OPINION
As Ariwoola Takes the Judiciary to the Top of the Grease Pole

By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu
At the end of July 2017, the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) issued a joint report on the public experience of and response to bribery in Nigeria. Among its findings, the report ranked several institutions with reference to public perceptions or experience of demand for bribes from officials at the point of service delivery.
With a score of 46.
4 per cent, the report ranked the Nigeria Police Force highest in public perceptions of bribery. The report also noted that “at 33 per cent the prevalence of bribery in relation to prosecutors is the second highest, closely followed by judges and magistrates, at 31.5 per cent.”It took a little while before the National Judicial Council (NJC) could dignify the report with acknowledgement. When it did, it was not to show institutional contrition for the serious findings contained therein or indicate what it would do to address it. Rather, in a release issued 18 days after the report, the NJC took issue with its content and rankings, complaining that it found the conclusions of the report “not only subjective but speculative”.
Tellingly, the Council acknowledged that “there are a few bad eggs in the judiciary, like in every other arm of Government”, but rhetorically asked how many of the 1,059 judges and about 4,000 magistrates had been “caught receiving bribe”. With a touch of institutional insouciance, the NJC thundered: “How many Judges or Magistrates have been arrested and/or prosecuted and convicted of corruption till date?”
To the extent that it telegraphed the dispositions of the NJC on the question of judicial integrity, the contents of this release were staggering in many respects. First, for an institution lacking in direct electoral legitimacy, the NJC did not appear to be particularly bothered about the foundations of the pedestal on which the judicial institution whose authority it is supposed to guarantee, oversights the elected branches or brings to the resolution of disputes. Instead, it appeared to be entirely comfortable to compete with the average politician or bureaucrat in the grubbiness league tables.
Second, the Council put forward an implausible threshold for judicial accountability, confining it only to when a judge is actively caught in the act of bribery. If this were to be the standard of accountability applicable to judges, it would place them well below the average criminal, in terms of credibility. For the record, the applicable standard at common law is not whether or not a judge has been caught in the act of receiving a bribe but that, nothing is “done which creates even a suspicion that there has been an improper interference with the course of justice.”
Third, in querying how many judges and magistrates had been successfully prosecuted for such issues, the Council clearly diminished the role of judges in bringing about success or failure of accountability for the failure of judicial integrity, placing the burden for that outside the realm of judicial responsibility.
The month preceding the UNODC-NBS report that drew its ire, at the beginning of June 2017, the NJC had announced the “recall” of six of the eight judges, whom it had previously suspended from judicial duties. One of them was Hyeladzira Nganjiwa, a judge of the Federal High Court since May 2012. Almost contemporaneously, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) launched a criminal prosecution against Nganjiwa including charges of unlawful enrichment and attempting to pervert the cause of justice.
The Commission followed this up with a separate petition in December 2017 containing multiple allegations of unlawful enrichment against Nganjiwa. At its 85th meeting in March 2018, the NJC constituted a three-person committee to investigate the allegations against Nganjiwa, headed by Emmanuel Ayoola, a retired Justice of the Supreme Court. It included the Chief Judge of Oyo State and the Grand Khadi of Kwara State.
In its report in 2019, the NJC committee made many damaging findings against Hyeladzira Nganjiwa. For instance, despite being a judge of the Federal High Court, he was also receiving payments “in respect of Criminal Cases conducted at the Federal High Court by EFCC and NDLEA.”
It also found that having “worked as a counsel in the Chambers of Rickey Tarfa & Co and since appointed as a Judge (sic), (Nganjiwa) continued to receive various payments made into his account even after being confirmed a Judge.”
Nearly two years earlier, Nganjiwa and his lawyers successfully forced out the presiding judge in his trial, Adedayo Akintoye, accusing her of bias after she ruled against his objection to her jurisdiction on the ground that as a judge, he could not stand criminal trial except after the NJC had found him guilty of misconduct, which, he argued, was not the case here.
In what legal scholar, Osita Nnamani Ogbu, subsequently described as “judicial contrivance of immunity for judges”, the Court of Appeal later reversed the High Court, upholding the Nganjiwa’s objection. The court held that “if a judicial officer commits theft, fraud, murder or manslaughter, arson and the likes, which are crimes committed outside the scope of the performance of his official functions, he may be arrested, interrogated and prosecuted accordingly by the State directly without recourse to the NJC.” It discharged Nganjiwa but did not acquit him. The Supreme Court threw its weight behind the Court of Appeal.
This sequence of complicit jurisprudence effectively killed any fantasies of judicial accountability in Nigeria, all but clothing judges with impunity for acts and crimes that no one would brook if committed by lesser mortals. Despite the clear findings of its own committee of investigation, the NJC allowed Nganjiwa and many of his ilk to return to judicial functions. The consequences of this sequence have not been slow to advertise themselves.
Seven years after their first report of 2017 that roiled the NJC, at the beginning of July 2024, the UNODC and NBS issued the report of their third survey on corruption as experienced by the population of Nigeria. This 170-page report contains 15 references to judges none of which is particularly flattering.
Among its many findings, the report deadpans that “among all types of public official for which there was sufficient data, with an average of NGN 31,000, the largest cash bribes were paid to judges and magistrates, followed by customs or immigration service officers (NGN 17,800) and members of the armed forces (NGN 16,600).”
It is a fitting coda to the tenure of outgoing Chief Justice of Nigeria, Olukayode Ariwoola, that the judiciary that he will leave behind has toppled both the Police and Customs services to reach the top of the institutional corruption grease pole in Nigeria. That is not a mean feat. The report finds a close relationship between corruption and nepotism, an enterprise in which Chief Justice Ariwoola excels, noting that “around 60 per cent of public sector applicants in Nigeria were hired as a result of nepotism, bribery or both – about 1.2 times the share found in the 2019 survey.”
When he retired as a Justice of the Supreme Court 20 years ago, Samson Odemwingie Uwaifo feared that the appellate courts “may soon be infested if not already contaminated with” the vice of judicial corruption. Today, his fears appear to have come true to an extent that even he would find frightening. That has been made possible with the baleful benediction National Judicial Council under its current leadership.
In 2017, it took the Council 18 days to finish reading the first UNODC-NBS Corruption Experience Report. We will hopefully find out soon enough how long it will take the Council to digest the 170-page-long successor to that report in 2024.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu
OPINION
Breaking The Glass Ceiling At INEC: The Case For A Female Chairman

By Isaac Asabor
As Nigeria inches toward another crucial leadership transition at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), one conversation that must not be ignored is the urgent need to appoint a woman as the next Chairman of the Commission. For more than six decades of electoral administration, from the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) to the National Electoral Commission (NEC), and now INEC, no woman has ever been given the opportunity to lead the body responsible for managing Nigeria’s democracy.
That reality is both telling and troubling.The absence of a woman at the helm of INEC is not just a statistical oversight; it is a glaring reflection of how Nigeria continues to marginalize half of its population in decision-making spaces. In a country where women constitute nearly 50 percent of the population and play significant roles as voters, civil servants, observers, and even electoral officers, it defies logic that none has ever been considered worthy to lead the electoral umpire.This conversation is not about tokenism or gender sympathy, it is about equity, competence, and the credibility of Nigeria’s democratic process.Nigerian women have consistently proven their leadership mettle across sectors, often under more difficult conditions than their male counterparts.From Dora Akunyili’s fearless reforms at NAFDAC to Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s trailblazing economic stewardship and global leadership at the World Trade Organization, to Amina Mohammed’s international diplomacy as Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, Nigerian women have demonstrated excellence, integrity, and transformational leadership on the global stage.If these women can shape global policy and manage institutions with billions in budgets, why should leading INEC, a constitutionally independent body, be considered beyond the capability of women? The issue here is not a lack of qualified female candidates but a lack of political will to appoint them.Nigeria cannot forget the high level of patriotism displayed by Professor Nnenna Oti, who served as the INEC Returning Officer in Abia State during the 2023 governorship election.As popularly known, she stands as a shining example of integrity, courage, and professionalism in Nigeria’s electoral process. Despite intense pressure, threats, and lucrative offers to compromise the will of the people, she upheld the sanctity of the ballot and ensured that the true outcome prevailed.Her uncommon display of character in the face of political intimidation underscores the transformative impact that women of principle can bring to public service.It is precisely this kind of ethical fortitude and moral clarity that Nigeria needs at the helm of its electoral body, making a strong case for a female successor to Professor Mahmood Yakubu as the next INEC Chairman, someone who can restore public confidence and strengthen the nation’s democracy through fearless and transparent leadership.Without a doubt, INEC occupies a strategic position in Nigeria’s democracy. Its Chairman is not just an administrator but the moral compass of the electoral process.The credibility of elections, the trust of citizens, and the integrity of governance all depend on how the Commission is led. At a time when confidence in Nigeria’s elections is waning, amid persistent concerns over vote-buying, logistical failures, voter suppression, and the manipulation of technology, the Commission needs leadership that can restore trust and project transparency. A woman at the helm could bring that needed change in tone and culture.Research and experience have shown that women in leadership often bring distinctive strengths, greater attention to detail, inclusiveness, and empathy.They tend to foster collaboration, listen more, and act with moral conviction. These are not sentimental traits; they are leadership assets that Nigeria’s electoral system badly needs.When women lead, they often prioritize the collective over the personal and emphasize fairness and accountability, values that are essential for an institution like INEC.Across Africa, women have led key national institutions and demonstrated that competence has no gender. In Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa, women have occupied sensitive electoral, judicial, and administrative positions with distinction.Nigeria cannot continue to trail behind on such an important front. The rest of the continent is proving that breaking barriers for women strengthens democracy rather than weakens it.Critics who insist that gender should not be a factor in the appointment of the next INEC Chairman miss the essence of this argument.The call is not to pick any woman but to select a qualified one from the many eminently capable Nigerian women with the right blend of administrative, legal, and ethical grounding.Names abound in academia, the judiciary, the civil service, and civil society, women who have built careers on integrity and institutional reform. The argument is simple: Nigeria’s democracy will be stronger when its leadership reflects the diversity of its people.Beyond symbolism, appointing a woman as INEC Chairman would send a powerful message about Nigeria’s seriousness toward gender inclusion and democratic fairness.It would also align with global and regional commitments Nigeria has signed onto, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 5) and the African Union’s Agenda 2063, both of which advocate gender equality in leadership. More importantly, it would inspire millions of Nigerian girls and women to believe that public service is not a male preserve.Nigeria’s history is filled with examples of women who rose above systemic barriers to lead with courage. The likes of the late Dr. Ameyo Adadevoh, who risked her life to contain the Ebola outbreak; the late Dora Akunyili, who confronted corruption in the pharmaceutical sector; and Justice Aloma Mukhtar, Nigeria’s first female Chief Justice, all stand as living testaments that women do not need to be given power, they only need not to be denied it.The argument for a female INEC Chairman also ties directly into Nigeria’s larger struggle for inclusive governance. The statistics remain alarming: women occupy less than 7 percent of elective positions across the country and less than 10 percent of appointed federal positions.These figures reflect a chronic imbalance that must be corrected through deliberate action. Inclusion is not achieved by accident, it is achieved by intent.Appointing a woman as INEC Chairman would be a bold and historic step toward correcting this imbalance. It would set a precedent for other public institutions and political structures to follow, sending a clear message that gender should no longer be a barrier to leadership.It would also reinforce the credibility of INEC itself, by projecting an image of fairness and balance in the very institution tasked with ensuring fair play in elections.Furthermore, such an appointment would hold both symbolic and practical importance for Nigeria’s democracy.Symbolically, it would mark a break from the past, a decisive move away from the patriarchal tradition that has dominated the country’s political and institutional leadership.Practically, it could introduce a leadership style that emphasizes transparency, inclusion, and responsiveness to citizens’ needs, qualities that Nigeria’s electoral system desperately requires.As the tenure of the current INEC leadership winds down, the Federal Government has an opportunity to make history, to not just fill a vacancy, but to correct a legacy of exclusion.The President, in exercising his constitutional prerogative, should rise above political considerations and make a decision that strengthens Nigeria’s democracy and aligns with the spirit of fairness enshrined in the 1999 Constitution.It is time to move beyond rhetoric and token gestures. Nigeria cannot continue to preach equality while practicing exclusion. Our democracy cannot mature when half of its citizens are systematically kept away from leadership.The glass ceiling at INEC has stood unchallenged for too long, it is time to break it.Appointing a woman as the next INEC Chairman would not only redefine leadership in Nigeria’s public institutions but also stand as a national statement that competence, not gender, is what truly matters.It would inspire a new generation of women to engage more confidently in the political process and restore faith in the promise of Nigeria’s democracy.The world is watching. Nigeria has the chance to make history, not by words, but by action. The Federal Government must seize this moment and appoint a competent woman as the next INEC Chairman.In doing so, it will not only be breaking the glass ceiling but setting a foundation for a stronger, fairer, and more inclusive democracy.OPINION
UNN, Nnaji’s Certificate and a Troubled Nation

By Reuben Abati
Uche Nnaji is Nigeria’s minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, appointed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He is currently in the eye of the storm over his claims to have graduated from the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN) with a BSc degree in Biochemistry/Microbiology in July 1985.
He reportedly made the claim during his screening by the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and his swearing in as Minister.
In addition, he is accused by investigative online journalists of having forged his NYSC certificate, which he also added to his official documents.It is an interesting case because it is all too familiar. During the Buhari administration, the minister in charge of the country’s finances then, Mrs Kemi Adeosun, was asked to resign, after being pushed because she purportedly presented a forged NYSC certificate.
Forgery, fraud and perjury are serious offences in Nigeria. It is frowned upon in Sections 362(a) and 366 of the Penal Code, Section 135 (1) of the Evidence Act (2011) and Section 467 of the Criminal Code. But it has to be specifically pleaded and proven beyond reasonable doubt, as seen in the latter as well as in APC & Anor v. Obaseki & Ors (2021) and Maigida Kuzalo vs. Bank of Agriculture (2025).
Perjury is a similarly serious offence, even more seriously so, and punishable for up to 14 years under Sections 117 and 118 of the Criminal Code Act, for up to 14 years or a life imprisonment. Perjury is just as serious under judicial proceedings and outside of it.
Beyond legalese, however, the imputation is that the Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology has committed both a moral and a legal infraction. His traducers want him relieved of his position post-haste, and they point to the Kemi Adeosun precedence. Some of them insist that the law must take its course.
Leading the charge are the investigative journalists of Premium Times, People Gazette and Sahara Reporters. For two years, they have been on his trail and his neck, and indeed both People’s Gazette and Premium Times wrote to the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN) for clarifications.
It seems to me that the first major part of the problem is the integrity of UNN itself, a university whose alumni proudly proclaim their university as the only university named after the country, Nigeria. UNN was established in October 1960, the first indigenous and first autonomous university in Nigeria.
Indeed, over the years, UNN has produced generations of graduates who are proudly Nigerian and have gone ahead to make giant strides in their chosen professions. But in the handling of the Uche Nnaji case, I think UNN has raised questions about its own integrity as a reputable institution.
Universities award degrees for achievements in learning and character. These are two issues in question in the Uche Nnaji case, and that must be a serious embarrassment to everyone who holds a UNN certificate. The university owes us a public explanation.
Nosey journalists asked the authorities at the UNN a simple question: is Uche Nnaji your graduate? This seems like a very simple question. But the University is on record as having offered two different answers speaking from both sides of the mouth, an utterly despicable behaviour by a university that claims to be distinguished.
In a letter dated 31 December, 2023, the University admitted that Nnaji graduated with a Second Class (Hons) Lower Division in Biochemistry/Microbiology. The same UNN would in response to another enquiry on the same subject signed personally by the Vice Chancellor, Professor Simon Ortuanya report that Nnaji never completed his studies.
This gets all the more curious as Nnaji later went to court to block the Federal High Court from demanding the release of his academic records. Justice Hausa Yilwa declined. This must be very embarrassing to all graduates of the UNN. What has their university turned into? It is easy to say that Nigeria has happened, negatively to the UNN, as it has happened in every facet of national life, but it must be terribly disturbing indeed that such a revered university is setting a bad example for its students and products. It is a saddening indication of how the lines between town and gown have been blurred. Whoever is using the name of that university to play games with the public mind deserves to be sacked.
The entire education system is in need of reform to the extent that this is an indication of the rot within the system.
This speaks also to the character of the political system and society at large. Why do Nigerians claim to be what they are not? Everybody wants a big title. These days even mechanics refer to themselves as Doctor this, Doctor that. musicians announce that they are Professors.
For some Nigerians, they would rather be addressed not as a Chief or Otunba, the appellation has to be High Chief, Double Chief, Triple Chief. Those who are lucky to get a National Honour appellation would return your letter to you if you fail to add the suffix of their often-unmerited titles.
The worst part of it is the sheer madness with which politicians lie about their educational qualifications when it is not even necessary to do so. The 1999 Nigerian Constitution clearly spells out eligibility qualifications. For the position of President, Section 131 (d) thereof says a candidate for President would be deemed qualified if he has been educated up to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.
The same applies to Governors in Section 177 (d), and members of the Houses of Assembly in Section 106 (c). The phrase “equivalent” as interpreted in Section 318 (1) of the same Constitution provides a flexible context. Nobody needs to have a university degree to be a President or a Minister or to become anything in Nigerian politics.
A candidate’s ability to read and write English is enough. Even a failed secondary school student can become anything of his dream. We are obsessed with paper qualifications in this country because we are all sick with public validation.
Bill Gates, Microsoft founder, Steve Jobs, co-founder of Apple, Jessica Alba, great actress and entrepreneur, Oprah Winfrey, distinguished broadcaster and Mark Zuckerberg of Meta all dropped out of school.
They ended up in life employing very brainy people with multiple degrees. These school drop-outs have helped to lend more meaning in the 21st century to human civilization. There are others like them in Nigeria who are celebrated daily but they have no certificates to brandish. Uche Nnaji however is the source of his own problem. He should not have claimed to have what he does not provide. He had no business doing that.
In this country, we have had presidents who did not even know the schools they claimed to have attended. We have seen Presidents for whom political associates have had to manufacture stories and parade themselves as schoolmates.
This is one country where it is possible to rent a classmate! Uche Nnaji is probably more qualified than all of such persons even with his controversial educational background. He can douse the fire by simply apologising.
He only needs to say that there has been a mix-up which he regrets, and that this is the handiwork of his enemies. He can go further and claim that this is coming from his political opponents in Enugu State where he is doing his best to promote President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term. He can even get his aides to organise a crowd of placard-carrying, slogan-chanting noise-makers on the streets of Abuja who will praise him and remind everyone that he is a Tinubu man.
This is the least expensive thing to do in Nigeria today. Rent a crowd, tell the ever-ready political contractors what to say and they will do so with aplomb. Play the ethnic card too: Nnaji can argue that he is being targeted because he is not in the good books of the Governor of his home state, Peter Mbah, the Governor of Enugu State.
He can even arrange protests on the streets of Enugu. What he does not need to do is to hire spiritualists who will see visions and tell him what he wants to hear. Those ones will tell him that his travails will pass and he will soon become the President of Nigeria.
The spiritual doctors of Nigerian politics are beginning to get ready and they will seek out victims and if not, their regular customers will seek them out too. They are all part of the problem in Nigerian politics.
As things stand, Uche Nnaji may not be removed as Minister. And many would be surprised that he may not even be queried any further at all. In some other countries, what has happened to him so far is enough embarrassment for him to throw in the towel. But he will not do that.
This is not the end of the story. Nigeria is a country where moral issues do not really atter. They get lost in the vortex of politics and religion. But in Nnaji’s matter we see the power of the press and whistle blowers. They insist on very embarrassing questions: how for example can a man who reportedly graduated in July 1985 claim to have started his national Youth Service in April 1985, three clear months earlier? There is also a Supplementary Examination written in September 1984/85 session which the same man in question reportedly failed and he was required to re-take again in June 1986.
How could the same man present an NYSC certificate that indicates that he served between April 1985 and May 1986, and yet the NYSC discharge certificate curiously bears the name of a wrong Director of the NYSC who signed as a non-existent “National Director.” Nnaji’s critics claim that his so-called NYSC certificate is non-existent. They have provided in the public domain details of his submissions to the Senate for screening. The evidence is overwhelming.
The other question is: how many other persons in high places have submitted to the Nigerian state false documents and false claims as alleged? This false representation amounts to a false pretence, a “419” offence against the state. When persons in positions of authority tell lies to get to power, what quality of leadership can anyone expect from them? But this is not just a question of paper qualification or morality, it is also about the character of leadership and Nigeria’s leadership recruitment process.
It is an indication, a fresh grim reminder that there is something terribly wrong with Nigeria’s leadership recruitment process. Why do we have a country where only the worst of us are most privileged in finding their ways to power and the best are mostly left on the sidewalks? The system itself is the problem. In cases like this and Adeosun’s before now, security agencies are supposed to carry out checks on all nominees for high positions. How effective are those agencies? They missed it with Kemi Adeosun. They have also missed it apparently, again with Minister Nnaji. Is the Nigerian state epileptic? It looks like we are indeed in the throes of epilepsy, to the disadvantage of the rest of society.
Those who moralise would be disappointed that the Nnaji case may not necessarily end up like Kemi Adeosun’s. His alleged infractions may not be proven beyond every reasonable doubt, even in the court of public opinion. It could in fact be said that as the Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, he is merely carrying out an “innovation” with his credentials to prove a theory that lesser mortals are yet to figure out, this being science and the application of technology, not law.
Those calling on President Tinubu to look for another Minister from Enugu State may be reminded that the President is too busy to worry about certificates, a controversy he is all too familiar with. In Enugu state, Nnaji’s supporters may come forward to claim that his problem stems from his political tussles with the state Governor Dr Peter Mbah.
They would conveniently forget that it was this same Minister Nnaji who had a hand in allegations that the governor had certificate issues! True to type Minister Nnaji has now said what was expected of him: he claims that his current travail is a political witch hunt by Governor Mbah.
It has also been said that the Vice Chancellor of UNN is a card-carrying member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). We are told that the media is also politically motivated or that all parties involved are in “a co-ordinated campaign to drag a reputable public servant into the mud of partisan politics”.
It is an embarrassing show on all fronts. Present and future political figures should learn one lesson from this: do not claim what you do not have. mere evidence of having attended a secondary school is enough to be President of Nigeria, you don’t even need to pass, you need evidence that you at least managed to attend school and either failed or dropped out.
That is the state of the law. False claims throw up legal and moral issues, whereas under the law, Nigeria is not looking for educated persons with big certificates to become leaders. This is the sad reality, even when those who have more money than brains believe that they are smarter than those who have brains but have no money to buy and rig their way into high places. Nigeria We Hail Thee!
Reuben Abati, a former presidential spokesperson, writes from Lagos.
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OPINION
Russia’s Rosatom Readies to Offer Africa Floating Nuclear Technology
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom, participating in African Energy Week 2025 (AEW 2025) in South Africa, in early October 2025, engaged Africa energy experts, entrepreneurs and politicians on the adoption of floating nuclear plants, while underscoring its enduring commitment to forging long-term partnerships and delivering effective energy solutions across the African continent.
Recent survey indicated that African countries are showing increasing interest in nuclear energy, including advanced technologies such as Russian floating power units (FPUs). The leaders embrace nuclear power as a solution to the persistent energy crisis which challenges development in an era of this global change. The leaders express sentiments over nuclear energy as the right investment to help most African countries achieve 100 percent electrification, and also as the driver of changing the livelihood of the people.On records, the Director General of the State Corporation Rosatom, A.E. Likhachev, and many senior officials, unreservedly mentioned Russia’s preparedness to provide its nuclear technology, train specialists, and establish research facilities for African countries.In July 2023, for instance, was the most recent guarantee given by Vladimir Putin. He indicated, in his speech, that Russian companies are implementing new mutually beneficial projects to meet the growing demands of Africans for fuel and electricity generation capacity. And that this collaboration would provide Africa with access to affordable, reliable, sustainable, and environmentally-friendly sources.Undoubtedly, Likhachev Alexey, Director General of the State Atomic Energy Corporation, Rosatom, reiterated that Russia is currently involved in developing about 30 energy projects in 16 African countries. Russian energy companies offer a wide range of services to African partners – from the design and supply of equipment to the modernization and construction of new turnkey generation facilities.In terms of financing nuclear energy, Kelvin Kemm, a nuclear physicist and former chairman of the South African Nuclear Energy Corporation (NECSA), and current Chairman of Stratek Global, a nuclear project management company based in Pretoria, South Africa, says many leaders are now seeing a steady visible movement towards nuclear power across the globe.This movement is accelerating. This is particularly true of African countries who more and more are realising that Small Modular Reactors are their path to prosperity. Small Modular Reactor should be pursued with vigour.South African Kelvin Kemm, however, argues that an energy mix should be implemented such that it is effective from an engineering perspective, and is also economically genuinely productive. Africa is now advancing the nuclear agenda not only by announcing the planned building of a new large nuclear power station, but also by supporting the introduction of Small Modular Reactors.Vladimir Aptekarev, Deputy Director General of Floating Energy Solutions at Rosatom Mechanical Engineering, told the local Russian media that “African countries’ interest in nuclear technologies is growing, and many countries on the continent are beginning to integrate nuclear energy into their national plans. There is a growing understanding that nuclear energy is not just an energy supplier, but also a driver of socioeconomic development and economic scalability, new jobs, and decarbonization as part of the environmental agenda.” Financial softwareWith fully operational floating power units, there have been serious substantive negotiations with a number of African countries regarding the supply of electricity from floating power units. This was noted at the prominent gathering which convened over 5,000 distinguished representatives from government, investment communities, and senior energy sector professionals, fostering critical dialogue on innovative strategies to ensure Africa’s energy security and ultimate sustainable growth.In addition, Kirill Komarov, First Deputy Director General for Corporate Development and International Business of Rosatom, in a high-profile panel discussion entitled “Nuclear Energy in Africa: Financing, Economics, and Sustainable Deployment” underlined the sector’s challenges, including infrastructure development, regulatory environments, and financing mechanisms. Experts exchanged insights on mobilizing investments and securing the sustainable advancement of nuclear projects throughout the continent.Komarov emphasized that Africa’s burgeoning energy needs pioneering solutions underpinned by steadfast, long-term collaboration. Egypt’s experience serves as compelling evidence that nuclear technology, when coupled with investments in human capital, infrastructure, and transparent engagement, can significantly bolster national energy security and propel sustainable development. Rosatom is, therefore, honoured to collaborate closely with African partners to cultivate a balanced and sustainable energy framework, share deep expertise, and help build a resilient, low-carbon economy for future generations.Vladimir Aptekarev, Deputy Director General for Floating Power Energy Solutions, Rosatom, contributed to the Russia–Africa Energy Summit which explored strategic cooperation between Russia and African nations across the oil, gas, and nuclear sectors. The session focused on opportunities for technology transfer, infrastructure development, and deepening economic ties — particularly in the context of Africa’s growing energy demand and the significance of reliable, sustainable solutions such as nuclear power.Rosatom’s presence at AEW 2025 coincided with the momentous celebration of the 80th anniversary of the Russian nuclear industry — a milestone commemorating eight decades of technological excellence and groundbreaking innovation in nuclear energy. This historic occasion was celebrated during the Global Atomic Week, held in Moscow from 25 to 28 September 2025, an event that united industry visionaries and pioneers in a shared commitment to strengthening international cooperation and fostering the development of safe, reliable nuclear technologies worldwide.For reference: African Energy Week (AEW) is an esteemed annual forum organised by the African Energy Chamber, which convenes Africa’s foremost energy leaders, global investors, and senior executives from both public and private sectors. Over an intensive four-day programme, participants engage in forward-looking discussions aimed at shaping the future of Africa’s energy landscape.Founded in 2021, AEW serves as a premier platform combining conferences, exhibitions, and networking opportunities with the ambitious goal of eradicating electricity deficits across Africa by 2030. The agenda features expert panels, investor forums, industry summits, and transformative sessions designed to chart a sustainable energy trajectory for the continent.The World Atomic Week (WAW 2025), dedicated to marking the 80th anniversary of Russia’s nuclear industry, took place from 25 to 28 September 2025 at VDNH in Moscow. Russia maintains an active and expanding collaboration with all interested nations. Significant international projects are being implemented, with Rosatom and its subsidiaries playing a pivotal and leading role in these global initiatives.