OPINION
Fuel Price Discount and Monetary Policy Recalibration: Communicating Policy Change Without Undermining Reform Credibility
By Uche Joe Uwaleke
Economic reforms are rarely judged solely by their immediate outcomes. They are also assessed by the consistency of the policies that underpin them, the credibility of the institutions responsible for their implementation and, perhaps most importantly, the signals that governments send to investors, businesses, households and the international community.
In an economy such as Nigeria’s, where years of macroeconomic distortions have necessitated difficult but unavoidable policy adjustments, the language used by policymakers to explain their decisions can be almost as consequential as the decisions themselves. This explains why the Federal Government and the Central Bank of Nigeria must be deliberate in communicating recent policy actions that, although intended to alleviate economic pressures, could otherwise be misconstrued as a retreat from the reform agenda.
The September 2026 meeting of the CBN’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC), at which the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) was reduced to 23 percent, provides a compelling illustration of this challenge. The reduction, which represents a significant shift in the monetary policy stance, was accompanied by an explanation that the decision should not be interpreted as monetary policy easing but rather as a recalibration intended to bring the policy rate closer to prevailing market realities.
The distinction is crucial not least because a conventional interpretation of a reduction in the policy rate is that the monetary authorities are easing financial conditions to stimulate borrowing, investment and economic activity. By describing the decision as a recalibration, the CBN sought to communicate that the adjustment should be understood within the broader framework of its continuing commitment to price stability and macroeconomic discipline, rather than as evidence of abandonment of the restrictive monetary stance adopted to combat inflation.
There is, of course, an economic dimension to the decision that cannot be ignored. Nigeria’s elevated interest rates have imposed substantial costs on businesses, constrained private-sector investment and made access to credit particularly difficult for small and medium-sized enterprises. A reduction in the MPR can, over time, contribute to lowering borrowing costs, improving credit conditions and supporting productive economic activity. In that sense, the decision has implications for growth and investment that go beyond a technical adjustment to the monetary policy framework. Yet, given the importance of expectations in monetary policy, the CBN has good reason to avoid allowing a reduction in the benchmark rate to be interpreted as an unconditional declaration of victory over inflation or an invitation to resume the kind of monetary expansion that could undermine the progress already achieved.
The challenge for the CBN is therefore to communicate a delicate balance between maintaining the credibility of its anti-inflationary commitment and acknowledging that monetary policy must respond to changing economic conditions. The language of recalibration helps to convey that balance. It suggests an adjustment within an established policy framework rather than a reversal of direction. This is particularly important because the effectiveness of monetary policy depends not only on the level of interest rates but also on the expectations of investors, consumers and financial institutions regarding the future course of policy. If market participants conclude that the CBN is abandoning its commitment to price stability, the resulting change in expectations could weaken the effectiveness of the policy framework, even before any measurable deterioration in inflation occurs.
A similar consideration underlies the Federal Government’s recent announcement of a temporary fuel price discount for commercial vehicles through the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), in response to the rising cost of petrol and the consequent increases in transport fares. Under the arrangement, NNPCL is expected to sell fuel to eligible commercial vehicle operators at cost price, effectively surrendering its margin on the relevant sales.
The Government has been careful to insist that the initiative should not be interpreted as a return to fuel subsidy, which it abolished in May 2023. The removal of the subsidy represented a major departure from a longstanding system of government intervention that imposed substantial fiscal costs, encouraged market distortions and created opportunities for arbitrage and smuggling.
Reintroducing a general fuel subsidy, even under the pressure of legitimate public demands for relief, could raise difficult questions about the durability of that reform. By presenting the new initiative as a targeted discount rather than a restoration of subsidy, the Government seeks to distinguish temporary, narrowly defined relief from a return to the previous system of broad-based price support. The distinction will, however, be credible only if the design, financing, eligibility criteria and implementation of the arrangement are consistent with the explanation being offered.
It would be unfair to suggest that every adjustment to a reform programme constitutes a retreat from reform. Sound economic management requires governments to respond to changing circumstances, correct unintended consequences and protect vulnerable groups against excessive hardship. Reforms are not ends in themselves; their ultimate purpose is to create a more stable, productive and prosperous economy. A monetary authority that refuses to adjust interest rates when economic conditions warrant it would be no more prudent than a government that insists on allowing every increase in transport costs to fall entirely on households, irrespective of the social consequences. The relevant question is not whether policy adjustments are permissible, but whether they are well designed, economically justified, transparent and consistent with the long-term objectives of reform.
This distinction is particularly vital at a time when Nigeria’s economic policy direction is receiving renewed attention from international financial institutions and credit-rating agencies. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and global rating agencies have acknowledged the significance of Nigeria’s macroeconomic reforms, including exchange-rate unification, tighter monetary policy and the removal of the petrol subsidy. Fitch Ratings’ recent favourable assessment of Nigeria has also contributed to the wider discussion about the country’s reform trajectory and improving investor confidence.
Such assessments should not be interpreted as a declaration that Nigeria’s economic challenges have been resolved. Inflationary pressures, the high cost of living, elevated financing costs, exchange-rate vulnerabilities and the constraints facing domestic production remain substantial concerns. Nevertheless, positive assessments matter because they influence how international investors, lenders and development partners evaluate Nigeria’s policy credibility and economic prospects.
For an economy that needs substantial domestic and foreign investment to expand productive capacity, create employment and improve living standards, credibility is an economic asset. Investors are more likely to commit capital when they believe that policy decisions are guided by a coherent framework rather than short-term political expediency. They need reasonable assurance that difficult reforms will not be abandoned and that changes in policy will be supported by clear economic reasoning. The confidence generated by reform is therefore not merely a public-relations achievement; it can affect investment decisions, financing conditions and the economy’s ability to attract the capital needed for sustainable growth.
This is why the manner in which recent policy decisions are communicated matters. The CBN’s description of its interest-rate reduction as a recalibration and the Federal Government’s insistence that the fuel discount does not constitute a return to subsidy can be understood as efforts to preserve continuity in the narrative surrounding Nigeria’s reforms.
The proposed fuel discount deserves particular scrutiny because the coexistence of discounted NNPCL sales and market-determined prices at independent filling stations creates conditions that could undermine the programme if implementation is not carefully managed. Price discrimination, in the economic sense, occurs when different buyers are charged different prices for the same or substantially similar product under specified conditions. Such an arrangement can be justified where the beneficiaries are clearly identifiable, the price differential serves a defined public purpose and the seller can prevent those purchasing at the lower price from reselling the product to those who would otherwise pay the higher market price. Without these conditions, a targeted discount can quickly become an opportunity for arbitrage rather than an effective instrument of social protection.
The central risk is that commercial vehicle operators may have an incentive to purchase discounted petrol at NNPCL stations and divert some or all of it to other vehicle owners at prices above the discounted rate. Where the difference between the NNPCL price and the prevailing market price is substantial, the potential gain from resale could become attractive enough to distort the intended pattern of consumption. The beneficiary may find it more profitable to resell discounted fuel than to use it for the commercial transport service for which the discount was designed.
In such circumstances, the Government would be incurring the economic cost of the foregone NNPCL margin without ensuring that the benefit reaches passengers through lower fares. The programme could then become an indirect transfer to intermediaries and opportunistic traders rather than a meaningful intervention in transport costs.
Preventing this outcome requires the Government to design the programme around the realities of Nigeria’s fuel distribution system and the incentives facing market participants. Eligibility must be established through a reliable, verifiable mechanism that identifies legitimate commercial vehicles and distinguishes them from private vehicles and other ineligible users.
Registration should be linked, as far as practicable, to vehicle identification, number plates and the relevant transport or operating permits. A digital verification system could help NNPCL filling stations confirm eligibility at the point of sale and record the quantity purchased against each registered vehicle. The system should also be designed to prevent the same vehicle from obtaining repeated discounted allocations beyond reasonable limits within a specified period.
The discount should be tied to actual fuel consumption for commercial transport rather than treated as an unrestricted entitlement to purchase cheap petrol. Reasonable quantity limits, calibrated to vehicle type and expected operating requirements, would help reduce the risk of bulk purchases and diversion. The details would need to reflect the practical realities of public transport operations, including the needs of buses, taxis and other qualifying commercial vehicles, without creating an unnecessarily cumbersome process that excludes legitimate beneficiaries.
Equally important is the need for effective monitoring and enforcement. NNPCL must be able to account for the volume of discounted fuel supplied, the identity of the beneficiaries and the extent to which the programme is reaching its intended users. The government should conduct regular audits, investigate unusual purchase patterns and impose proportionate penalties for diversion or fraudulent claims. There must also be a clear channel for the public and transport operators to report abuse.
The Government must also consider the geographical distribution of NNPCL filling stations relative to the locations where commercial vehicles operate. If eligible operators must travel considerable distances to obtain discounted fuel, the additional time, fuel consumption and operating costs could erode the benefit of the discount. It could also create congestion at participating stations and provide opportunities for informal resale.
It goes without saying that a programme that reduces the price of petrol at selected locations but imposes significant additional costs on beneficiaries may achieve far less than its headline price suggests. The availability of discounted fuel must therefore be assessed against the actual transport routes, refuelling patterns and operating requirements of the intended beneficiaries.
Another critical issue is the relationship between the discount and transport fares. A reduction in the input cost of commercial transport does not automatically translate into lower fares for passengers. Operators may face other cost pressures, including vehicle maintenance, spare parts, tyres, insurance and financing costs. They may also be reluctant to reduce fares given that the discount is expected to be temporary.
The Government should therefore establish a clear and credible framework for measuring whether the intervention is producing the intended relief, taking account of the different types of commercial transport and the routes on which they operate. Engagement with transport unions, fleet operators and passenger representatives can help establish reasonable expectations, while monitoring prevailing fares before and during implementation can reveal whether the benefits are being passed through to passengers.
The possibility of supply distortions also deserves attention. If discounted fuel is available only at NNPCL stations while independent marketers continue to sell at market-determined prices, demand may become concentrated at participating stations. Long queues, stockouts and delays could increase the effective cost of obtaining the discounted product. Meanwhile, some customers may be tempted to buy at the discounted price and resell elsewhere, particularly where independent marketers’ prices remain higher. These developments could create shortages at participating stations without reducing the overall cost of transport by a corresponding amount. NNPCL will therefore need adequate supply planning, clear procedures for prioritizing eligible commercial vehicles and safeguards against the diversion of discounted stock.
The Government should also be transparent about the fiscal and commercial implications of the arrangement. Selling at cost price and foregoing a commercial margin may not be identical to a conventional budget-funded subsidy, but the intervention still has an economic cost. The foregone margin represents revenue that NNPCL would otherwise have earned, and the opportunity cost should be acknowledged in assessing the programme. The Federal Government should specify the criteria for reviewing it and the circumstances under which it will be modified. Without such clarity, a measure introduced as temporary relief could become an indefinite commitment, gradually weakening the distinction the Government is seeking to preserve between targeted assistance and the former subsidy regime.
All said, Nigeria’s economic reform agenda must be judged by its capacity to restore stability while creating the conditions for inclusive growth. Monetary discipline, exchange-rate reform and the removal of unsustainable subsidies are not valuable simply because they attract favourable assessments from international institutions or rating agencies. Their real justification lies in the prospect of a more efficient economy, a stronger fiscal position, better investment conditions and more sustainable opportunities for employment and production.
But these reforms cannot be sustained indefinitely without attention to the hardship they impose during the adjustment period. The Government must therefore find ways to cushion the most damaging effects of economic change without undermining the incentives, price signals and fiscal discipline that the reforms are intended to establish.
Undoubtedly, Nigeria has invested considerable economic capital in reversing long-standing policy distortions. Preserving the credibility of that effort requires the government to explain adjustments carefully, implement them consistently and demonstrate that short-term relief is compatible with long-term reform. The real challenge is to ensure that the language of policy is matched by the substance of policy, and that every adjustment strengthens rather than weakens confidence in Nigeria’s economic future.
Prof Uche Uwaleke is the Director of the Nasarawa State University Institute of Capital Market Studies and President of the Capital Market Academics of Nigeria
By Uddin Ifeanyi
I am not an accountant, so my opinion on the NNPCL’s recently released 2025 annual financial report is a qualified one. It matters, therefore, that PwC, the audit and assurance firm which signed off on the report, has no doubt that it represents a true and fair view of the corporation’s performance under the country’s reporting standards.
Far more comforting was my former colleague’s response to the report’s release: “Wonderful! While I was working in the bank, as the Corporate Banking Group’s relationship manager for the NNPC, the ‘most recent’ financials we had was about 15 years old”.
That was some 15 years ago. In terms of accountability and public disclosure, then, Nigeria’s most important corporation over the last 49 years is making steady progress.That said, significant parts of the picture of a profitable company undergirded by improving production, which the report tries so convincingly to take, are out of focus. It is a fair argument that the report’s headline profit growth figure appears to overstate the improvement in the corporation’s underlying trading performance. Why this blur? The NNPC Group’s net profit rose by about 33 per cent to ₦7.2 trillion last year, despite a 23 per cent drop in revenue from ₦45.1 trillion in 2024, to ₦34.5 trillion last year.
Gross profit was down by equivalent percentage points to ₦9.4 trillion in the same period. While two different lines, a ₦5 trillion rise in other income, and a ₦1 trillion fall in general and administrative expenses, explain this seeming contradiction, the resulting problem is not that the increase in the corporation’s profit last year did not come from increased sales or gross profits. It is instead included in the answer to the question, “How repeatable will the ‘other income’ performance be in future accounting periods?”
The corporation’s balance sheet is a smorgasbord of paints off a similarly nuanced canvas. With a current ratio of about 0.85, the NNPCL’s short-term assets (₦28.1 trillion) do not quite make up for its short-term liabilities (₦33.2 trillion). With the right timing, depending on the nature of its account payables, and the makeup of its receivables, the corporation ought to be able to easily meet its obligations. This balance sheet structure has one other purpose: it helps make sense of the corporation’s cash pressure.
The group’s cash balance was down from ₦10.3 trillion in 2024 to ₦6.4 trillion by financial year end 2025. This, despite an increase in cash generated from operations to ₦12.9 trillion in 2025 from ₦11.0 trillion the previous year. Trade and other receivables fell from the ₦31.4 trillion at which it printed in 2024, but even at ₦19.7 trillion, last year, it remained substantial.
On the upside, there is plentiful evidence of a production recovery. Still the chorus of “Hallelujahs” are pressed in on two sides by the narrative section of the report’s claim of average crude and condensate production of 1.77 million barrels per day – a five-year high, and the financial highlights’ listing of 565.8 million barrels of crude oil production. On the face of it, annualised, the latter number translates into about 1.55 million barrels per day of production.
My guess is that these two figures address different scopes — i.e. national production as against the NNPCL’s own or equity production. Any which way, the report could have helped make this reconciliation easier. Equal levels of clarity could have been facilitated by tying natural gas production directly to segment revenue, investment returns, and cash generation.
Overall, the NNPCL report indicates considerable operating progress. Operating cash generation is especially impressive. Nonetheless, the dip in revenue and gross profit, the facts that profit growth is almost entirely the result of large other income performance, and that current liabilities swamp current assets, make the headline profit an incomplete gauge of the organisation’s financial strength.
For more than a decade now, the dominant presence in the room when the NNPC’s accounts are discussed is the extent of outgoings on the subsidy for the pump-gate price of petrol. And this is the main reason I paid this much attention to the corporation’s annual report for last year – to see how far the corporation’s numbers corroborate the federal government’s insistence that it has removed the subsidy completely.
How do the numbers stack up? The corporation’s financial statements continue to use categories such as “energy security” and “under-recovery.” These are not exactly identical terms. Energy security expenses may include more than petrol price support.
Interestingly, the NNPCL’s financial statement for 2024 reports ₦8.67 trillion as an “under-recovery” balance. Other coverage in the 2025 statement describes ₦8.67 trillion as a “federation receivable.” Both labels and reporting periods are not interchangeable, but if either means that the corporation continues to cover a gap between petrol’s supply cost and a managed selling price, and records the amount as recoverable from the federation, the economic burden from the fuel subsidy has not disappeared. It has simply been absorbed by the NNPCL or the federation, rather than fully passed on to consumers.
Uddin Ifeanyi, a journalist manqué and retired civil servant, can be reached @IfeanyiUddin.
By Mark Longyen
West Africa’s climate crisis is becoming harder to separate from the region’s familiar struggles with poverty, displacement, food insecurity, resource competition and violent conflict.
That convergence framed the ECOWAS Parliament’s Second 2026 Extraordinary Session and Second Parliamentary Seminar in Accra, Ghana.
It was themed “Climate Change as a Driver of Environmental Degradation, Population Displacement and Growing Insecurity in the ECOWAS Region.
”Beyond the speeches and warnings, the week-long meeting posed a harder question: can ECOWAS convert long standing climate commitments into funded, coordinated and measurable action?
The Parliament’s adopted resolutions offered one answer, urging ECOWAS leaders to consider establishing a regional fund dedicated to climate resilience and human security.
The lawmakers also called for climate resilience to be integrated into national budgets, development plans, land-use policies, conflict-prevention mechanisms and disaster-risk reduction strategies.
They further called for the ECOWAS Commission to develop a five-year implementation roadmap for translating the recommendations into practical measures.
These proposals attempt to move the regional climate conversation from declarations towards institutional mechanisms capable of producing measurable results.
Yet, the Parliament’s own assessment exposed the obstacles.
Speaker Hadja Mémounatou Ibrahima was blunt in her closing address.
“Our region doesn’t lack strategies nor instruments.
“What West Africa lacks are the financing and political will required to implement existing frameworks and transform them into visible and tangible assets for citizens,” she said.
That diagnosis goes to the heart of the region’s climate dilemma, where policies exist, but implementation frequently falls behind ambition.
Earlier, in her opening address, Ibrahima urged lawmakers to view climate disruption through its consequences for ordinary people rather than through statistics alone.
“Climate disruption can no longer be measured only in degrees, statistics or projections,” she said, citing declining land productivity, retreating coastlines, flooded neighbourhoods and displaced families.
For her, the fundamental question was how governments could protect citizens when environmental change was occurring faster than their capacity to adapt.
Ghana’s Vice-President, Prof. Jane Opoku-Agyemang, reinforced that perspective, saying climate change and environmental degradation were compounding pressures on livelihoods and food security.
“Climate change is both a development and a security challenge,” she said, urging ECOWAS states to move from reactive crisis management towards proactive resilience-building.
Her prescription included stronger early-warning systems, resilient agriculture, water management, coastal protection and clean-energy investment.
She also linked climate resilience to youth opportunities, arguing that education, skills and economic empowerment could help prevent environmental pressures from becoming drivers of insecurity.
The financial dimension emerged starkly in a presentation by Dr Derek Sarfo-Yiadom of Ghana’s Environmental Protection Authority.
He disclosed that Ghana would require an estimated 22.6 billion dollars by 2030 to implement its climate actions and strengthen resilience.
“When we put our climate reports together, we found out that we needed 22.6 billion dollars to accomplish our climate actions by the year 2030,” he said.
Sarfo-Yiadom argued that vulnerability assessments must identify not merely climate hazards, but the people exposed, barriers to recovery, responsible institutions, available budgets and measurable outcomes.
He called for stronger early-warning systems, improved drainage, resilient infrastructure and measures supporting rural livelihoods through climate services, crop diversity and better soil-water management.
At the regional level, ECOWAS climate expert Raoul Kouamé highlighted the challenge of translating commitments into implementation, especially where institutional capacities and financing remain uneven.
His argument reinforced a central lesson from the Accra conference; climate governance cannot succeed through isolated national interventions when rivers, ecosystems, migration routes and environmental risks cross borders.
Guinean parliamentarian Bademba Baldé said lawmakers identified effective implementation, financing and national ownership among the principal obstacles confronting regional climate action.
The Parliament consequently connected climate vulnerability with displacement, competition over land and water, pastoral mobility and resource-related conflicts.
That connection is especially important for West Africa, where environmental stress can amplify existing economic, social and security vulnerabilities.
The recommendations therefore went beyond environmental protection, seeking to embed climate resilience within development planning, conflict prevention and disaster-risk management.
For Nigeria and other vulnerable member states, the implications are substantial, given recurring floods, droughts, land degradation, food insecurity and competition over natural resources.
The Accra resolutions also raise an institutional question; how effectively can the ECOWAS Parliament drive implementation when its role remains principally consultative?
Nigerian lawmakers, including Sen. Ali Ndume and Awaji Abiante, argued that strengthening the Parliament’s legislative powers would enhance its ability to scrutinise regional and national responses.
That debate gives the climate question a governance dimension: ambitious recommendations require institutions with sufficient authority to monitor compliance, demand accountability and sustain political attention.
The Parliament itself recognised this when it stressed that its credibility would depend on decisions producing concrete and measurable improvements in citizens’ lives.
Its closing position was both ambitious and cautionary, noting that resolutions must not become another archive of unimplemented regional commitments.
The adoption of the seminar’s outcome document gave the climate agenda an institutional pathway.
The proposed regional resilience fund offers a potential financing mechanism, and the five-year roadmap, if effectively developed and monitored, could provide the continuity often missing from regional climate initiatives.
Stakeholders insist, however, that money alone will not resolve the crisis.
They say political ownership, institutional coordination, national legislation, community participation and credible monitoring will be equally decisive in translating commitments into action.
The Accra deliberations therefore shifted the focus from whether West Africa understands its climate crisis to whether governments and regional institutions are prepared to govern against it.
The real test now lies in whether governments, ECOWAS institutions and national parliaments will finance, implement and monitor the commitments reached.
For West Africa, the climate crisis is no longer waiting for another declaration. It is demanding decisions, resources and action.
Accra has provided the diagnosis and a framework.
The credibility of the ECOWAS Parliament’s climate push will ultimately be measured by what follows after the conference. (NAN)
By Mukhtar Dambatta
In Nigeria, an accusation of theft can turn a calm crowd into a dangerous mob within minutes.
Someone shouts, “Ole!” “Barawo!” “Onyeoshi!” or “Thief!” and people begin to gather.
Before anyone asks what happened or whether the allegation is true, sticks, stones, and other objects may become weapons.By the time the police arrive, the accused person may already be badly injured or dead.
Jungle justice, or mob violence, is an illegal act where a crowd bypasses the legal system to punish a suspect without a fair trial or formal proof of guilt
The practice has continued in spite of the existence of courts, police and other institutions established to investigate crimes and administer justice.
One of the cases that brought the issue sharply into national focus was the killing of the “Aluu Four”.
In October 2012, four students of the University of Port Harcourt, Chiadika Biringa, Ugonna Obuzor, Lloyd Toku and Tekena Elkanah were attacked and killed in Aluu community, Rivers, after they were accused of stealing.
They were beaten and set ablaze by a mob. Images of the incident circulated widely, prompting public outrage and renewed calls for an end to mob justice.
But similar incidents have continued.
In March 2025, 16 travellers were killed by a mob in Uromi, Edo, after being accused of being kidnappers.
Reports identified the victims as hunters travelling from the South to the North.
President Bola Tinubu condemned the killings and directed security agencies to investigate the incident and prosecute those responsible.
The Uromi killings again raised concerns about what can happen when suspicion and fear replace investigation.
On July 26, 25-year-old Ibrahim Mbaya, popularly known as “Ibee”, was allegedly attacked by a mob in Jos, Plateau, after being accused of stealing an iPhone 12.
He was later taken to the Jos University Teaching Hospital, where he was confirmed dead.
The Police Command in Plateau announced the arrest of suspects in connection with the incident.
Recently, the Inspector-General of Police (I-G), Mr Olatunji Disu, gave a directive that jungle justice would be treated as homicide.
A security advocacy group, the Security Situation Room (SSR) backed the group described mob action as an invitation to anarchy.
The President of SSR, Mr Douglas Ogbankwa, said perpetrators of extra-judicial killings must be held accountable for their actions.
He said that the directive was timely, considering the spate of mob attacks and extra-judicial killings in the country.
“Of course, this directive is timely. Allowing people to resort to strong-arm tactics in solving criminal activities is an invitation to anarchy.
“It is like taking the country to the Hobbesian state of nature, where life was nasty, brutish and short.”
Ogbankwa said the existence of government could be traced to the social contract theory, under which citizens surrendered certain liberties to enable constituted authorities to govern and protect them.
He said allowing individuals to take the law into their hands would undermine the purpose of government and the rule of law.
“The reason we have a government is traceable to the social contract theory, where the people agree to have people who will govern, protect them and take care of their welfare.
“So, if individuals are allowed to have the liberty of taking the law into their hands, then that is simply taking us to the Stone Age without laws,” he said.
The convener noted that every society was governed by laws, adding that the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) provided lawful avenues for resolving grievances.
He said the Police Act 2020 empowered the police to detect and investigate crimes and arrest those suspected of committing offences within their jurisdiction.
Ogbankwa consequently called for strict adherence to the I-G’s directive, adding that individuals must learn to be personally accountable for their actions or inactions.
On a similar note, a security analyst, Ahmed Umar, said the response to suspected crime should begin with reporting and investigation rather than punishment by a crowd.
“Allowing people to take the law into their own hands could result in the killing of innocent people who might later be found not to have committed any offence,’’ he said.
More so, a legal practitioner, Yusuf Aliyu Yusuf, said an accusation was not the same as proof of guilt.He said the responsibility of determining whether a person had committed a crime belonged to the appropriate institutions established by law.
In his submission, Barau Kawu, a community leader, said communities also had a role to play in preventing mob attacks by discouraging rumours and immediately reporting suspected criminal activities to security agencies.
“Community members should avoid taking action based solely on allegations or information received from others,’’ he said.
Getting an accurate national figure for deaths resulting from jungle justice is difficult.
Human rights organisations and other researchers have documented hundreds of cases over the years, but the actual number is difficult to establish.
Many incidents, particularly in communities far from major towns, may never reach the police, courts or mainstream media.
Analysts say a major factor behind the practice is public distrust of law enforcement institutions.
Where citizens believe that suspects may escape justice or that criminal cases will not be handled effectively, some may become tempted to punish accused persons themselves.
The country’s worsening insecurity has also made people more suspicious of strangers and unfamiliar situations.
Kidnapping, banditry and other violent crimes have affected communities across the country. In such an environment, suspicion can spread quickly.
Section 33 of the 1999 Constitution protects the right to life, subject to the exceptions stated in the Constitution.
The law provides for allegations to be investigated and suspects to be tried in court.
That process cannot be replaced by a crowd.
The danger is that the person being attacked may not even be responsible for the alleged offence.
“A stolen phone may have been misplaced; a misunderstanding may have been mistaken for criminal behaviour; a person may have been wrongly identified.
“Once a mob attack begins, however, there is often little opportunity for the truth to emerge; ending jungle justice will require more than condemning each incident after it happens.
“It will require proper investigations, prosecution of those responsible and greater confidences in the justice system.
“Citizens also need to understand that reporting a suspected crime is different from punishing a suspect.
“The police and courts have the responsibility to investigate allegations and determine guilt according to the law,’’ a social commentator said.
For communities, the challenge is to resist acting on rumours and accusations before the facts are known.
Experts agree that criminal accusations must be legally investigated and tried in court. When justice is taken into the streets, a mere accusation can instantly become an irreversible death sentence.(NAN)
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