.
On that Saturday, Ibadan attempted to erupt again. Not because of the catalyst for the eruption, a gubernatorial intention declaration, tucked away in an innocuous part of the city. It was Osupa’s descent into needless talkaholism.
As I said earlier, Ibadan has an unmatchable historical pedigree as epicenter of electrifying politics. Its politics has evasiveness and flamboyance. It is equally garnished with volatile swear words and name-calling. This gives it a remarkably competitive edge, more than many other cities in Nigeria. You may wonder why two gubernatorial aspirants in the same APC, Sharafa Alli and Bayo Adelabu, have declared and counter-declared to govern the state; why a neutralizing force in the person of Teslim Folarin is waiting patiently like a vulture to harvest their mutual destruction. Having captured 32 states, I am told, Ibadan is so important to Bola Tinubu that, he might personally relocate to Oluyole to monitor its 2027 gubernatorial election.
Back to the Ibadan Saheed Osupa tantrums. The two poignant words from Ìyá Olóbì I referenced above taste differently. While one related closely to the Osupa issue, the other, more of a symbiotic philosophical cause and effect, is tangentially related to it. Ìyá Olóbì’s first hypnotic word came when family members, seeking resolution to how her nephew, who had just graduated from learning a printing trade, was discovered to have put a teenage girl in the family way. How the boy could have become that aberrant, the family wondered, concluding that the Ìyá Olóbì nephew was seized by the spirit of wrongdoing. Unable to countenance the unscience behind that reasoning, Ìyá Olóbì’s retort was, in her Yoruba Egba dialect: “Eni yìí kìí báá máa mu sìgá, ìsòro ni kí wón fi igbó seé” translated to mean, it is almost an impossibility to have someone who does not smoke cigarette get afflicted by a marijuana-smoking addiction.
The second Ìyá Olóbì retort actually came before the first. It was her first magisterial pronouncement about this nephew of hers, immediately she heard of his rascally libido. For a boy who was still being fed at home to find the energy to impregnate a girl, Ìyá Olóbì reasoned mockingly, it was a sign of an over-filled belly. In the same Egba dialect, she said, matter-of-factly, “Eni kò bá yó okó rè kíí le”. It means, an erect manhood is a fallout of a full belly.
If you saw the way Osupa hyper-ventilated at the said Ibadan political rally, you would conclude that it was a cause and effect. His bellyful catalyzed the uncontrollably erect manhood of arrogance he advertized. Or that, one of the spirits of his people had taken hold of him: a harmful magical spell (Àránsí); spirit of wrongdoing (Àṣìṣe); a charm or curse (Àsàsí) or Èèdì (a malicious spell that hexes one to bring bad luck). You could also suspect substance influence.
Many African indigenous musicians are routinely labeled “praise songsters” due to their thematic concentration on adulation. Right from his first ad-lib, Osupa had no one in doubt that he had come for a musical warfare. Then, he began to exhibit one of those afflictions above, which got him into trouble with denizens on the social media. As if Ibadan are serfs of monarchies, he sang that “Wherever OIubadan is headed is where the people will,” maintaining that only Ibadan bastards would vote against the man who paid for his presence at the rally. Then, to excite his partisan audience, he threw barbs at the governor of the state. Immediately, Netizens brought out clips of effusive praises he earlier showered on the governor for gifting him an SUV. His attempt to clarify further worsened people’s perception of him as an inherently reversible personality. It reinforced the narrative of ingratitude. So, because of his transactional disagreement with his erstwhile benefactor, a public arena became ground for ventilation of personal grouse?
Thereafter, Osupa was thoroughly tongue-lashed by Netizens, so much that, a while after, he had to take a space on the information highway to explain his misspeak. Some of the respondents said he was afflicted by the spirit of àsìse. But, as Ìyá Olóbì would say if she was on this divide, no one should make excuse for him. Osupa should carry the cross of his irresponsible dabbling into a turf where he knows little about.
While many who watched the Osupa show were thoroughly disappointed in him, most of those who knew the historical pedigree of traditional African praise singers were not caught unawares. From ancient times, praise singers or griot were usually like flies hovering on kings’ palmwine calabash mugs in palaces. They also always perched on homes of influential people in society to be dashed used clothes and shoes. Indeed, they were called Alù’lù gb’omi èko – those who drummed to be paid with bric-a-brac. While bards served as court historians, helping to codify ethnic groups’ genealogy for posterity, a pall of general perception as beggars, “alágbe” hangs over them till today. It doesn’t matter that, over the century, many of them have transformed due to acquisition of education, wealth and have become pretentious gentlemen. They still are like the uniquely smelly vegetable called ebòlò, which my people say it is impossible to pluck from the dumpsite and have it smell uncontaminated, without the filthy odour of the dumpsite oozing out of it. Osupa’s recent degree certificate apparently serves little effort to cleanse him of a historical malaise.
I dwelled on the nature of Osupa’s doublespeak in earlier pieces I did. I concluded that it was a manifestation of tendencies of Yoruba musicians to oscillate from praise to dispraise. Permit me to regurgitate previous references. To explain this binary, I cited Alamu Atinsola Atatalo, one of the pioneers of Dùndún and Sèkèrè traditional music in post-colonial Yoruba Nigeria. Atatalo reinforced the transition of the tongue from one superlative extreme to the other, as defined by the musicians’ esophagus and passion. At a small level, Atatalo mirrored the typical Ibadan, whose tongue cuts through rough edges like hot knife on butter. Born into the Ajáláruru family of Òópó Yéosà in Ibadan, the 1950s and 1960s saw Atatalo dominating the Ibadan musical scene, first as a Sèkèrè and Dùndún drummer, and much later as singer and drummer.
In two of his songs, within a short time span, Atatalo shot a woman friend of his down from the echelon of praise to the abyss of dispraise. In the first song, apparently struck by the sweet piercing arrow of Cupid, he advertised this woman friend of his’ restaurant in such superlatives that you would want to visit it to have a taste of her highly burnished culinary prowess. Tatalo described the restaurant as located in Ayéyé, Ibadan. He wasn’t done. It was the best place where quality àmàlà and ewédú soup could be found in the whole of the city, he sang. The restaurateur garnished her soup with fish and shrimps, he sermonized. Tatalo’s melodious rendering of these lines was done in a typical Yoruba superlative, so gripping that, finding the right word to explain it may be a barren exercise. He sang: “Sokotoyòkòtò l’ó fi ńp’èèlò è, edé l’ó fi ńpa’ta/Ìyàwó Atátalò tí ńbe l’Áyéyé!”
Not long after, however, as he sang in a later album with the title, Àá fì’dí kalè ni, a passing train would seem to have put a wedge to the two lovebirds’ affair. Tatalo then flipped 360 degree. He sang of how this same woman, who had now become his ex, in alliance with her mother, had become a disgrace to motherhood. He was not done. Both mother and daughter engaged in shameless prostitution, he revealed. The restaurant, which Tatalo once praised to high heavens, had now, in his words, become so slovenly in appearance and smelly that it was fly-ridden. Indeed, sang Tatalo, off-putting smell of gonorrhoea (àtòsí) urine oozed out of the restaurant, so much that no one could enter it! The immediate question you would want to ask Tatalo is, how different does gonorrhoea urine smell from other smell?!
For Osupa, also an Ibadan like Tatalo, how a benefactor suddenly swings from a positive superlative to negative superlative is a shifty mind that meanders from praise to dispraise, defined by personal benefit and patronage and not public good.
It may however be unfair to restrict Osupa’s cheap moral reversal to musicians alone. In a fragile world like ours, loyalty, friendship and ability to stay the course are collapsing. In the face of Mammon and filthy lucre. Politicians manifest it. Friends betray friends at daggers drawn. Brothers stab brothers in lethal strikes more painful than Brutus and Julius Caesar’s.
As Ibadan gradually gravitates towards its political decision day, in the words of Babatunde Fashola, loyalties will be tested and will collapse. Shifting alliances will occur, shifted by love of selves and cash. Osupa may need to reverse himself and sing the adulation of Bayo Adelabu, the Minister of Power, who just returned to Ibadan for a consequential political tango with Sharafadeen Alli. Osupa may be needed to reverse the damaging investiture of “the King of Pitch Darkness” which Netizens hung on the minister’s neck with his reversible tongue. He may even sing the panegyrics of the most lethal political tactician among them, Teslim Folarin, who will give both a run for their monies. Or even Makinde’s gubernatorial choice.
Whichever way, Ibadan is answering to its political pedigree as epicenter of electrifying politics. More importantly, it was the place where Nigeria faced the fatal comeuppance of First Republic politicians’ political sacrilege. Could yesterday’s summit be another warning against a similar political sacrilege of a potential Fourth Republic one-party state Nigeria? Could it be Nigeria’s own Iranian Strait of Hormuz threatening to unravel our own Donald Trump?
As Makinde said in Ibadan yesterday, those who fail to learn from the poignant episode that took place on the soil of Ibadan 60 years ago may catalyze a re-enactment of the anger of history in year 2027. The butterfly that runs inside a thick mass of thorns will have its cloth torn in shreds. An impala that defies the Kinihun (Lion), Chief Circumciser of the Forest (Oloola Iju), who incises without a scalpel, will bathe in a puddle of its own blood. History’s cudgel, used to whip the older political wife of the First Republic, is on the rafters for the younger wife, political maximalists and their surrogates.
When Adeolu Akande was rounding off his doctoral thesis at the University of Ibadan in 1995, Wale Adebanwi, Remi Aiyede, myself and other academic kindred spirits were battling the rigour of a Master’s degree in same political science department. We were all under the umbrella of an ecumenical academic figure, Prof Adigun Agbaje, who later supervised Adeolu’s, mine and Adebanwi’s doctoral theses. Akande thereafter became a professor at the Igbinedion University, Okada, studied for an LLB and was called to the Nigerian Bar.
The charge against academic-minded persons like Akande, for which some of us became recipients, being guilty as charged, is that we are married to theory and isolated, in a mis-matrimony, from praxis. By leaving politics in the hands of the flotsam and jetsam of society – apologies to Chief Obafemi Awolowo – they say, we have left our plates unwashed and cannot complain when they are marooned with flies. Akande later heeded this clarion call, became the Chairman of the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and is today desirous of serving his people as Senator representing Oyo North constituency. Unlike Akande, some of us are yet to be purged of that distancing of selves from the murky waters of Nigerian politics.
Brilliant, clear-minded, purposeful-thinking, Akande, who hails from Otu in Oyo State, is the kind that a people desirous of development should have as their legislator. Dangerous it may seem for anyone to vouch for a Nigerian politician, I can vouch for Professor Akande as capable of bringing a difference to the politics and development of his Oyo North District. A beacon of intellect, he embodies wisdom in service. His vision transcends classrooms, reaching the heartbeat of his people. With courage and clarity, he stands ready to transform his constituency’s aspirations into lasting progress.
OPINION
The David Mark and Atiku Abubakar ADC Protest: A Recycling of Bourgeoisie Metamorphosis
By Uji Wilfred
Right from the foundations of the Independence struggle that led to self-rule, political party formations in Nigeria were crafted majorly for the capture of political power through periodic elections.
Political Parties never had ideological foundations that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.
Political parties in their formation, leadership structure and ownership, belonged more to the ruling oligarchs than the people or the masses.In the First Republic, political parties had little ideological bent, framed along regional and ethnic sentiments, but little of rallying the entire nation along in a unified polity.
In the general elections of 1954 – 1956, each of the ruling political party, the Northern People’s Congress, the Action Group and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens emerged as regional parties in terms of the demographic voting pattern as well as the control of political seats.The First Republic suffered from a contradiction of centripetal and centrifugal forces within the framework of the tripartite system which eventually led to the collapse of that republic.
Political parties as well as the leadership recruitment reflected a regional and ethnic bias more than the need for the national integration of Nigeria.
Decamping across political lines, irrespective of ideological leanings, were the basic norms of the First Republic with political parties splitting out from the major political party. Formation of new political parties to fragment the dominant hold of ruling political parties were common political vices of the political class at that time. For example, Chief Akintola, despite the ideological soundness of the Action Group, splitted up the party with the formation of a new political party.
Chief Akintola’s desire was fired more by ambition than the issues of ideology and national interest.
In Northern Nigeria, the ruling Northern People’s Congress waged a war of suppression and dominance against other minority political parties with strong ideological bent that inspired minority ethnic nationalism.
The NPC through its slogan of One North, One Destiny, suppressed minority political parties such as the United Middle Belt Congress led by Joseph Tarkaa.
The point is that Nigeria from her foundations inherited a political culture where political parties have weak ideological roots as well as party and leadership recruitment.
Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed the recycling of bourgeoisie Political Party Formation and leadership recruitment through a process of metamorphosis that defiles ideological lines and national interest.
Political participation and leadership recruitment has been centered on the urgent need to capture power at the center using political parties owned by a few powerful oligarchs.
The People’s Democratic Party in its formation and foundation was a fraternity of past and serving military generals and their civilian equivalent.
The PDP since its inception has been led by past military officers like David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, the civilian equivalent of the military.
The dream of the PDP led by these retired military generals under the leadership of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was the enthronement of Africa’s biggest political party that was to last for a century.
As good as the dream of the party was, the PDP, like the experience of the First and Second Republics lacked deep ideological roots that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.
The triumph of the People’s Democratic Party forced the rival All People’s Party and the Action Congress of Nigeria into a state of collapse and submission leading up to the bourgeoisie metamorphosis that resulted to the formation of the All Progressive Congress on the eve of 2015 with the sole objective to unseat President Good luck Jonathan.
The APC was a metamorphosis and amalgamation of opposition parties including some dissenting faction of the PDP to reclaim the so called birth right of the far right North in Nigeria to produce the President of Nigeria.
Political recruitment and leadership struggle in Nigeria has never been defined by ideological needs to salvage or emancipate Nigeria as a nation. Political struggle has always been a recycling of that section of the bourgeoisie, through a process of metamorphosis, whose objective is to capture political power at the center.
The present protest and political struggle by the African Democratic Congress, the faction led by David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, is a recycling of bourgeoisie metamorphosis not too different from the experience of 2015.
At best, the David Mark and Atiku Abubakar led protest represents that desperate struggle entrenched in the thinking of the Far Right of Far Northern Nigeria, that political leadership resides in the ancestral birth right of the aristocratic ruling political class of the North.
David Mark and Atiku Abubakar perhaps are suffering from a dementia that has made them forget that they were the agents that destroyed the foundations of democracy in Nigeria through the sacking of former President Good luck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party.
These men formed the All Progressive Congress and wrestled power from a democratic government exploiting the dynamics of national security and developmental challenges.
In 2015, Nigerians believed their opinions and through the ballot removed Good luck Jonathan.
However, since then, has Nigeria fared better under the APC that was enthroned by oligarchs leading in the present protest under the auspices of the ADC.
Perhaps, David Mark and Atiku Abubakar may assume that Nigeria suffers from a collective dementia that has forgotten the past so soon.
There is an adage that says, he who comes to justice and equity must come with clean hands. The same forces that enthroned bad governance in Nigeria factored in the APC, through a metamorphosis, want to rebirth another Nigeria through the ADC.
In ideological terms, this does not make sense, the ADC Protest is the same old thing of old wine in a new wine bottle.
If Nigeria must experience a change, let it come through some revolutionary medium that will not exploit the people’s trust and betray them once in power.
Over the past decades, the betrayal of public trust, exploiting the innocence of the people, perhaps the naivety of the people, is what we have seen and experienced through the circles of bourgeoisie metamorphosis and political leadership recruitment.
OPINION
Where the Politicians Got it Wrong
By Raphael Atuu
Benue State, fondly referred to as the “Food Basket of the Nation,” was created on February 3, 1976, by the military administration, carved out of the old Plateau State. From its inception, the state was administered by a succession of military administrators, followed by civilian governors in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape.
Over the decades, leadership passed through several hands each leaving varying degrees of impact on the state’s trajectory.
In its early years, Benue was widely regarded as a peaceful and united society. Communities coexisted in harmony, bound by shared values, cultural pride, and a strong sense of collective identity.
The economy was largely driven by agriculture, with fertile lands producing yams, rice, cassava, and other staple crops. Institutions like the Benue Cement Company also contributed to economic activity and employment.In those days, the government was distant from the daily struggle of the average citizen. Few people concerned themselves with the affairs of Government House. Wealth and dignity were derived from hard work, farming, trading, and craftsmanship not political patronage.
The people spoke with one voice, celebrated their traditions with pride, and upheld communal respect as a guiding principle.
However, the return of democracy in 1999 marked a significant turning point, one that would reshape the state’s social and political fabric in ways few anticipated.
With democratic governance came new opportunities, but also new challenges. Politics gradually became the most attractive path to wealth and influence.
For many, Government House transformed from a symbol of public service into a gateway to personal enrichment.
The perception of politics shifted from service to self-interest.
As political competition intensified, unity began to erode. Divisions along ethnic, local government, and party lines deepened. The once cohesive voice of the Benue people became fragmented, often drowned in partisan conflicts and power struggles.
Perhaps more troubling was the subtle transformation in societal values.
The Benue man, once admired for courage, resilience, and industry, began though not universally to exhibit tendencies toward dependency and political loyalty over merit.
Sycophancy started to replace integrity, and the dignity of labor was gradually overshadowed by the allure of quick gains through political connections.
Elected officials rose to positions of authority and influence, becoming key decision-makers in society.
Yet, for many citizens, the dividends of democracy remained elusive. Infrastructure development lagged, agricultural potential remained underutilized, and poverty persisted despite abundant natural resources.
The irony is striking: a state so richly endowed, yet struggling to translate its potential into tangible progress.
Beyond economics, insecurity and communal clashes in recent years have further strained the social fabric.
The peace that once defined Benue has been challenged, forcing many communities to confront displacement and uncertainty.
While these issues are complex and multifaceted, the role of political leadership in addressing or failing to address them cannot be ignored.
So, where did the politicians get it wrong?
They lost sight of the essence of leadership service to the people. Governance became more about control than development, more about personal gain than collective good.
Long term planning gave way to short term political calculations. Investments in agriculture, which should have remained the backbone of the state’s economy, were neglected in favor of less sustainable ventures.
Moreover, the failure to foster unity and inclusive governance widened the gap between leaders and the led. Politics became a tool for division rather than a platform for progress.
Yet, all hope is not lost.
Benue still possesses immense potential, fertile land, vibrant culture, and resilient people, what is needed is a return to the values that once defined the state: hard work, unity, integrity, and community driven development.
Leadership must be reimagined, not as an avenue for wealth, but as a responsibility to uplift the people.
The story of Benue State is not just one of decline it is also one of possibility.
With the right vision, commitment, and collective will, the state can reclaim its place as a model of peace, productivity, and progress.
The question remains: will its leaders and its people rise to the occasion?
If you want, I can.

