OPINION
Bayelsa 2020: Who The Cap Might Not Fit
By Joshua Ebiegberi
On February 14, 2020, the only Valentine’s Day governor in Nigeria would bid farewell to the Creek Haven seat of power in Bayelsa State. That day, the Honourable Henry Seriake Dickson would have completed eight remarkable years as governor of the most riverine and deltaic state in Nigeria known as the Glory of All Lands.
Without doubt, the towering figure commonly called the Countriman Governor would be leaving not only very big shoes for his successor but also an oversized bowler hat.
Apart from his hugely successful and impactful developmental strides across the state, his oratorical prowess would also be difficult to match.The governor’s zeal and passion to change the narrative about the state has stood him out. Today, Bayelsa’s story is intertwined with that of a man who bestrode the state like a colossus; not only transforming it but equally changing the governance culture. In every facet of the state, the Dickson imprint is indelible. The touch of the Ofurumapepe (the Great White Shark) can be felt even beyond the shores of the Jerusalem of the Ijaw Nation.
On November 16, 2019, Dickson’s successor would be elected, according to the timetable released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The expectation is that his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) would again produce the next occupant of the iconic Governor’s Office he built. This expectation is consistent with the fact that the PDP had won every governorship election in the state since 1999 when the country returned to democratic rule.
The governor’s sterling performance in office has made it even more difficult for any other political party to think about staging an upset in the November poll. This is regardless of the pretensions of the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirants, namely Chief Timipre Sylva (a former PDP governor of the state), and the immediate past Minister of State for Agriculture, Senator Heineken Lokpobiri. The latter was also a PDP state and federal legislator.
Already a titanic battle is brewing in the APC over the ambition of both aspirants. Interestingly, the duo, who were appointees of President Muhammadu Buhari, could not attract any significant project to the state throughout the president’s first term of four years.
So, their ambition has a huge question mark hanging over it. With what are they going to campaign? Some others are asking what Sylva forgot in the Government House that he wants to reclaim when his five years as governor were marked by waste, lack of focus and below par performance.
In any case, the PDP governorship ticket appears more attractive. At the last count, no fewer than 15 individuals are said to have indicated interest to succeed the current occupant.
The list includes a former Secretary to the State Government (SSG), retired federal Permanent Secretary and envoy, Ambassador Godknows Boladei Igali, a former Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Chief Ndutimi Alaibe, a philanthropist and businessman, Chief Reuben Okoya, the current SSG, Mr. Kemela Okara, a lawyer and the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria governorship candidate in 2012 as well as the Chairman, Bayelsa State Board of Internal Revenue, Dr. Nimibofa Ayawei.
Others are the immediate past Director-General, Nigeria Atomic Energy Commission, Dr. Franklin Osaisai, an oil magnate, Mr. Keniebi Okoko, a former chairman of the state PDP, Deacon James Dugo, Chief Great Joshua Maciver, a retired Permanent Secretary, ex-Director of Protocol and currently chairman of the state Land Use Allocation Committee, Mr. Joseph Akedesuo among others.
Several considerations will determine who eventually picks the single ticket. Chief among which is the input of the governor, who is the undisputed leader of the party in the state. Dickson has a firm and unshakable grip on the party with his influence and significance further boosted as chairman of the PDP Governors Forum. So his preference and support for any aspirant definitely carry a lot of weight.
Interestingly, this also comes with a burden, which he recognises. But he has elected to be a team player. He said he would toe the path of consulting other critical stakeholders in the state and the party, including former President Goodluck Jonathan, who he calls “my elder brother and leader.”
According to him, the PDP candidate would not be the product of an imposition but rather would emerge through the right process of consensus and consultation.
His words: “I led the party (PDP) to victory against a vicious opposition. I can lead PDP to victory again. I have done it repeatedly.
“In the primary election, there will be no form of manipulation. People talking about manipulation are anticipating that they should be imposed. I am not going to impose any of them. Any of them who feels he has the capacity and experience should make his case before the party and the people of Bayelsa.
“I hope the right person with competence and capacity emerges to build on the foundation my team and I have laid over the past seven years plus. I have no doubt that the right person would emerge with my support.”
The Jonathan factor is also being touted by those who think the former President can still pull the required strings to get his choice candidate to scale the hurdle. But at the moment, this could be a far-fetched expectation. Feelers within the state PDP indicate that the support and endorsement of the former president alone might no longer carry the expected weight. Jonathan’s taciturnity and aloofness towards affairs of the party in the state has largely whittled down his influence. In recent months, even his loyalty to the PDP and that of his foot soldiers has been called to question.
This insinuation was fuelled by the tacit support for candidates of the APC and the Action Democratic Congress (ADC) by his henchmen during the last general election. Most of his henchmen were said to have engaged in anti-party activities, particularly in his Ogbia local government area. As a consequence, aspirants like Alaibe and even Okoya, who are perceived to be banking on the Jonathan factor, could be left with the short end of the stick.
Another topical but contentious issue is that of the zone that would produce the PDP candidate. The governorship slot has gone round the three senatorial districts at different times in the last 20 years under the PDP. The late Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, an indigene of Amassoma community in Southern Ijaw Local Government Area, took the Bayelsa Central slot as the first elected governor of the state from 1999 to 2005.
Bayelsa East has been more fortunate to produce two governors. Dr. Jonathan completed Alamieyeseigha’s tenure in 2007 and had picked the governorship ticket to start his own tenure before he was nominated as the late President Umaru Yar’Adua’s running mate and eventually became Vice President. He is from Otuoke community in Ogbia Local Government Area. Sylva (from the same zone), an indigene of Okpoama in Brass Local Government Area, was then handed the PDP ticket and was governor from 2007 to 2012.
Dickson, from Toru-Orua in Sagbama Local Government Area under Bayelsa West, stepped in in February 2012.
So which zone would be the next beneficiary? Many clamour that the fresh rotation should begin with Bayelsa Central having produced the first civilian governor in Alamieyeseigha but who didn’t complete his tenure. This agitation and expectation has resulted in a high number of aspirants from the zone indicating interest in the PDP ticket.
Two related political events might however scuttle the aspiration of some of the contenders from the zone. On June 6, 2019, Hon. Tonye Isenah was elected Speaker of the sixth session of the Bayelsa House of Assembly. He is a third term member representing Kolokuma/Opokuma Constituency 1. Kolokuma/Opokuma local government area is under the Central Zone.
On February 23, 2019, Douye Diri (then member representing Yenagoa/Kolokuma/Opokuma Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives) was elected senator representing the Central Senatorial District. He also hails from Kolokuma/Opokuma local government area.
What is significant about these two events is that for the first time in the political history of the state, Kolokuma/Opokuma has produced the speaker of the assembly as well as the senator representing the zone at the same time.
This has however thrown up a fresh dynamics. Would the central zone and particularly Kolokuma/Opokuma still be justified to seek the governorship ticket of the party having produced the speaker and a senator? Would Bayelsa East in particular not feel shortchanged and alienated if the governorship eludes the zone? How would Bayelsa West take the political recalibration despite having the governorship slot for eight years?
Importantly, what happens to the aspiration of the governorship aspirants from the central zone? The case of a serial contender like Alaibe, who is also from Kolokuma/Opokuma council, appears quite instructive. He is believed to have returned to the PDP with his eyes solely fixed on the governorship ticket. Would his aspiration be aborted or would he pursue it on another platform if the PDP door is again shut against him?
A political analyst described the election of Diri and Isenah as the masterstroke of highwire politics. The perceived frontrunners might have lost out even before the real contest began.
Regardless of the permutations, many Bayelsans are of the view that Dickson’s successor should be a focused politician or technocrat with a clear Ijawcentric agenda. The outgoing governor has so far left no one in doubt about his desire to promote the Ijaw culture, tradition and renaissance. He wholly epitomised it in his dress sense, which always stood him out as a proud Ijaw ambassador.
The governorship cap might also not fit those without any business interest or key stake in the state. Bayelsans are tired of mercenary politicians that appear only during election seasons. They beat a fast retreat once they are unable to achieve their aspiration and reappear the next election cycle to hoodwink the people again. Such politicians do not feel the pulse of the people they seek to represent or govern.
In this category are the itinerant politicians who change parties at the drop of a hat. They do not build their parties. Rather they are opportunists. Their singular aim is to occupy the Creek Haven but do not invest in the youths or women in the state.
Bayelsa does not also need anyone who thinks the governorship is his birthright. Such aspirants surreptitiously sponsor media campaigns to run down every sitting administration. If they are not the ones in the saddle, any other person is not good enough.
The man Bayelsa needs must have a clear blueprint on how to develop the state with well-articulated short, medium and long term goals and projection. Somebody who will create the required environment for jobs and positive engagement of the youths.
Somebody who will further the exceptional legacies of the Dickson administration and not seek to destroy them. A team player and not a wheeler-dealer politician who will mortgage the state’s interest on the altar of personal aggrandisement.
The state no longer needs a governor that does not have a zero-tolerance to violent politics or cultism. Enough of the bloodshed arising from cult and gang rivalries. The streets of Yenagoa must not be allowed to be watered any longer with the blood of the youths whose patrons are politicians.
*Ebiegberi, a public affairs analyst and political commentator, writes from Yenagoa, Bayelsa State
OPINION
Antiquity Protection Unit, Panacea for Museum’s Risk Management
By Tahirm Zakari
According to ICOM, Museum is not-for-profit, permanent institution in the service of society that researches, collects, conserves, interprets, and exhibits tangible and intangible heritage. Open to the public, accessible and inclusive, museums foster diversity and sustainability.
They operate and communicate ethnically, professionally and with the participation of communities, offering varied experiences for education, enjoyment, reflection and knowledge sharing.Antiquity protection unit comprises museum professionals in charge of the knowledge, rules and principles of protection museum collections visitors lives and properties which leads to taking necessary proactive steps to ensure that all goes well.
Natural functioning of the museum risk management programme was enabled by decree No 77 of 1979 titled the National Commission for museums and monuments ACT Chapter 242 Law of the federation of Nigeria 1990. This Act in addition spelt out the functions of the commission including its structure.The duties of Antiquity protection officers are enormous. It has a great effect on the growth and smooth operation of the museum. Report diary and investigation report are among other vital duties of the officers i.e. securing museum collection, visitor and their properties, physical security measures, threat analysis, advice management, maintenance of law and order etc.
Therefore, it is patient that the antiquity protection unit plays a dominant role in ensuring the safe custody of museums, its collections, visitors and properties for the smooth conduct of museums operation.
It has been estimated that more than 50,000pieces of artwork are stolen each year around the world and the black market for stolen art is valued at between $6 billion and $8billion annually. (state from U.S. news). With such staggering numbers, small institutions around the world cannot afford a high technology security system or staff museum guards in every room and museum premises.
Antiquity protection officers however avoid the mistake of not doing a thorough background check on all staff and volunteers, allowing too many people to get access to the key to the building and the collecting storage area, securing the keys to such vital areas etc.
Moreover, some easy way of protecting our valuables is to establish formal opening and closing procedures.
To create a checklist and a notebook of photos and exhibit cases. Train staff to be alert, make eye contact and greet visitors when they visit museums. It is very important that only staff responsible for the collection should have access to the key of collection storage.
Installation of fire and smoke detection and suppression. This is also vital as collections are susceptible to natural disasters as well. Security should include fire and smoke detection.
Museum antiquity protection officer ensures and vets the staff. This is because the largest percentage of theft from museums are perpetuated by museum insider-staff, volunteers or board members with access to the museums or collection after hours. Many of these are theft of opportunity. Controlling access and background checks can help reduce this in your museum. It is also very important using online collection management software systems to store and access important information and documents related to our collections.
This unit cares for their resources in trust for the public. Also, it is incumbent upon them to ensure the safety of their grounds and maintain their building and minimize risk to both and collections that they preserve for future generation coriaceous proactive identification of the risk that could potentially harm people and collections of resources hence reducing the risk are vital to museum management.
Museum professionals should ensure that adequate care be taken against other enemies of museums and its collections such as light, humidity and fire, parasites (insects faces, moths, weevil, bedbugs, beetles, termites etc. In addition, airborne pollutants e.g. dust, gases etc. are the most unwanted museum residents. They usually hitch a ride on human visitors. Dust is both an irritating intruder and a fruitful protagonist to unveil hidden and buried histories of the museum’s collection. These are findings and observations of Antiquity officers in their course of carrying out their duties effectively.
Conclusion
The security of Nigerian museums is not just a technical requirement – it is a national responsibility. Antiquities once lost may never be recovered, and their disappearance erodes the collective memory of the nation. The Antiquity Protection Officer, therefore, remains an indispensable guardian of Nigeria’s cultural wealth. Empowering these officers with modern tools, adequate training, and institutional support will ensure that museums continue to stand as safe and vibrant custodians of history.
Tahirm Zakari is a public commentator and expert in museums security in Nigeria writes from Kaduna
OPINION
India’s Anti-terror Campaign and Critical Lessons for Nigeria
By Sumaila Ogbaje
India’s recent commemoration of the first anniversary of Operation Sindoor has again drawn global attention to evolving counter-terrorism strategies and the growing role of technology, doctrine and political will in modern warfare.
Operation Sindoor refers to a high-intensity Indian military and diplomatic campaign launched on May 7, 2025, following a brutal terrorist attack in Pahalgam.
Marked by coordinated changes of official profile pictures by top government officials, the anniversary served not only as a symbolic gesture but also as a reaffirmation of India’s firm stance against terrorism.
Speaking recently on the operation, Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the operation as a defining moment in India’s security history, emphasising that it demonstrated “unparalleled courage, precision and resolve
The coordinated gesture by the External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Home Minister Amit Shah and other senior officials, reinforces what observers describe as a deliberate effort to institutionalise national security consciousness.
Beyond political leadership, India’s military high command has also offered deeper insight into the operation, describing it as a strategic turning point rather than a one-off response.
Former Director General of Military Operations, Lt.-Gen. Rajiv Ghai, characterised Operation Sindoor as a defining moment in India’s strategic journey.
“It has been a year to the day since Operation Sindoor was conducted, and as the then Director General of Military Operations, I look back at not only a military operation but possibly a defining moment in India’s strategic journey.”
He said the operation reflected a deliberate shift from previous approaches, as India moved to target terrorist infrastructure beyond its immediate borders.
“Operation Sindoor saw India very consciously and coherently go beyond its erstwhile approaches and methods and target terror across the Line of Control and our international boundary with Pakistan.’’
Ghai stressed that the operation was not a conclusion, but the beginning of a sustained campaign.
He said that Operation Sindoor was not an end but a beginning.
According to him, India’s fight against terror will go on, affirming that the country will continue to defend its sovereignty and citizens decisively and professionally.
He further highlighted the clarity of political direction and operational freedom granted to the armed forces.
“With precision, proportionality and clarity of purpose, it was a statement of resolve, responsibility and strategic restraint by a nation.
“From the outset, the government gave us two clear directions—clear political-military objectives and the operational flexibility to achieve these.
“The clearly stated end—to destroy and degrade terror ecosystems, disrupt their planning, and deter future aggression from these bases—was very unambiguously spelt out. Concurrently, the armed forces were entrusted with the wherewithal to plan and execute this operation,” he said.
Operationally, Indian forces reportedly struck multiple terror bases across Pakistan and Pakistan-administered territories, destroying key infrastructure linked to groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and Hizbul Mujahideen.
According to the Indian military, more than 100 terrorists have been killed during the strikes.
The military said it also triggered a brief but intense military exchange, including drone attacks and artillery shelling, before a ceasefire was reached following high-level military engagements between both sides.
Military experts, including retired Lt.-Gen. Sujeet Dharkar, have highlighted the unprecedented deployment of advanced systems, including long-range air defence and loitering munitions.
More so, retired Lt.-Gen. Dhruv Katoch, underscored the “zero tolerance” doctrine—an approach signalling decisive consequences for terrorist actions.
Austrian military historian, Tom Cooper, also pointed to the strategic implications of the operation, particularly its demonstration of expanded strike capability.
For Nigeria, the developments resonate strongly.
The country’s counter-terrorism efforts are largely driven by operations such as Operation Hadin Kai, alongside other internal security missions targeting banditry and violent extremism.
In spite of the recorded gains, including neutralisation of insurgents and rescue of abductees, challenges persist due to evolving tactics by non-state actors, difficult terrain and cross-border dynamics.
Against this backdrop, Operation Sindoor offers critical lessons for Nigeria’s security architecture.
According to military experts, lesson one is political will and operational clarity–a key takeaway from Operation Sindoor is the alignment between political leadership and military execution.
As Ghai’s underscored, clearly defined objectives and operational flexibility contributed to mission success.
For Nigeria, analysts say this highlights the need for sustained political commitment, clear directives and consistent policy support for the armed forces.
Lesson two, according to experts, is intelligence-led precision strikes. The operation reinforces the importance of intelligence-driven warfare and precision targeting.
Rather than broad offensives, targeted strikes based on credible intelligence can yield more effective results while minimising collateral damage.
For Nigeria, strengthening intelligence capabilities across human and technological domains remains a priority.
For experts, lesson three is technology as a force multiplier–Operation Sindoor demonstrated the growing role of drones, air defence systems and precision-guided munitions.
Stakeholders say Nigeria must continue investing in surveillance technologies, unmanned systems and data-driven operations to match evolving threats.
Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Waidi Shaibu, had recently underscored the importance of advanced training and technology-driven operations in strengthening the effectiveness of the Nigerian Army.
Shaibu said modern security challenges required continuous professional training, innovation and the deployment of advanced technology to enhance operational efficiency in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations.
According to him, success on the battle field is no longer determined by equipment alone, but by the competence, discipline and adaptability of troops.
The army chief highlighted drone technology, combat aviation and modern training approaches as key enablers of future military operations, noting that the Army would continue to leverage such capabilities to improve performance.
Lesson four is Joint-force synergy. The operation highlighted seamless coordination among different arms of the military.
Nigeria’s joint task force model provides a foundation, but analysts emphasise the need for improved interoperability, communication systems and logistics integration.
Lesson five is doctrinal evolution. India’s shift from restraint to proactiveness reflects the importance of adapting military doctrine to changing realities.
Nigeria, experts say, must continue reviewing its strategies to address emerging threats such as drone-enabled attacks and decentralised insurgent networks.
According to analysts, lesson six is strategic communication–the coordinated national commemoration underscores the role of communication in building public confidence and unity.
In Nigeria, effective messaging can help counter misinformation and strengthen civilian support for military operations.
Lesson seven is regional collaboration. Nigeria’s participation in the Multinational Joint Task Force reflects the importance of cross-border cooperation.
However, experts call for deeper intelligence sharing and coordinated strategies to tackle transnational threats.
For policy analysts, lesson eight is self-reliance in defence. As highlighted by Ghai, the emphasis on indigenous capability points to the need for Nigeria to strengthen its local defence industry.
In spite of its lessons, analysts caution that Operation Sindoor cannot be replicated wholesale because Nigeria’s security environment differs significantly, requiring context-specific solutions that combine military, political and socio-economic approaches.
They say Operation Sindoor stands as a compelling case study in modern counter-terrorism, demonstrating how clarity of purpose, political backing and operational flexibility can shape outcomes.
According to stakeholders, the lessons for Nigeria are both instructive and urgent: the fight against terrorism demands not only force, but precision, innovation, coordination, and sustained national resolve.
All in all, it is the experts’ view that adapting these lessons to local realities could prove decisive in achieving long-term stability as the country continues its battle against insurgency and insecurity. (NAN)
OPINION
From ‘Ghana Must Go’ to ‘Nigeria Must Go’: Where is the Giant in Nigeria q?
By Raphael Atuu
For decades, Nigeria proudly carried the title of the “Giant of Africa” , a nation respected for its population, economic strength, military influence, cultural dominance, and leadership role on the African continent.
Today, however, many Nigerians are beginning to question whether that status still reflects reality.
From diplomatic influence to economic stability and even sporting excellence, concerns are mounting that Nigeria’s once commanding presence in Africa is gradually fading.
The phrase “Ghana Must Go” remains one of the most memorable chapters in West African history. In the early 1980s, during a period of economic hardship, Nigeria expelled millions of undocumented West African migrants, many of them Ghanaians.
Ironically, decades later, reports of anti-Nigerian sentiments and growing hostility toward Nigerians in some African countries have sparked debates about whether the continent’s most populous nation is losing its prestige and influence.In recent years, Nigerians living in some African countries have faced harassment, discrimination, and violent attacks.
In South Africa, repeated xenophobic attacks targeting foreign nationals, including Nigerians, generated outrage and diplomatic tensions.
Similar concerns have emerged in other African countries where Nigerians increasingly complain of unfair treatment and declining respect for the country’s image abroad.
Observers argue that Nigeria’s weakening economic conditions and governance challenges have contributed significantly to the decline of its continental influence.
Once regarded as one of Africa’s strongest economies, Nigeria is now battling inflation, unemployment, rising debt, currency instability, and widespread poverty.
The removal of fuel subsidies, rising cost of living, and depreciation of the naira have further deepened hardship for millions of citizens.
Many young Nigerians are now seeking opportunities abroad in what has popularly become known as the “Japa” wave, a mass migration of skilled professionals seeking better living conditions overseas.
Diplomatically, critics say Nigeria appears less visible in major continental and global engagements compared to previous decades.
While countries such as Rwanda, South Africa, Kenya, and Egypt continue to strengthen international partnerships and attract global attention, many believe Nigeria has not maintained the same level of strategic influence expected of a continental leader.
Security challenges have also weakened the nation’s image. Nigeria, once recognized for leading peacekeeping missions across Africa through the Economic Community of West African States and the African Union, is now struggling with insecurity within its own borders.
Terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, communal clashes, and separatist agitations continue to threaten national stability and investor confidence.
In sports, many Nigerians lament what they describe as a decline in national dominance.
The country once stood tall in African football and athletics, regularly qualifying for major tournaments and producing globally celebrated talents. However, inconsistent performances, poor sports administration, and inadequate investment have affected Nigeria’s competitiveness on the international stage.
Political analysts argue that leadership remains central to the country’s challenges.
They stress that without visionary leadership, institutional reforms, economic diversification, and investment in education, infrastructure, technology, and security, Nigeria may continue to lose ground both regionally and globally.
There are also concerns over corruption, weak institutions, ethnic divisions, and poor policy implementation, all of which critics say have slowed national development despite the country’s vast human and natural resources.
Despite the challenges, many Nigerians believe the country still possesses enormous potential to reclaim its leadership position in Africa. With its large population, entrepreneurial spirit, natural resources, entertainment industry, and youthful workforce, experts insist that Nigeria can still rise again if the right policies and governance structures are put in place.
For now, the question remains: can Nigeria restore its status as the true Giant of Africa, or will the title remain only a memory of past glory?


