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APC Governors’ Forum’s Missing N800bn

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By Festus Adedayo

On Thursday last week, President Bola Tinubu perfectly played the role of the General of a troop going to war. He gave a pep talk to APC party troops marching state-wards for the primary election.

It was a speech garnished with onions and flavoured by aromatic spices of currie and thyme.

The eventual cuisine from the presidential pot exuded a tantalizing aroma that colonised the nose.

The president was pleased with that “historic moment” as “the party we formed just like yesterday is gearing up for its fourth election cycle”.

Then he waxed lyrical about progressive politics and values embedded in the APC.

The party, he said, was one “founded… on the firm principles of progressive politics…personal devotion and sacrifice…selflessness”. He then urged unity among the ranks of the party as “our opponents are waiting for us to be against each other; we should disappoint them.”

Principle. What principle? Two concepts dropped on my mind as I read that pep-talk statement. One is a famous aphorism of the president’s Yoruba people. The thematic concern of that wise saying is hypocrisy. It goes thus: It is only a hypocrite who, face to face with a masquerader, greets him, ‘it’s been a while’; what affinity do the living have with the dead? In its raw Yoruba form, that wise saying is rendered as, “Alábòsí èdá níí kí eégún pé ‘ó tó ojó méta’; ní’bo l’ará ayé ti bá ará òrun tan?” The aphorism sits on the cosmological perception of the Yoruba that masquerades are “ará òrun” – beings from the other world. The masked ones, they believe, are earthly manifestation of their deceased ancestors who visit from the terrestrial world. The yearly pilgrimages of the masquerades are believed to be connections of spiritual intermediaries with the living.

The second concept provoked by the president’s pseudo sanctimony is Àtubòtán. It emerged from these same president’s people’s centuries of values of everyday living. Many attempts at interpreting Àtubòtán have failed to hit the bull’s eye. Some say it is the end of a human being or end of their action; to some others, it approximates consequences. Àtubòtán is however deeper.

It can be said to be the posterior of human actions and inaction, the final outcome of life’s script. To the Yoruba, no one is considered lucky until the final script, the denouement of life’s stagecraft. That, to them, is the point of Àtubòtán.

In musically drilling into the concept of Àtubòtán, late Yoruba Fuji music icon, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, once sang that the hypocrite (Alábòsí) could be wealthy; they give birth; they build magnificent edifices, etc. but the Àtubòtán of the Alábòsí is always calamitous. In the same vein, in his “Oramedia as a Vehicle for Development in Africa: The Imperative for the Ethical Paradigm of Development,” Prof Abiodun Salawu of the North-West University, Mmabatho, South Africa, affirmed this symbiosis when he said, “the end of the mischievous, the fraudulent, the corrupt is never pleasant (Àtubòtán alábòsí kìí dára)”.

So, the president wants peace in the APC? That is interesting. Again, my mind dashed down to my Jamaican reggae music idol, Peter Tosh and his iconic track, “Feel No Way”. The message of the song is founded on justice. It offers spiritual endurance to those confronting hardship and steely hands of oppressors. Strewn together in raw Jamaican patois, “Feel No Way” means, “don’t worry”. It is a message of assurance; that every person will get their due reward as this is a natural, logical symmetry of life.

Often referred to as “No Bother Feel No Way” or “Payday”, in the track, Tosh sang: “No bother feel no way/It’s coming close to payday, I say…/Every man get paid accord his work this day/…It’s coming close to payday I say…/Cannot plant peas and reap rice/Cannot plant cocoa and reap yam/Cannot plant turnip and reap tomato/Cannot plant breadfruit and reap potato…Cannot tell lie and hear truth/Cannot live bad and love good/Cannot live up and get down/Cannot give a dollar and want a pound…”

Tosh’s cause-and-effect homily finds corroboration in holy writs. The Bhagavad Gita, ancient 700-verse Hindu scripture, believed to serve as a practical, spiritual guide to navigating life’s challenges, emphasizes the symbiosis of good and evil. In it, the natural chronology of evil begetting evil has its roots in the universal law of karma: action creates an inevitable reaction.

Lord Krishna, one of the most widely revered deities in Hinduism, worshiped as the eighth incarnation, avatar, of Lord Vishnu and as the Supreme God, explains that any action done with selfish attachment and harmful intent sparks negative energy. The evil of today is a catalyst for future suffering. In the same vein, the teachings of both the Bible and Quran are that actions have consequences. To them, God is a just judge who not only rewards good deeds but holds every individual accountable for the evil they commit.

At the drop of a hat, the president unapologetically gloats about the dwindling fate of Nigerian opposition parties. Whether as a Freudian slip, presidential flippancy borne out of a Kabiyesi mentality, or his usual you-can-go-jump-inside-the-river boldness, the president has already willingly offered himself as an accomplice in the unprecedented famishing of Nigeria’s vibrant multi-partism.

In a State of the Nation address at a joint session of the National Assembly, held in Abuja in June, 2025, Tinubu told the opposition, “It is, indeed, a pleasure to witness you in such disarray”. Again, at the inauguration of the Nigeria Revenue Service, NRS, headquarters in Abuja last month, he cracked a wry joke of destruction of the opposition. Turning to his side-kick, the senate president, he said, “I will send you to the other side to represent me. And then you can scatter them to any way you want. They are confused!”

That violent “scattering” inclination of the president has trickled down. Former Speaker of the House of Representatives and his Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, apparently taking a cue from the president’s obviously un-statesmanlike public statement, doubled down on this recourse to violence. It reminds me of Malian author Yambo Ouologuem’s Bound to Violence.

A 1968 tragic-comedic epic which exposes the brutal, bloody history of the fictional African empire of Nakem, Ouologuem brutally indicts the duo of the oppressive indigenous Saïfs dynasty and European colonizers, using a Paris-educated protagonist who struggled against both forces as his canvass.

So, last month, at a dinner marking the birthday of the wife of Leke Abejide, Kogi State lawmaker representing Yagba Federal Constituency, Gbajabiamila urged Abejide not to leave the ADC but to stay in the party and “fight and scatter” the party. “My charge to you is to stay in that same ADC. Fight them. Scatter them… We like what you are doing. Continue,” he said.

Such comments, given imprimatur by the president himself, have further fuelled and fouled the political climate. The decibel of political violence in Nigeria is so high today, close to a year before the election proper, that it invokes dread and concern.

This has invariably confirmed the wonky logic of electoral competition in Nigeria as a zero-sum game where survival of the fittest and elimination of the weakest reign. But the Nigerian opposition is also not helping matters. Like fissiparous seeds of a walnut pod, the Nigerian opposition is in such an embarrassing disarray today, their greed for power and inability to coalesce round a single candidate being the Achilles heel that Tinubu capitalises upon to wreak his havoc on multiparty democracy. 

Regime grovelers have, ad nauseam, mouthed the president’s distancing from the fate of the opposition. Which is self-serving. Motive being the first consideration in a crime investigation, the president and his APC have the most robust motive in the destruction of the opposition. Psycho analyses have fingered Tinubu as being mortally afraid of losing the 2027 election.

While it is not a crime to gloat at the disintegration and castration of the opposition, it is criminal to sow seeds of discord in their midst, using the instrumentality of the electoral institution as well as judicial manipulation. Open innuendo that smacks of admittance of a hand in the opposition’s disintegration, as exhibited by the president and his chief of staff, is a stimulus for the kind of chaos and uncertainty that we witness in Nigerian politics today.

Government is not hiding its desperation to hold the opposition down. For instance, an underhand tactic cloaked in the robe of judicial pronouncement has held a major opposition leader, Nasir El_Rufai, in detention for what is, even in criminal justice estimation, an overkill, a surplusage of judicial retribution.

A recent release by ADC leader, Atiku Abubakar, sees El-Rufai’s continued incarceration as a deliberate ploy to keep him out of circulation until a final nail is rammed into the coffin of the ADC. I agree. The ex-Kaduna State governor is seen as a major strategic brain-box of that opposition party.

Now, the president wants peace in his APC. Didn’t Tosh warn him that “It’s coming close to payday”? His inversion of Karmic law reminds me of Tatalo Alamu, Ibadan’s legendary bard. He who walks in the terrace of disrespect, if he attracts disgrace, there is no harm in it, Tatalo sang, which he renders in Yoruba as, “eni f’abuku, t’o ba f’oju kan ete o, ko si laburu nibe o!” 

APC kicked off its primary election across the country yesterday and Àtubòtán, Karma if you like, is already manifest. The chaotic situation in the party across the country is a replica of the Yoruba Àáràgbá tree that is neither accommodated within nor without.

In incantation chants, Yoruba translate this state of discomfort as “Ilé ò gbàá, ònà ò gbàá níí se ewé àáràgbá”. In the Karmic world, APC’s hen has perched on a rope and neither the rope nor the hen is able to find peace. In Tosh’s words, APC and its leaders “cannot plant turnip and reap tomato”.

Listening to Professor Femi Otubanjo yesterday on an Arise TV interview seems to reveal to me that total destruction will be the only solution to the current Nigerian chaos. It was what Bob Marley saw in his Ouija board almost five decades ago.

Otubanjo’s flaming review of Nigeria’s party politics’ dysfunction coincided with my reflection on the intra-party chaos among Nigerian APC governors which occurred a little over a week ago. That chaos, like a disturbing whoosh of vapour, vamoosed as disturbingly as it came. It led to the near-removal of Hope Uzodinma, Imo State governor, as Chair of governors who called themselves progressive but whose minds are as regressive as the sideways walk of a crab.

A newspaper report had alleged that the sum of N800 billion warehoused to fund the President’s 2027 re-election campaign, was misappropriated. This momentarily led to the factionalisation of the Governors’ Forum. As we speak, apart from an amorphous group which calls itself the South East APC chapter, which gave a tepid rebuttal of the humongous heist, the man at the center of the allegation has remained mum.

For 31 state governors to cause a diversion of monies meant for their people’s development from the federation account into the personal election drive of a single person, is not only a criminal theft of their people’s patrimony but an indicator of the systemic rot Nigeria confronts. Prior to this allegation, there was an allegation that the sum of N100 billion develops wings monthly from the Nigerian federation account. A N20 trillion is also alleged to be missing from the same federation account.

None of these allegations is disturbing enough to get the president’s comment, nor action from the system. The anti-graft agencies have however lived happily in silence thereafter. Even Nigerians whose money was allegedly stolen and diverted are silent.

Anyone who reads me on this platform will bear me out that, from inception, I have always attested to the Ogundabede, (head or chief of thieves – Olórí Olè) spirit that governs the hearts of the present runners of Nigeria. They have chests that are as hard as the carapace of a tortoise. In the Yoruba Ifá corpus, Ògúndábède, also known as Ògúndá Ogbè, is a prominent and complex figure.

It is a divination sign called Odu that is often associated with the archetype trickster Tortoise and legendary thief who deploys his wits and manipulative tendencies to outsmart others. When divined as an Odù in a divination, Ògúndábède divines significant financial windfalls or blessings which rain unexpectedly on its beneficiary. It sometimes comes with minimal physical exertion. Regardless of its linkage with trickery, however, Ògúndábède teaches the fatality awaiting free wealth, importance of truth and integrity.

Yes, from independence and even prior, Nigeria has been ravaged by an endemic and persistent political Ògúndábède spirit that has led to severe crisis in the country’s economic, social and political development. Never however has Nigerian leadership been faced with this level of concentration of termites in high places, in an orgy of pandemic corruption. The pathological effects of this are manifest as corruption-ridden democratic instability, political assassination, nil or low governmental legitimacy, perpetual insecurity, abject poverty, infrastructural decay and electoral crisis. They are all with us.

In that Arise TV interview, Otubanjo provided the nexus between endemic political corruption in Nigeria and Nigeria’s perpetual underdevelopment. The worst part of it is, thinking that a manifestly corrupt government and system as we have today could offer the people hope, is akin to waiting for Samuel Beckett’s Godot.

Anyone hoping that Nigerian political parties, as they are currently constituted, can bring about any change is day-dreaming, says the former University of Ibadan professor. The chaos and plunder we see today reflect the nature of Nigeria as a dysfunctional state. That nature of state produces this nature of politics and political parties that lack substance and format. No Nigerian political party, Otubanjo said, is democratic as they are mere instruments of getting power. Nigeria and its party system are inherently enveloped in a corrupted system.

The Àtubòtán the APC is cooking in all the 36 states of the federation, in the name of primary and consensus, in the words of Otubanjo, is a ruse, a cloak for authoritarian decision making. It cannot but lead to anarchy. It is a means of recruiting bendable people the president and his people can control and an avenue to shrink democratic choices.

Governors have become so powerful and stupendously rich that they hold the leash of their parties and recruit their Yes-men into elective offices. Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State is fighting to install himself and hirelings in political offices like the Ibadan Alapansanpa masquerade.

So also are other governors. With the consensus gambit that Tinubu brought to the states, a tragedy has befallen our political party system under this Leviathan. You could see a mini-emperor, Gbajabiamila, strutting like a peacock in the Surulere Lagos constituency and magisterially anointing candidates like a Kábíyèsí. They all feed into the rot, revealing the Kabiyesis in power today.

But, Àtubòtán is most times slow in its judgment. It will nevertheless strike. These ones have thrown a stone that hit the Iroko and are feverishly looking backwards waiting for its strike. They should be told that the Olúweri, the spirit inside the tree, is painstaking, even in its wrath.

Festus Adedayo is an Ibadan-based journalist.

CRIME

Tinubu Hails Security Forces over Release of Abducted Oyo School Children, Teachers

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President Bola Tinubu has expressed profound joy at the successful rescue of the children and teachers from Oriire community in Ogbomoso, Oyo State, by the security forces. 

  Tinubu praised the heroic efforts of the security agencies, especially the military, the Department  for State Service(DSS) and the Police, for working round the clock in the last 56 days to secure the release of the abducted children and their teachers without any collateral damage and for arresting eight of the abductors and neutralising others.

Spokesman to the President, Bayo Onanuga in a statement said  Tinubu regretted the anguish that the children and their teachers, as well as members of their families and the entire nation, have experienced since the sad occurrence.

For cooperating with the Federal Government in all rescue efforts, President Tinubu commended the Oyo State Government and charged it to ensure adequate security around schools across the state. 

“I am profoundly happy that our security forces successfully rescued the abducted pupils and teachers from Orire, Ogbomoso in Oyo State today after a military, police and intelligence-driven operation that neutralised some of the terrorists that perpetrated the evil act and the arrest of eight of them. 

“This successful military operation has ended the siege and standoff of over 50 days and has brought relief to the entire nation and the affected families in particular. On behalf of the country, I express my gratitude to the officers and men of our armed forces, the intelligence agencies and the police for the safe rescue of the children and their teachers. 

“My government will get justice for these children and their teachers and for the family of Mr Oyedokun, who the terrorists gruesomely murdered. 

“I must commend the government of Oyo State for working cooperatively with us in bringing this unfortunate incident to a successful end,” the President said. 

President Tinubu has also directed that the emergency agencies work with the Oyo State Government to provide all necessary medical and relief support to the children and the teachers. 

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Beyond the Northern Security Trust Fund Board

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By Sani Danaudi Mohammed

Long before the colonial borders, the North of Nigeria was the heartbeat of commerce in West Africa. From Kano to Katsina, Zaria to Sokoto, our cities were not just centers of learning and faith, they were the engine rooms of the trans-Saharan trade.

Caravans loaded with leather, textiles, kola, natron, and gold moved north to Tripoli and Cairo, and returned with books, spices, and silver.
The North didn’t beg for wealth. It produced, processed, and traded. Our markets were disciplined, our guilds were organized, and our reputation for quality was continental. That was our first security: prosperity.

I speak to you as a Fulani herder who has lost cattle, family, and peace to the unrest that has torn the North apart and endangered the very bond of our coexistence. I welcome this initiative and I applaud the governors for this important and strategic planning, and for trusting men like Gen. Agwai and Alhaji Yayale Ahmed to lead it.

Let us not deceive ourselves: the North almost sank itself when we abandoned production for politics, when we let our markets, our ranches, and our schools collapse while chasing handouts.If this Trust Fund is to be different from the Bank of the North that died quietly, then it must protect not just the towns, but also the herder in the bush, the farmer on his field, and the child in the classroom, so that we can rebuild trust, secure our livelihoods, and never again allow greed and neglect to drown the North.

That prosperity was built on three values we have since lost: production over consumption, processing over export of raw materials, and trust over extraction*. The ancient Kano dye pits didn’t just sell indigo. They added value. The Sokoto leather industry didn’t just sell hides. It made shoes, saddles, and bags that were sought after across the Sahara. Even our cattle economy was circular. Milk, meat, hide, and manure all had a market. We understood value chains 500 years before the term existed. What we sold was not just what the land gave us, but what our hands and minds had improved.

We lost those values when oil made us lazy and insecurity made us fearful. We stopped processing tomatoes and started importing paste. We stopped tanning leather and started exporting raw hides. We stopped organizing trade routes and started paying bandits to let trucks pass. The trans-Saharan spirit of enterprise was replaced with a palliative mindset: wait for allocation, wait for intervention, wait for Abuja. As a result, the same land that once financed empires now finances ransom. The same young men who would have been apprentices in a tannery or a mill are now foot soldiers in the bush. We didn’t just lose trade. We lost identity.

We must also confront our history with honesty: the Bank of the North died a natural death not because the North lacked capital or vision, but because it was starved of political will, hijacked by politics, and killed by poor governance and zero accountability. It started as our pride, a vehicle to finance northern enterprise, but ended as another monument to good intentions without structure.

So the hard question today is this: what assurance do we have that the Northern Nigeria Security Trust Fund will not suffer the same fate? Unless this Fund is insulated from politics, run with transparent quarterly audits, tied directly to measurable outcomes in lives saved and jobs created, and governed by the discipline that Gen. Agwai and Alhaji Yayale Ahmed represent, we risk repeating history, collecting ₦1bn monthly only to fund meetings, allowances, and another legacy of waste.

The Northern Nigeria Security Trust Fund can be the bridge back. With leaders like Gen. Martin Luther Agwai and Alhaji Mahmud Yayale Ahmed at the helm, we have the credibility to revive what worked. Revival means going back to the trans-Saharan model, but with modern tools: agro-processing zones instead of dye pits, meat and dairy factories instead of open grazing, mining corporations with community equity instead of illegal pits. It means rebuilding trust through data, infrastructure, and justice. If we recommit to production, processing, and trade, the North will not only defeat banditry. It will once again become the commercial gateway of Africa, just as our forefathers did.

The appointment of Gen. Martin Luther Agwai (rtd) and Alhaji Mahmud Yayale Ahmed as co-chairmen of the Northern Nigeria Security Trust Fund Board is a bold and timely move by the Northern States Governors’ Forum. Inaugurated on Wednesday at Sir Kashim Ibrahim House, Kaduna, the board sends a clear signal: the North is tired of waiting and is ready to take charge of its own security destiny. The choice of these two patriots reflects both gravitas and experience, and for that, the governors deserve commendation.

Gen. Agwai is not just a former Chief of Defence Staff. He is a soldier’s soldier who commanded at the highest levels, led Nigeria’s contingent in Sierra Leone, and served as Joint Special Representative for the UN-AU Mission in Darfur. He understands counter-insurgency, civil-military relations, and the human cost of war. Alhaji Yayale Ahmed, former Minister of Defence and former Head of Service of the Federation, brings the rare blend of bureaucratic mastery, political reach, and national security policy experience. Together with a board packed with ex-COAS Lt. Gen. Faruk Yahaya, ex-IGP Usman Alkali

Baba, ex-SGF Boss Mustapha, and other retired generals and security chiefs from the 19 northern states, they are coming with a fantastic team.

But we must say it plainly: security alone cannot cure what ails the North. The governors’ resolution that each state and its LGs will contribute ₦1bn monthly for 12 months is well-intentioned. That is ₦19bn from states, and more from LGs, in a year. Yet when measured against the scale of banditry, terrorism, kidnapping, and cattle rustling across a region larger than many countries, it is a drop in the ocean. Without addressing the economic roots of violence, we risk funding an endless emergency response.

This is a policy problem, not just a security problem. For too long, our budgets have prioritized guns over growth. We buy more trucks, more drones, more allowances for operations, while leaving idle the greatest assets the North possesses: land, cattle, minerals, and people. A region that feeds Nigeria cannot feed itself out of poverty. A region that sits on gold, limestone, tin, and coal cannot export raw poverty and import finished wealth. That must change, and it must change now.

First, agriculture and its value chains must become the centerpiece of the northern response. The North accounts for over 70% of Nigeria’s food production, yet post-harvest losses run as high as 50% because we have no storage, no processing, and no markets. We should establish agro-industrial processing zones in each geo-political zone of the North. Think tomato paste factories in Kano and Katsina to end the annual tomato glut and importation. Think rice mills in Kebbi, Niger, and Nasarawa operating 24 hours. Think maize and soybean processing for poultry feed to crash the cost of food. Ethiopia turned agriculture into a growth engine through clusters and cooperatives. We can do the same.

Second, we must industrialize cattle. The North has over 20 million cattle, yet we export live animals and import beef, milk, and leather. That is economic suicide. We need modern abattoirs and meat processing plants in Maiduguri, Sokoto, Jos, and Kaduna that meet export standards. We need dairy collection centers and milk processing plants so Fulani families earn from milk daily, not just from selling a cow in distress. We need tanneries and leather goods factories in Kano to revive what once made “Made in Kano” shoes famous worldwide. Brazil earns over $7bn annually from beef exports because it moved from herding to industry. The North can too.

Third, mining must be formalized and localized. The North is sitting on gold in Zamfara, Niger, and Kaduna; limestone in Gombe and Sokoto; tin in Plateau; coal in Kogi and Benue. Today, artisanal miners dig and smuggle, bandits tax them, and the value leaves our borders. We should create Northern Mineral Development Corporations, with community equity, to partner with investors, enforce standards, and build processing plants. Australia built entire towns around mining value chains. The DRC, despite its challenges, is leveraging cobalt for global battery supply. The North has no excuse to remain a pit and a passage.

Fourth, intelligence and security must be married to livelihoods. A young man with no farm, no job, and no hope is the easiest recruit for a bandit. The Trust Fund should therefore earmark at least 40% of its resources for economic resilience: irrigation schemes, rural roads, solar-powered cold rooms, and vocational training. Security operations must be judged, as Chairman Yahaya said, by protection of lives, not meetings. But lives are protected when there is something to protect and something to lose.

Fifth, traditional institutions must be funded to lead community policing and early warning. The endorsement by the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar III, is crucial. Emirs, chiefs, and district heads know every compound. They should be equipped with communication tools, data systems, and stipends to coordinate with the new board. Kenya’s Nyumba Kumi and Rwanda’s community policing models show that trust is the cheapest and most effective security technology.

Sixth, we must fix the corridor economy. Banditry thrives on highways where there is no light, no patrol, and no commerce. The governors should prioritize 10 critical economic corridors linking farms to markets and mines to ports. Light them, secure them, and insure trucks that ply them. When goods move safely, prices fall and jobs rise. When goods don’t move, desperation rises.

Seventh, education and deradicalization must run parallel to kinetic action. Almajiri reform, girl-child education, and out-of-school children programs are not “soft” issues. They are hard security. The board, with members like Prof. Usman Tar from Borno who understands the insurgency’s ideological roots, should push for a Northern Education Emergency Fund to get 10 million children into classrooms within 3 years.

Eighth, data must drive us. The board should build a Northern Security and Economic Observatory that maps attacks, drought, grazing routes, mining sites, and poverty in real time. Without data, ₦1bn monthly becomes politics. With data, it becomes precision. Morocco’s agricultural and security planning uses satellite and ground data to target interventions. We have the capacity.

Ninth, regional trade must be unlocked. The North borders Niger, Chad, and Cameroon. Instead of closing borders during crises, we should formalize cross-border cattle, grain, and mineral trade with standards and tariffs that benefit our people. The Sahel is a market of 150 million people. We are treating it like an enemy instead of an opportunity.

Tenth, accountability must be ruthless. The Trust Fund must publish quarterly reports: money in, money out, projects delivered, lives saved. It must not become another meeting club. Credibility is its only currency. The people of Katsina, Zamfara, and Benue are watching, and they are tired of promises.

Eleventh, climate adaptation must be central. Farmer-herder clashes are climate conflicts. We need grazing reserves with water and fodder, ranching pilots with private investment, and massive tree planting to combat desertification. The Great Green Wall cannot remain a slogan. Senegal and Burkina Faso are showing that green infrastructure reduces conflict.

Finally, let this be the moment the North chooses production over palliative. ₦1bn a month per state will help, but it will not end the war. Only jobs will. Only factories will. Only value chains will. Gen. Agwai and Alhaji Yayale Ahmed are coming with wisdom, networks, and discipline. If the governors match that with economic courage, the North will not just be safer. It will be prosperous.

The gun can secure today. Only the farm, the factory, and the mine can secure tomorrow.

Danaudi, Writes From Bauchi Via danaudicomrade@gmail.com

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Enugu Seals Four Unlicensed Hospitals

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From Sylvia Udegbunam, Enugu

The Enugu State Government through its Ministry of Health has sealed no fewer than four private health facilities (hospitals) in Enugu North Local Government Area (LGA) of the state.

The Public Relations Officer of the Ministry, Chidiogo Ugodu, in a statement on Thursday in Enugu, said that the hospitals were sealed on July 8.

The statement said that the health facilities were sealed over failure to be licensed and meeting necessary regulatory requirements.

According to the statement, the ministry has intensified its monitoring and supervision of private health facilities across the state as part of efforts to ensure quality healthcare delivery and compliance with regulatory standards.

It said that the renewed exercise was initiated by the Commissioner for Health, Prof. George Ugwu.

The statement said that the Director of Medical Services, Dr. Chinyere Ezeudu, lead a team of senior directors from the ministry on an unscheduled inspection visit to health facilities in Enugu North LGA.

“The monitoring exercise was aimed at ensuring that all private hospitals and healthcare providers operating in the state comply with statutory requirements.

“These statutory requirements included: the renewal of operating licences and proper registration of facilities that are yet to be captured by the regulatory authorities,” it said.

The statement said that during the visit, the team inspected seven private health facilities, assessing their operational status, documentation, licensing compliance, and adherence to required healthcare standards.

Speaking, the state’s Commissioner for Health, Prof. George Ugwu, reaffirmed the commitment of the state government under the leadership of Gov. Peter Mbah to protect residents by promoting safe, effective, and quality healthcare services.

Ugwu emphasised that the supervision exercise would be sustained across the state to ensure that only duly approved and compliant facilities provide healthcare services to the people.

He, therefore, urged all private health facility operators in the state to regularise their operations by renewing expired licences or registering their facilities where necessary.

“The ongoing monitoring exercise is not only a regulatory measure but also a critical step towards strengthening the health system and safeguarding the lives of citizens,” he said.

It would be recalled that some weeks ago, the state government through the Ministry of Health sealed three illegal health facilities (hospitals) operating without operational licence within Enugu South LGA of the state.

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