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Electronic Transmission of Results not same as e-Voting – Senate

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By Eze Okechukwu, Abuja

The Senate has cleared the air on real time electronic transmission of results, clarifying that the technology does not translate to e-voting as believed in some quarters, stressing that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) lacks the capacity to conduct e-voting at present.

According to the Senate, INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) “is not an e-voting platform, but a platform when the election results that have been manually counted and declared at the polling units are uploaded and publicised.

The Chairman, Senate Ad-hoc Panel Review of the 2026 Electoral Bill, Senator Adeniyi Adegbonmire who made the clarifications on Arise News Channel yesterday, explained the difference between the electronic transmission of election results in real time and e-voting system.

Recall the senate had constituted the adhoc panel to review the report of its Committee on Electoral Matters; harmonise divergent views and address grey areas identified during the exercise. The exercise led to the appointment of Adegbonmire to lead the 7-man panel.

 “People need to understand what real-time means. Real-time transmission can only happen if the INEC adopts an e-voting system. For now, INEC does not have the capability for e-voting. Maybe in two or three years, we can adopt e-voting. But as of today, INEC has not put an e-voting system in place.”

“This is the misconception that the media has brought into play. The provision you keep emphasising says the presiding officer will first fill the result manually in Form EC8A. It is the Form EC8A that has been filled manually and will be transmitted to IReV. If we change ‘transmit’ to ‘upload’ in the Electoral Bill, 2026, will it change anything? The answer is No.

Adegbonmire, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and Chairman, Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters further explained the misconception about IReV, maintaining that IReV “is not a voting platform but a platform meant to publicise election results already declared by the presiding officers at polling units across the federation.

“It is important, first of all, to understand what IReV does because there is a lot of misconception about it or deliberate misrepresentation of what it stands for. The Senate never said INEC should not use IReV for the 2027 elections. So, what is IReV? It is software developed by INEC to publicise results by INEC.

“IReV is not an e-voting platform as some people think. This is the misinformation some people are peddling. They keep saying when I want to see my vote. But in reality, IReV is a platform meant to publicise election results already declared at the polling units.

“This is not an emotional argument. I heard people say the version of the House of Representatives should be adopted. It is a sheer misconception. What does the version say? It simply says the presiding officer shall electronically transmit the result from each polling unit to the IReV portal in real time and such transmission shall be done after Form EC8A has been signed by the presiding officer and countersigned by the candidate or polling agent at the polling unit.”

He also explained that IReV, as an electronic platform to display election results, had “a pattern of working, and the National Assembly cannot change the software by mere legislation. It was a sheer misconception to conclude that the Senate declined the use of IReV for the transmission of election results.”

“Whether we call it upload, transfer, or transmission, as far as it says IReV must be used, it will be used in the manner it was configured. That is the point I am making. You must first manually write out the figure. After you have written out the figure at the polling unit, then you can upload, transfer or transmit depending on the nomenclature we want to use.

 “When you have not complied with the proper filling of Form EC8A, you cannot transfer, transmit or upload it. That is what people must understand. When you talk about transmission, it has nothing to do with the sanctity of the voting process. If you are given ballot paper to thumb print, it is counted manually after the election. It is not IReV or BVAS that count ballots. Vote count is manually done.

“In my own case, for instance, I come from Akure. I vote in Akure. All the electoral materials are brought into Akure two to three days before the election. They are kept in the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The night before, they start transporting them to different locations across the state. In Ondo State, there are places where one has to travel for eight hours to get there. In some cases, they have to use boats to get to the riverine areas.

“This means voting cannot start at the time nationwide. In Akure, voting can start at 10:00 a.m. In other parts of the state, voting may not start until 2:00 p.m., even some at 4:00 p.m. in some cases. Most likely, they will finish the vote count by 10:00 p.m.

“In Akure, for instance, the presiding officers will upload election results at polling units at 4:00 p.m. because voting is concluded as scheduled. In Arugbo Ijaw, however, voting kicks off at 4:00 p.m. This is the reality in the country, and we must take it into consideration in our reforms. The truth of the matter is that you are not going to see how you voted on the IReV because it is not an e-voting platform

“What the Senate has done is that we do not want a situation in which somebody will come and say this man ought to have uploaded this result at 2:00 p.m. You and I know that it is not every time you put something on the Internet that will go through freely. If we are not careful, the smallest thing will spark an issue.

“If somebody said the election result was declared at 2:00 p.m, how did you put it on IReV at 7:00 p.m.? They will simply assume that the election results must have been rigged. The media need to be careful how you report all these issues.”

POLITICS

ENSIEC Fixes 2026 Council Election Timetable Sept 26

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 From Sylvia Udegbunam, Enugu

The Enugu State Independent Electoral Commission (ENSIEC) have released a revised timetable for the 2026 local government elections.

ENSIEC Chairman, Prof. Christian Ngwu, presented the updated schedule to journalists in Enugu.

Ngwu said the framework outlines activities leading to elections on Sept.

 26 and re-run polls on Oct.
10.

He explained the adjustments followed the repeal of the Electoral Act 2022 and enactment of the Electoral Act 2026.

 “The revised timetable aligns with the new law and other relevant statutes guiding elections in the state,” he said.

He recalled ENSIEC earlier issued a notice on Aug. 20, 2025 alongside an initial timetable.

According to him, party primaries will be held from Jan. 23 to May 26.

“Campaigns will begin on April 29 and end on Sept. 25, 24 hours before polling,” Ngwu added.

He said submission of nomination forms closes on May 29, while candidates’ particulars will be published on June 19.

“The final list of candidates will be released on July 27,” he stated.

Ngwu added that submission of polling agents ends on Aug. 31, while the official notice of poll comes on Sept. 11.

He confirmed elections will be held on Sept. 26, with voting from 8:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. using the open secret ballot system.

 “In case of inconclusive results, re-run elections will be conducted on Oct. 10,” he said.

Ngwu stressed the timetable was issued under the commission’s constitutional mandate and in compliance with the Electoral Act 2026.

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POLITICS

Nigeria’s Democracy Must Thrive, Obasanjo, Jonathan Declare

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By David Torough, Abuja

Former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan have issued a strong call for national unity, institutional reforms, and economic transformation, warning that Nigeria’s future depends on collective responsibility and a democracy that delivers tangible results.

Both leaders, who spoke at separate high-level engagements on Thursday, converged on a common message: Nigeria stands at a critical crossroads and requires urgent, coordinated action from citizens, leaders, and institutions.

At the 6th Annual Colloquium marking the 65th birthday of Itua Ighodalo, Obasanjo stressed that no external force would fix Nigeria’s problems unless Nigerians themselves unite across divides.

Represented by Prof. Adedeji Daramola, he emphasised that nation-building is a shared duty requiring contributions from all segments of society.

“Until we come together to work and fix Nigeria, nobody will fix it for us,” Obasanjo declared, urging citizens—from grassroots traders to political elites—to take ownership of the country’s development.

He highlighted the importance of youth inclusion, describing young people as central to Nigeria’s future, and called for greater investment in technology and innovation to harness the country’s demographic advantage.

Echoing reformist sentiments, economist Eghosa Osagie advocated for increased local production, while Opeyemi Adamolekun of Enough is Enough Nigeria criticised the commercialization of politics. Technology investor Iyinoluwa Aboyeji pointed to infrastructural imbalances, noting that digital connectivity remains heavily concentrated in Lagos.

Meanwhile, at a policy convening in Abuja organised by the Goodluck Jonathan Foundation, Jonathan underscored the need to align democracy with economic growth to ensure its sustainability.

He warned that democracy, both globally and in Nigeria, faces increasing pressure from economic hardship, insecurity, and declining public trust. According to him, elections alone are insufficient without transparent institutions and policies that foster innovation and enterprise.

Jonathan raised concerns about governance effectiveness, comparing Nigeria’s democratic system with alternative models in countries like China and the United Arab Emirates, where structured leadership selection and economic progress have been notable.

Despite this, he maintained that freedom and justice remain democracy’s defining strengths, cautioning that any system that fails to uphold these values loses its legitimacy.

“Our democracy has endured, but endurance alone is not enough,” Jonathan said, stressing that economic performance is key to sustaining public confidence.

Both leaders agreed that Nigeria must not choose between democracy and development but instead ensure that both reinforce each other. They urged policymakers, civil society, and the private sector to act decisively in bridging governance gaps and delivering inclusive growth.

The convergence of views from the two former presidents reflects a growing consensus among stakeholders that Nigeria’s progress hinges on unity, accountable leadership, youth empowerment, and a democratic system capable of improving the lives of its citizens.

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POLITICS

Obi, Tinubu, Atiku: Who Gets Inaugurated as Nigeria’s President in 2027?

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By Uzoma Ahamefule

If Obi emerges as the presidential candidate for the ADC, the battle for Aso Rock in 2027 will be fundamentally altered, with up to 50 per cent of the advantage slipping from Tinubu’s grasp.

In light of the weight of existing evidence when subjected to objective analysis, the prospect of Tinubu winning a free, fair and credible presidential election in 2027 is exceedingly unlikely

If Atiku were to become the ADC’s presidential candidate, the passionate, citizen-driven momentum currently building nationwide, fuelled by “Obidient” volunteers willing to invest their own resources without expectation, would significantly wane.

This would mark a departure from the Labour Party phenomenon of 2023. This erosion of enthusiasm would diminish the ADC’s competitive advantage against the ruling APC and effectively strengthen Tinubu’s position.

History is a cold sovereign, indifferent to the pleas of the powerful and the pride of the partisan. It has no allies to protect or enemies to spite. It moves only by the relentless engine of facts that remain immune to influence because it lacks the human capacity for favouritism. One must acknowledge this reality of history, and accept the stark choice or be consumed by its weight.

“Terrorists and bandits have continued to issue threats, maim and kill, expand their territories and collect taxes in sovereign land. How long will Nigerians continue to live in this state of fear and hopelessness?”

In retrospect, the strategic misstep of the PDP in 2023 was the foundational tragedy that precipitated today’s systemic collapse and the current national catastrophe. History teaches us that repeating the same mistakes without reform is a recipe for stagnation. Persisting in the same failed patterns year after year yet expecting a different outcome defies political logic and the basic tenets of human progress.

ADC members must understand this clearly, put their feelings aside, and face reality. Peter Obi is the one beacon of hope for those seeking an alternative to the current situation, and overlooking his potential would lead to certain defeat. Nigerians cannot afford another era of political vanity and must unite behind the most acceptable option, or face the harsh consequences of their own irrelevance – a tragedy of choice, not fate.

History will not be kind to the ADC if it repeats the same mistake as the PDP in 2023. That decision has now been etched into history as a profound mistake. It serves as a reminder that when political structures ignore the will of the people, the resulting stagnation is a burden shared by all citizens. History beckons, 2027 offers another chance for Nigerians to change this narrative that has long been defined by lamentation and regret. If Peter Obi were to secure the ADC presidential nomination for 2027, it would instantly shift the political landscape, stripping the APC of half its incumbency advantage before a single vote has been cast.

“Based on verifiable evidence and objective analysis, in a free, fair and credible election President Tinubu would not win the 2027 presidential election.”

However, for the ADC and Obi, the real challenge will be not just winning the votes and hearts of Nigerians, but also standing resolute against thuggery and manipulation to ensure the will of the people is respected. Appeal to the hearts of Nigerians is only half of the competitive process. The rest involves confronting electoral fraud, battling the weaponization of state apparatus, stopping ballot snatching and result swapping, preventing the use of fake security forces, stopping the mutilation of result sheets and ensuring that manufactured data intended to override the public will is not announced. None of these issues can be solved with manifestos and good speeches alone. Without achieving total victory over these forces, the pain of the Nigerian people will only be amplified for another four years.

In 2003, Atiku Abubakar’s influence in Nigerian politics was considered so significant that President Obasanjo was said to have personally appealed to him for support in his bid for a second term. As was widely reported at the time, had Atiku chosen to contest the PDP presidential primary, many believed that he had the necessary political machinery and delegate loyalty to defeat Obasanjo. In spite of that, he decided against it in the belief that Obasanjo would support his presidential bid after his second term. However, the middle of Obasanjo’s second term was marred by political turmoil surrounding the allegedly unsuccessful “Third Term” agenda.

Whatever may have happened, Obasanjo had his reasons for not supporting Atiku’s bid for the Nigerian presidency in 2007. Atiku felt betrayed because Obasanjo did not reciprocate his support when the opportunity arose. To this day, the two men are political enemies.

Atiku, Nigeria’s former Vice President still remains one of the most formidable figures in the country’s political landscape. Despite pursuing the highest office in the land on several occasions, the presidency has frustratingly continued to elude him. It is difficult to ascertain whether this persistent outcome reflects a cruel twist of fate, misaligned political timing, or the complex dynamics of power itself. The reason remains open to interpretations.

In keeping with the timeless maxim, one must give to Caesar what is rightfully his. Atiku is a very strong political opponent. His wealth of experience and loyal supporters have long established him as a formidable force, and a challenger of undeniable weight. However, despite his stature, the current momentum has eclipsed the viability of his candidacy. At this stage, any attempt he makes to emerge as the ADC flag bearer would be a trial-and-error gamble. Instead, party members should see themselves as engaged in a national rescue mission with Obi at the forefront, while encouraging Atiku to play the role of a statesmanlike kingmaker in support of his candidacy. Ultimately, they would all be winners. A holistic assessment suggests that any deviation would risk plunging the country into yet another collective disaster.

If this advice is not followed and Atiku secures the ADC’s presidential nomination, the fervent grassroots support that the “Obidient Movement” has organically mobilised across Nigeria – characterised by personal sacrifice and self-funding, as was evident during the Labour Party’s surge in popularity in 2023 – would likely dissipate. Such a decline would prove disadvantageous against an entrenched ruling party like the APC, and his emergence could ultimately strengthen the position of the APC and Tinubu.

ADC members have accused the APC of orchestrating moves to exclude them from the electoral process in 2027. Despite a wave of gubernatorial defections to the APC, anxiety within the party about the ADC’s involvement in the 2027 presidential race remains persistent.

Some political pundits and opposition figures have criticized the governors who defected to the APC, citing underperformance in office. Available evidence suggests that these defections are less an endorsement of the party’s achievements and more a reflection of self-interest and political expediency. Many of these governors now appear primarily focused on securing second terms or positioning themselves for Senate seats as their tenures draw to a close. Because they performed poorly, they lack the confidence in their ability to win in a credible electoral process, thus they seek refuge in APC. Their calculation is clear, by supporting President Tinubu they erroneously believe that they can leverage access to federal power to secure their ambitions, disregarding the democratic will of Nigerians in the process.

Mounting developments have left Nigerians increasingly frustrated and dissatisfied with the APC administration’s failure to honour its electoral pledges. Based on verifiable evidence and objective analysis, in a free, fair and credible election President Tinubu would not win the 2027 presidential election.

President Tinubu promised Nigerians a steady supply of electricity, and said that if he failed to deliver on this promise during his first term, Nigerians should not vote for him again. He removed the fuel subsidy, which caused great hardship, but Nigerians never saw the impact of its removal or where the money went. He has continued to borrow money, resulting in Nigeria’s foreign debt reaching embarrassing levels, and there have been no visible achievements commensurate with the amount borrowed.

In terms of security, Nigeria is currently experiencing its worst period. Presently, some villages in Kwara State have been forced to flee their ancestral homes due to terrorist and bandit activities. Many states in the northern part have been in similar or worse situation since the time of the late Buhari administration. The news from other parts of the country is not pleasant. Terrorists and bandits have continued to issue threats, maim and kill, expand their territories and collect taxes in a sovereign land. How long will Nigerians continue to live in this state of fear and hopelessness?

In this glaring evidence, how can anyone with integrity and honour start campaigning for a vote for the APC and President Tinubu in the name of connecting to the centre? Most people have indeed sold their conscience for money and recognition.

Conclusion

If you sell your dog and buy a monkey, you still have something that squats in your house.

If Obi is not the flag bearer of the ADC for the 2027 presidential election, then President Tinubu’s inauguration in May 2027 will be guaranteed with little difficulty.

Please note this warning, if Obi, Atiku, Kwakwanso or Amaechi etc. were to leave the ADC at this critical moment for whatever reason, none of them would become Nigeria’s president in 2027, regardless of the party they join. This is because, in effect, they would have inadvertently paved the way for President Tinubu. Consequently, what the opposition requires is not fragmentation, but cohesion. This is non-negotiable in the face of formidable power, since the ultimate battle is not just to secure votes, but also to protect them from manipulation and electoral malpractice. Imperatively, they must remain united, drawing on experience and exercising wisdom to balance disagreement with consensus. Sound judgement is essential at every step – otherwise, the pursuit of 2027 will prove to be yet another illusion.

Uzoma Ahamefule, a concerned patriotic citizen and a refined African traditionalist, writes from Vienna, Austria. uzomaah@yahoo.com. +436607369050 (Please messages only)

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