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OPINION

Bayelsa 2020: Who The Cap Might Not Fit

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Honourable Henry Seriake Dickson
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By Joshua Ebiegberi

On February 14, 2020, the only Valentine’s Day governor in Nigeria would bid farewell to the Creek Haven seat of power in Bayelsa State. That day, the Honourable Henry Seriake Dickson would have completed eight remarkable years as governor of the most riverine and deltaic state in Nigeria known as the Glory of All Lands.

Without doubt, the towering figure commonly called the Countriman Governor would be leaving not only very big shoes for his successor but also an oversized bowler hat.

Apart from his hugely successful and impactful developmental strides across the state, his oratorical prowess would also be difficult to match.
 

The governor’s zeal and passion to change the narrative about the state has stood him out. Today, Bayelsa’s story is intertwined with that of a man who bestrode the state like a colossus; not only transforming it but equally changing the governance culture. In every facet of the state, the Dickson imprint is indelible. The touch of the Ofurumapepe (the Great White Shark) can be felt even beyond the shores of the Jerusalem of the Ijaw Nation.

On November 16, 2019, Dickson’s successor would be elected, according to the timetable released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The expectation is that his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) would again produce the next occupant of the iconic Governor’s Office he built. This expectation is consistent with the fact that the PDP had won every governorship election in the state since 1999 when the country returned to democratic rule. 

The governor’s sterling performance in office has made it even more difficult for any other political party to think about staging an upset in the November poll. This is regardless of the pretensions of the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirants, namely Chief Timipre Sylva (a former PDP governor of the state), and the immediate past Minister of State for Agriculture, Senator Heineken Lokpobiri. The latter was also a PDP state and federal legislator. 

Already a titanic battle is brewing in the APC over the ambition of both aspirants. Interestingly, the duo, who were appointees of President Muhammadu Buhari, could not attract any significant project to the state throughout the president’s first term of four years. 

So, their ambition has a huge question mark hanging over it. With what are they going to campaign? Some others are asking what Sylva forgot in the Government House that he wants to reclaim when his five years as governor were marked by waste, lack of focus and below par performance.

In any case, the PDP governorship ticket appears more attractive. At the last count, no fewer than 15 individuals are said to have indicated interest to succeed the current occupant. 

The list includes a former Secretary to the State Government (SSG), retired federal Permanent Secretary and envoy, Ambassador Godknows Boladei Igali, a former Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Chief Ndutimi Alaibe, a philanthropist and businessman, Chief Reuben Okoya, the current SSG, Mr. Kemela Okara, a lawyer and the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria governorship candidate in 2012 as well as the Chairman, Bayelsa State Board of Internal Revenue, Dr. Nimibofa Ayawei.

Others are the immediate past Director-General, Nigeria Atomic Energy Commission, Dr. Franklin Osaisai, an oil magnate, Mr. Keniebi Okoko, a former chairman of the state PDP, Deacon James Dugo, Chief Great Joshua Maciver, a retired Permanent Secretary, ex-Director of Protocol and currently chairman of the state Land Use Allocation Committee, Mr. Joseph Akedesuo among others.

Several considerations will determine who eventually picks the single ticket. Chief among which is the input of the governor, who is the undisputed leader of the party in the state. Dickson has a firm and unshakable grip on the party with his influence and significance further boosted as chairman of the PDP Governors Forum. So his preference and support for any aspirant definitely carry a lot of weight.

Interestingly, this also comes with a burden, which he recognises. But he has elected to be a team player. He said he would toe the path of consulting other critical stakeholders in the state and the party, including former President Goodluck Jonathan, who he calls “my elder brother and leader.” 

According to him, the PDP candidate would not be the product of an imposition but rather would emerge through the right process of consensus and consultation.

His words: “I led the party (PDP) to victory against a vicious opposition. I can lead PDP to victory again. I have done it repeatedly.

“In the primary election, there will be no form of manipulation. People talking about manipulation are anticipating that they should be imposed. I am not going to impose any of them. Any of them who feels he has the capacity and experience should make his case before the party and the people of Bayelsa.

“I hope the right person with competence and capacity emerges to build on the foundation my team and I have laid over the past seven years plus. I have no doubt that the right person would emerge with my support.” 

The Jonathan factor is also being touted by those who think the former President can still pull the required strings to get his choice candidate to scale the hurdle. But at the moment, this could be a far-fetched expectation. Feelers within the state PDP indicate that the support and endorsement of the former president alone might no longer carry the expected weight. Jonathan’s taciturnity and aloofness towards affairs of the party in the state has largely whittled down his influence. In recent months, even his loyalty to the PDP and that of his foot soldiers has been called to question.

This insinuation was fuelled by the tacit support for candidates of the APC and the Action Democratic Congress (ADC) by his henchmen during the last general election. Most of his henchmen were said to have engaged in anti-party activities, particularly in his Ogbia local government area. As a consequence, aspirants like Alaibe and even Okoya, who are perceived to be banking on the Jonathan factor, could be left with the short end of the stick.

Another topical but contentious issue is that of the zone that would produce the PDP candidate. The governorship slot has gone round the three senatorial districts at different times in the last 20 years under the PDP. The late Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, an indigene of Amassoma community in Southern Ijaw Local Government Area, took the Bayelsa Central slot as the first elected governor of the state from 1999 to 2005. 

Bayelsa East has been more fortunate to produce two governors. Dr. Jonathan completed Alamieyeseigha’s tenure in 2007 and had picked the governorship ticket to start his own tenure before he was nominated as the late President Umaru Yar’Adua’s running mate and eventually became Vice President. He is from Otuoke community in Ogbia Local Government Area. Sylva (from the same zone), an indigene of Okpoama in Brass Local Government Area, was then handed the PDP ticket and was governor from 2007 to 2012.

Dickson, from Toru-Orua in Sagbama Local Government Area under Bayelsa West, stepped in in February 2012. 

So which zone would be the next beneficiary? Many clamour that the fresh rotation should begin with Bayelsa Central having produced the first civilian governor in Alamieyeseigha but who didn’t complete his tenure. This agitation and expectation has resulted in a high number of aspirants from the zone indicating interest in the PDP ticket.

Two related political events might however scuttle the aspiration of some of the contenders from the zone. On June 6, 2019, Hon. Tonye Isenah was elected Speaker of the sixth session of the Bayelsa House of Assembly. He is a third term member representing Kolokuma/Opokuma Constituency 1. Kolokuma/Opokuma local government area is under the Central Zone.

On February 23, 2019, Douye Diri (then member representing Yenagoa/Kolokuma/Opokuma Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives) was elected senator representing the Central Senatorial District. He also hails from Kolokuma/Opokuma local government area. 

What is significant about these two events is that for the first time in the political history of the state, Kolokuma/Opokuma has produced the speaker of the assembly as well as the senator representing the zone at the same time.

This has however thrown up a fresh dynamics. Would the central zone and particularly Kolokuma/Opokuma still be justified to seek the governorship ticket of the party having produced the speaker and a senator? Would Bayelsa East in particular not feel shortchanged and alienated if the governorship eludes the zone? How would Bayelsa West take the political recalibration despite having the governorship slot for eight years?

Importantly, what happens to the aspiration of the governorship aspirants from the central zone? The case of a serial contender like Alaibe, who is also from Kolokuma/Opokuma council, appears quite instructive. He is believed to have returned to the PDP with his eyes solely fixed on the governorship ticket. Would his aspiration be aborted or would he pursue it on another platform if the PDP door is again shut against him?

A political analyst described the election of Diri and Isenah as the masterstroke of highwire politics. The perceived frontrunners might have lost out even before the real contest began.

Regardless of the permutations, many Bayelsans are of the view that Dickson’s successor should be a focused politician or technocrat with a clear Ijawcentric agenda. The outgoing governor has so far left no one in doubt about his desire to promote the Ijaw culture, tradition and renaissance. He wholly epitomised it in his dress sense, which always stood him out as a proud Ijaw ambassador.

The governorship cap might also not fit those without any business interest or key stake in the state. Bayelsans are tired of mercenary politicians that appear only during election seasons. They beat a fast retreat once they are unable to achieve their aspiration and reappear the next election cycle to hoodwink the people again. Such politicians do not feel the pulse of the people they seek to represent or govern.

In this category are the itinerant politicians who change parties at the drop of a hat. They do not build their parties. Rather they are opportunists. Their singular aim is to occupy the Creek Haven but do not invest in the youths or women in the state.

Bayelsa does not also need anyone who thinks the governorship is his birthright. Such aspirants surreptitiously sponsor media campaigns to run down every sitting administration. If they are not the ones in the saddle, any other person is not good enough.

The man Bayelsa needs must have a clear blueprint on how to develop the state with well-articulated short, medium and long term goals and projection. Somebody who will create the required environment for jobs and positive engagement of the youths. 

Somebody who will further the exceptional legacies of the Dickson administration and not seek to destroy them. A team player and not a wheeler-dealer politician who will mortgage the state’s interest on the altar of personal aggrandisement.

The state no longer needs a governor that does not have a zero-tolerance to violent politics or cultism. Enough of the bloodshed arising from cult and gang rivalries. The streets of Yenagoa must not be allowed to be watered any longer with the blood of the youths whose patrons are politicians. 

*Ebiegberi, a public affairs analyst and political commentator, writes from Yenagoa, Bayelsa State

OPINION

Buhari: Lessons in Leadership and Patriotism

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By Ismail Abdulaziz

On July 13, retired Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, former President of Nigeria, passed away after the mid-day prayers at a London Clinic at the ripe age of 82.Many testimonies about his life and times indicate a man of civility, discipline and patriotism not adding his avowed principle of living a Spartan life and commitment to eradication of corruption.

President Bola Tinubu, paid a glowing tribute.
‘’Buhari was to the very core, a patriot, a soldier, a statesman; his legacy of service and sacrifice endures.“He served Nigeria with unwavering dedication, first as a military leader from January 1984 to August 1985, and later as a democratically elected President from 2015 to 2023; duty, honour, and a deep commitment to the unity and progress of our nation defined his life.
“He stood firm through the most turbulent times, leading with quiet strength, profound integrity, and an unshakable belief in Nigeria’s potential.“He championed discipline in public service, confronted corruption head-on, and placed the country above personal interest at every turn,’’ the president said.Similarly, the revered Islamic scholar, Mufti Ismail Menk, said Buhari was an upright man, who never missed his prayers and a very disciplined believer who served his people to the best of his ability.“His name was synonymous with integrity.“He was definitely one of those who made me develop a much better perception of Nigerians as a people,’’ he said.The U.S. Mission in Nigeria also condoled with Nigeria.“Buhari was a leader whose life was defined by service, discipline, and a commitment to restore integrity to public office.“His legacy includes his efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s democratic institutions,’’ it said.The Chinese embassy in Nigeria also expressed its condolences.‘’We mourn a resolute leader whose unwavering dedication to Nigeria’s unity and progress leaves an enduring legacy.“His pivotal contributions to advancing China-Nigeria relations will forever remain etched in our shared history,’’ it said.Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who was also a former military Head of State like Buhari, said the late president was a comrade, a cool patriot, who as a soldier, played his role.“As an administrator, he played his role as an administrator; as a statesman, he played his role as a statesman.“At a time like this, we need the totality of the experience and what I may call statesmanship of all those who have had opportunities to run the affairs of this country to get us out of the situation we are in; he will be sorely missed; may his soul rest in perfect peace,” Obasanjo said.Tributes have also come in from the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali, Sierra Leone President Julius Maada Bio as well as World Trade Organisation Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala.During his campaign in 2015, something spectacular happened.The masses of Nigeria decided to contribute their widows’ mites for his success.What else can a human want than the general believe in his capacity and ability to lead them to the Promised Land?This singular act was a burden placed on him by the people to rectify the past.Analysts say the history of Nigeria will be replete with the roles Buhari played during his three terms leading the country.First, as a military head of state and subsequently, as a democratically elected president between 2015 and 2023.For history to be kind to him, the testimonies of those around him during his time will shape the final options.As an elder statesman, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida once said: “History will be kind to you for taking a decision, but will never be kind to you for not taking a decision.”Buhari accepted most of the mistakes he took while serving the people as exemplified in one of his statements in the course of his handing over the reign of leadership to President Tinubu.“Whoever thought that there has been some form of injustice on him we are all humans, there is no doubt I hurt some people, and I wish they would pardon me and those who think that I have hurt them, please pardon me.”The man that peacefully handed over power to Buhari, former President Goodluck Jonathan, has some comforting words.‘’He will be remembered as a courageous leader, a disciplined officer, and a committed public servant who made considerable contributions towards the peace and progress of our dear nation.“The late President was deeply admired across the strata of society for his decency, integrity and exemplary life of service.“As a leader, he was selfless in his commitment to his duty and served the country with character and a deep sense of patriotism.‘’In his passing, Nigeria has lost one of its foremost leaders, and I have lost a respected colleague and elder.“His legacy will continue to endure in the hearts of all who value sacrifice, integrity, perseverance and devotion to national ethos,’’ Jonathan said.Buhari was born on Dec. 17, 1942 in Daura, Katsina State to Adamu and Zulaiha Buhari.He was raised by his mother, following the death of his father when he was about four years old; he had his primary school education in Daura and Maidua from 1948 to 1952, before proceeding to Katsina Middle School in 1953.He joined the Nigerian Army in 1961 when he was admitted to the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna.Buhari underwent Officer Cadets training at Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot, England from 1962 to 1963, and was commissioned as Second Lieutenant in January, 1963.He attended the Nigerian Military College, Kaduna for the Platoon Commanders’ Course from 1963-1964Buoyed by a deep sense of patriotism and commitment to national service, Buhari entered politics in 2003, following Nigeria’s return to a democratic dispensation in 1999.Buhari joined the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) and contested the presidential election on its platform that year.He lost to the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Olusegun Obasanjo.Undeterred by defeat, Buhari continued his political struggle, and on Dec. 18, 2006, he emerged as the consensus presidential candidate of the ANPP for the 2007 elections.His main challenger in the April 2007 presidential polls was the ruling PDP candidate, Umaru Yar’Adua.In the election, Buhari officially scored 18 percent of the total votes cast, against 70 percent for Yar’Adua.In March 2010, Buhari left the ANPP and formed, with some of his supporters, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).Buhari was nominated as the CPC presidential candidate on April 16, 2011 for that year’s general election.He ran against the then incumbent, President Jonathan of the ruling PDP, Malam Nuhu Ribadu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Ibrahim Shekarau of the ANPP, and other candidates of smaller parties.Using the platform of the CPC, a newly formed party, Buhari was able to garner 12, 214, 853 votes, coming second to Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party(PDP), who polled 22, 495, 197 votes.In 2015, under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Buhari won the presidential elections of March 28, defeating the incumbent Jonathan of PDP.He was sworn into Office as President, Commander-In Chief of the Armed Forces, and Federal Republic of Nigeria on May 29, 2015.After eight years in office, Buhari ensured a smooth transition process; in May 29, 2023, he handed over power to President Bola Tinubu who was also elected under the platform of APC in the February, 2023 presidential election.(NAN)

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OPINION

Naira Spraying Crackdown: Cultural Policing or Economic Necessity?

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In recent months, Lagos has witnessed a sharp intensification of the crackdown on spraying naira notes at social events, with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission leading enforcement efforts to uphold currency integrity.In April 2025, popular Lagos socialite Emeka Okonkwo, known as E-Money, was arrested for allegedly spraying both naira and US dollars at public gatherings, an act that violates Nigeria’s currency laws.

In the same month, two social media influencers, Tobilola Olamide (TobiNation) and Peter Olaitan (TDollar), were convicted and sentenced to six months imprisonment or a fine for spraying naira notes at a Lagos event, based on viral TikTok videos that triggered EFCC investigations.
These cases underscore the government’s renewed commitment to enforcing the Central Bank Act provisions against currency abuse, amid growing concerns over inflation and economic stability.Beyond Lagos, notable Nigerians have also faced arrest and conviction for spraying naira under the Central Bank Act. Idris Okuneye (Bobrisky) was convicted in April 2024 and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment after his March arrest for spraying at Lagos events.Actress Oluwadarasimi Omoseyin was arrested in February 2023 for spraying and stepping on new naira notes at a wedding in Lagos, receiving a six-month jail term with an option of a fine. A makeup artist, Abdullahi Huseini (Amuscap), was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in Kano for spraying at his wedding. Cubana Chief Priest was also arrested, etc.We praise the EFCC and the government for doing a great job of protecting the integrity of the naira by ensuring that abusers are punished. We wish and pray that the same swiftness and assurance of convictions be visited on other issues, such as political corruption and insecurity.According to a report by Daily Post 2021, Mr Akin Adewale from a first-generation bank said it was good so that money would not be devalued. What the CBN said was that it spent a lot of money printing it, and the cost is passed on to the economy in the long run. He said, “If the money is rough or torn, its life span is reduced, and printing becomes more frequent, which leads to inflation.”Any person who has been in the country since 2021 will know that the devaluation of the Nigerian currency is closely related to inflation.But what about the cultural significance of spraying money among Nigerian communities?To criminalise spraying money without acknowledging its cultural weight risks violating the social rhythms that bind communities together.In Yoruba culture, spraying money is a revered symbol of honour and respect. It is a way to publicly celebrate and support the success and status of loved ones, affirming social bonds and communal pride. For the Igbo, spraying is an expression of joy and solidarity, a ritual that marks milestones and reinforces communal support. Among the Hausa-Fulani, though less common, similar acts of generosity during celebrations symbolise goodwill and social harmony. The same is also true of many other ethnic groups in the country.Beyond mere festivity, spraying money is a powerful social symbol; it represents abundance, generosity, and the collective sharing of fortune. It is a language of respect, a way to uplift individuals while strengthening community ties. To clamp down on this practice without sensitivity is to risk eroding a cherished cultural expression that nurtures social cohesion.No doubt, many countries have laws prohibiting the mutilation or defacement of currency to protect their integrity. Singapore, Sri Lanka, Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada all enforce penalties, ranging from fines to imprisonment, against damaging their money.These regulations reflect a global consensus that currency is both a medium of exchange and a national symbol essential for economic stability. It means Nigeria’s Central Bank Act similarly criminalises currency abuse, including spraying naira notes, to safeguard the naira in line with the value that other nations of the world uphold.By implication, therefore, the culture of enjoying money spraying as a social bonding avenue is an aberration that followed normal political impunity in Nigeria. It’s not really a piece of culture rooted in African cosmology.Political and class dimensions also raise concerns about selective justice and unequal treatment of the elite versus ordinary people. Many countries indeed criminalise the mutilation or defacement of currency to protect its integrity, and Nigeria’s Central Bank Act follows this global practice by outlawing acts like spraying naira notes. However, this raises a deeper question: is criminalising currency abuse more important than implementing policies that genuinely uplift the lives of Nigerians?One must wonder whether the Nigerian government’s crackdown is driven by a sincere commitment to economic reform or simply an attempt to imitate other nations without addressing more pressing issues. It is normal for governments to prioritise certain policies, but if the focus is on enforcing currency laws, then why has there been so little progress in prosecuting terrorists, corrupt officials, or those who steal public funds? Why are governors and government officials rarely held accountable under the law, including the Bank Act?For instance, an online report showed that Thomas Ekpemupolo, known as Tompolo, a former Niger Delta militant leader, was caught in a viral video from his April 54th birthday celebration dancing while N1,000 notes were sprayed and stepped on, actions considered naira abuse under Nigerian law.Following public outcry, the EFCC vowed in May to investigate and hold him accountable, stressing, “Nobody is above the law.” As of late June, there has been no public update on his arrest or arraignment. If the case of the former Niger Delta militant leader could go this way, how about when a governor or senator is seen committing such an offence? Yet the government ought to look into a balanced approach to naira spraying.No one is in support of mutilating the currency, but a balanced approach to the naira spraying crackdown could help preserve cultural heritage while protecting the currency’s integrity. One solution is public education to raise awareness about the legal restrictions and the economic impact of currency mutilation, encouraging celebrants to handle naira notes with care rather than abandoning the tradition altogether.Additionally, regulated practices could be established where spraying is done respectfully and with minimal damage, such as using designated fresh notes or limiting the amount sprayed, distinguishing between cultural honour and currency abuse. This middle ground respects the ritual’s social significance while aligning with legal and economic concerns.Outright bans risk alienating communities and eroding cultural identity, whereas education, innovation, and sensible regulation offer a path to harmonise tradition with the imperative to protect Nigeria’s fragile economy.Most importantly, instead of merely emphasising the sanctity of the naira, Nigeria should strive to uphold the true rule of law, ensuring justice, fighting corruption, and protecting citizens, just as many other countries do. Without this broader commitment, focusing solely on currency integrity risks appearing superficial and disconnected from the urgent needs of the people.Dr Mbamalu, a Jefferson Journalism Fellow, member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors and media consultant, is the publisher of Prime Business Africa

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OPINION

Two Sides of Late Major General Muhammadu Buhari

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The late Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who famously overthrew the government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari, struck like a thunderbolt. His death, announced yesterday, July 13, 2025, shocked the nation, especially as he appeared healthier than when he was elected President of Nigeria in 2015.

In reflecting on his life and legacy, it is essential to compare the two distinct eras of Buhari’s leadership: first as a military ruler and later as a democratically elected president.
As a military president, Buhari was often perceived as a no-nonsense leader who implemented significant reforms that impacted the political, economic, and social landscape of Nigeria. His initiatives included:i. War Against Indiscipline;ii.
Import Substitution Industrialization Policy;iii. Go Back to Land Programme; andiv. Foreign Policy InitiativesThe announcement of his coup triggered panic among second Republic politicians, who went into hiding, fearing the unknown. Their concerns were not unfounded; the brutal orders that followed forced many into detention without trial for extended periods. While these policies are attributed to General Buhari, some believe they were largely orchestrated by General Tunde Idiagbon, his Chief of Staff, a bold and incorruptible officer who played a crucial role in implementing Buhari’s agenda.Ambassador Lawal Rafindadi, the Director General of the National Security Organization (NSO), also significantly influenced Buhari’s policies. Under his leadership, the NSO detained numerous Nigerians and a few foreigners without trial, while also investigating high-profile corruption cases, including that of Umaru Dikko.Buhari’s name incited a mix of fear and admiration among Nigerians; while his policies benefitted many, they caused distress for others. There is a prevailing belief that Idiagbon and Rafindadi were the true engines of governance during Buhari’s regime. His subsequent overthrow by General Ibrahim Babangida and the ensuing years of incarceration were reminiscent of the betrayal faced by Julius Caesar.When Buhari returned to power as the elected president in 2015, many Nigerians expressed hope that he would revive the transformative policies of his military rule. However, the reality was starkly different; the economy continued to plummet, corruption surged, and social cohesion deteriorated.This raises the question: Were the key figures who had previously supported Buhari—such as Tunde Idiagbon and Lawal Rafindadi—absent during his second tenure? Observing Nigeria’s political and economic landscape at the time, one might conclude that the nation had made progress in governance compared to Buhari’s first administration. Yet, familiar advisers from his earlier days remained influential, including figures like Malam Maman Daura, the late Mamud Tukur, Alhaji Magaji Danbatta, Professor Ango Abdullahi, and General Aliyu Gusau.Some critics have suggested that Buhari’s second coming could be summed up by the adage “once bitten, twice shy.” Rumor has it he confided to close friends that, in his youth, his aspirations to save Nigeria were thwarted; thus, he was unwilling to dedicate his later years to a country that had not recognized his contributions.Despite this backdrop, Buhari’s integrity remained intact. He personally rejected corruption; however, it appeared he overlooked the corrupt practices of those around him. His presence will be missed as a Nigerian statesman capable of fostering stability in various regions. His immediate family and allies will mourn his passing, as will many Nigerians who knew him well.As we ponder Buhari’s legacy, it remains unclear how history will ultimately judge him. Will he be remembered with fondness or skepticism? Only time will tell, as historians analyze his contributions and their impact on Nigeria.Simon Shango MFR writes from Abuja

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