OPINION
Inside the Courts and Challenging Election Outcomes

By Samson Itodo
Litigating election disputes is contentious, complex, and excessively technical. This accounts for the reason election tribunals and courts make efforts to resolve election disputes but often fail to address the grievances of litigants.
As expected, political attention is shifting to the courts as aggrieved candidates and political parties that contested in Nigeria’s 2023 general elections are approaching the courts to challenge the outcome of the polls and seeking legal remedies. The polling unit was the arena of electoral competition a few weeks ago, but the courts have displaced the polling units as the new arena for electoral contests. As it stands, the courts will determine the final vote in all election disputes it entertains.The process of registering a complaint or challenging the outcome of the election is called an election petition. Election tribunals or the courts address grievances with election results ventilated by litigants. Unlike other cases, election petitions are special cases in a class of their own. Due to their special nature, the procedures, courts, and timelines for filing documents are unique. Some technical defects or irregularities considered immaterial in other proceedings could be fatal to proceedings in election petitions. Let’s consider five critical components of Nigeria’s election adjudication process.
Not all persons can question an election outcome
Different categories of persons participate in elections, but not all possess the right to challenge or question the result of an election. Section 133 of the Electoral Act 2022 defines persons entitled to present an election petition. They include candidates in an election and a political party that participated in the election. A person whose election is questioned is a party to an election petition. Where the complaint is against a permanent or ad-hoc official of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the electoral commission will be listed as a party due to its role in the administration of elections. Nigeria’s electoral law considers these persons necessary parties in an election petition. An election petition will suffer an ill fate if these parties are excluded.
The person (s) or political party that initiates or files an election petition is referred to as the petitioner, while the person or party the petition is made against is called the respondent. In most cases, the petitioner will seek to establish that the candidate INEC declared the winner was not validly elected or that they are entitled to be declared the winner. The respondents will include the person or party declared the election winner. A tribunal or court would not entertain any petition that questions an election result or a winner declared by INEC unless the person announced as a winner is joined as a party.
Special tribunals and courts resolve election disputes
A distinctive feature of election petitions lies in the courts and tribunals with judicial powers to resolve election disputes. The 1999 constitution, as amended and Electoral Act 2022, establishes the following tribunals and courts with jurisdictional competencies;
National assembly and state houses of assembly election tribunals for each state of the federation and the FCT with authority to entertain petitions on National assembly and state houses of assembly elections (Section 285(1) 1999 constitution as amended)
1. Governorship election tribunal to hear and determine petitions for governorship elections (Section 285(2) 1999 constitution as amended)
2. Court of appeal to adjudicate petitions against presidential elections (Section 239(1) 1999 constitution)
3. Area council election tribunal to resolve disputes related to the elections into the office of the chairman and councillors within the FCT. (Section 131(1) Electoral Act 2022)
As a matter of law, election petition tribunals are constituted not later than 30 days before an election holds. The tribunal is required to open registries for business seven days before the election. These tribunals and courts can only resolve an election dispute if the law gives them authority. Without the legal power, any proceeding conducted by these tribunals or courts will be an exercise in futility. An election tribunal or court must fulfil certain conditions before it assumes jurisdiction to resolve an election dispute. First, a tribunal or court must be properly constituted. Members of the panel should be duly qualified as prescribed by law. Secondly, the subject matter of the case is within the defined scope or powers of the tribunal or court. Lastly, due process is followed in initiating the case before a court, and all pre-conditions have been satisfied.
All timeframes are sacrosanct.
The constitution and electoral act make explicit provisions on the timeframe within which an aggrieved person can institute a legal case challenging the result of an election. The law also provides a timeline for the courts to determine an election petition. The court will only entertain an election petition if the petition is filed within the timeframe prescribed by the law. The petitioner intending to challenge an election result must file their petition within 21 days after the declaration of the election results. Filing a petition outside the fixed period renders it incompetent and strips the Tribunal of the jurisdiction to hear and determine the petition.
An election tribunal has 180 days from the filing date to hear and determine an election petition. Any petition determined outside 180 days is invalid. Any person displeased with the decision of the national/state assembly or governorship election tribunal must file a notice of appeal in the registry of the tribunal or court within 21 days from the decision date. An appeal against the decision of the tribunal must be disposed of by the appellate courts (Court of Appeal and Supreme Court) within 60 days from the date of the delivery of judgment by the tribunal or court. In addition, appeals from the decision of the court of appeal to the Supreme Court shall be filed within 14 days from the date the decision appealed against was delivered. It takes approximately eight months to resolve a dispute on national/state assembly elections, 10 months in the case of a governorship election petition, and eight months to determine a presidential election petition. No matter the exigencies, or emergencies, the time fixed by the constitution to hear and determine election cases cannot be extended.
Grounds for challenging an election must be recognized by law
Any individual or political party that intends to challenge or question the result of an election must ensure the petition is established on a valid ground or reason recognized by law. An election petition can only succeed with valid grounds recognized by the 1999 constitution or Electoral Act 2022. Section 134 of the Electoral Act 2022 lays out three grounds. They include;
1. Non-qualification: An election can be questioned if the person declared as a winner was not qualified to contest the election at the time of the election. Where a candidate fails to meet the criteria enshrined in the constitution, such a person is ineligible to contest an election. The requirements of citizenship, age (president 35 years, senate and governors 35 years, House of Reps and State assembly 25 years), membership and sponsorship by a political party, and education qualification are the foundational criteria for running for office.
2. Corrupt practices and non-compliance: A petitioner must establish that the election was invalid by reason of corrupt practices or non-compliance with provisions of the 2022 Electoral Act. Corrupt practices include electoral offences like election fraud, bribery, and falsification of election results. Non-compliance refers to outright violations of the 2022 Electoral Act and INEC Guidelines, which confers an undue advantage to a candidate or party.
3. Failure of the person declared a winner to score a majority of lawful votes: Once the person initiating the petition can establish the candidate declared a winner of an election was not duly elected by the majority of lawful votes cast at the election, the election will be nullified. This ground relates to errors, computational accuracy in the collation of votes, and exclusion of votes against the person filing the petition and that the person declared the winner fails to meet the legal requirement to be returned as a winner.
Tribunal judgments are appealable
Litigants who are dissatisfied with rulings delivered by election tribunals or courts of first instance can appeal such judgments as a matter of constitutional right. Appeals arising from the decision of the Court of Appeal in respect of a presidential election shall be heard by the Supreme Court, which is the Court of last resort. In contrast, appeals against the decision of a Governorship election tribunal lie to the Court of Appeal and from the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court, which is the final arbiter. Lastly, appeals on National and State Assembly election tribunal judgments are filed at the Court of Appeal, which is the final Court for all appeals related to legislative elections.
While the recourse to an unelected body of judges to resolve election disputes signals increasing faith in the judicial process, it also exposes the desperation of politicians to exploit the litigation process to clinch electoral victory. Without good judges, the aspiration of advancing electoral justice and political legitimacy may be thwarted. Charles Evans Huges, in his presidential address to the American Bar Association, described a good judge as: –
“An honest, high-minded, able and fearless judge is, therefore, the most servant of democracy, for he illuminates justice as he interprets and applies the law; as he makes clear the benefits and shortcomings of the standards of individual and community rights amongst a free people.”
May good judges rise when it matters most to enforce the will of the people expressed through the ballot box.
OPINION
This Trial of Oloyede
By Tunde Akanni
It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.
I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanniOPINION
Democracy, Institutions, and the Rule of Law

By Kator Ifyalem
Democracy, often hailed as the cornerstone of modern governance, is a system that empowers citizens to participate in the decision-making processes that shape their lives. However, the mere existence of elections is not enough to ensure a fair, just, and prosperous society.
Without robust institutions, the rule of law, and ingrained values, democracy can become a hollow shell, susceptible to corruption, manipulation, and eventual collapse. At its core, democracy is built on the principle that power resides with the people. This power is exercised through fair elections, where citizens choose representatives to govern on their behalf. The effectiveness of this system relies heavily on the strength of supporting institutions, adherence to the rule of law, and shared values that guide societal behaviour.Institutions serve as the backbone of a democratic society, translating the will of the people into action. These include governmental bodies such as the legislature, executive, and judiciary, as well as independent organizations like electoral commissions, anti-corruption agencies, and human rights commissions. These institutions provide checks and balances, ensuring that no single entity or individual can accumulate too much power. They create a framework for accountability, transparency, and effective governance.An independent judiciary is crucial for upholding the constitution and protecting individual rights. Without it, laws can be manipulated or ignored by those in power, leading to tyranny. Similarly, a free and independent media acts as a watchdog, informing citizens and holding those in power accountable. When media institutions are weakened or controlled by vested interests, the flow of information is compromised, and citizens are unable to make informed decisions.The rule of law is another critical component of a functioning democracy. It ensures that all citizens, regardless of their status or position, are subject to the same laws and legal processes. This principle is fundamental to creating a fair and just society where everyone’s rights are protected. A robust legal framework, consistently and fairly enforced, provides the predictability and security necessary for social and economic development. It protects property rights, enforces contracts, and creates an environment conducive to investment and growth.Moreover, the rule of law is essential for protecting minority rights and preventing the tyranny of the majority. In a true democracy, the rights of all citizens must be respected, even if they are not part of the ruling majority. This protection is enshrined in laws and enforced through effective legal institutions.Values form the third pillar of an effective democracy. These shared beliefs and principles guide societal behaviour and inform policy-making. Democratic values include respect for human rights, tolerance of diversity, commitment to justice, and belief in the equality of all citizens. When these values are deeply ingrained, they act as a safeguard against authoritarian tendencies and help preserve the integrity of democratic institutions.For instance, a healthy democracy can be likened to a three-legged stool, where institutions, the rule of law, and democratic values form the legs. Just as a stool cannot stand stably without all three legs being strong and balanced, a democracy cannot function effectively if any of these elements is weak or missing. In Nigeria’s case, we’ve seen how weaknesses in one area, such as institutional challenges in election management, can put stress on the other legs, requiring the judiciary (rule of law) and civil society (democratic values) to bear more weight to maintain stability.Education plays a crucial role in instilling these values. A well-informed citizenry, aware of their rights and responsibilities, is better equipped to participate meaningfully in the democratic process. Civic education programs that teach the principles of democracy, the importance of institutions, and the value of the rule of law are essential for creating engaged and responsible citizens.The interplay between institutions, the rule of law, and values creates a self-reinforcing cycle that strengthens democracy. However, this cycle can also work in reverse. Weak institutions often lead to a breakdown in the rule of law, eroding democratic values and further weakening the system. This negative spiral will ultimately lead to the collapse of governance, even if the outward trappings of democracy remain.To prevent this decline, concerted effort is required on multiple fronts. Institutional capacity must be built and maintained through adequate funding, training, and support. The rule of law must be consistently enforced, with mechanisms in place to address corruption and abuse of power. This requires not only strong legal frameworks but also a commitment to their implementation.International cooperation also plays a role in strengthening democracy. Countries learn from each other’s experiences, share best practices, and provide support for development. However, it’s crucial to recognize that democracy cannot be imposed from outside; it must be nurtured from within.True democracy requires more than just the act of voting; it demands a comprehensive system of governance that respects the rights of all citizens, upholds justice, and promotes the common good. Strengthening these fundamental pillars (institutions, the rule of law, and values), is crucial in building more resilient, effective, and truly representative democracies that serve the needs of all citizens and contribute to global stability and prosperity. Where does Nigeria as a nation stand on this scale?OPINION
Reshaping Nigeria’s Student Loans for Inclusive Access

By Tosin Kolade
In June 2023, President Bola Tinubu signed the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act into law, marking an important step forward in the country’s approach to financing tertiary education.The initiative was designed to provide interest-free loans to students in higher institutions, thereby expanding access to education for financially disadvantaged youth.
However, nearly two years on, the scheme’s implementation remains burdened by challenges, prompting growing concern and debate among stakeholders. In response to criticism of the original law, the Federal Government repealed and re-enacted the Act in April 2024.The revised legislation established the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) as a corporate entity responsible for managing and disbursing the loans.Notably, the amended version eliminated restrictive eligibility criteria such as income thresholds and guarantor requirements.It also extended the scheme’s coverage to include students enrolled in government-accredited vocational training centres.To streamline access, the application process was simplified, requiring only a valid National Identification Number (NIN) and Bank Verification Number (BVN).Hence, all submissions were made via the NELFUND portal.In spite of these improvements, the scheme has continued to attract criticism.One of its most vocal opponents is the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU).In a recent interview with a national daily, Dr Mwolwus Jurbe, Chairman of ASUU’s University of Jos chapter, outlined the initiative as “fundamentally flawed”.He argued that the scheme was unlikely to benefit its target groups, especially students from low-income families.“The scheme is pushing education out of the reach of the common man,” he said.Jurbe said that, amid high unemployment rates and soaring tuition fees, expecting repayments from indigent students was unrealistic.ASUU also raised alarms over reports that TETFund allocations might be redirected to fund NELFUND.The body warned that dismantling a functional funding mechanism in favour of an untested alternative could jeopardise the future of tertiary education in Nigeria.Meanwhile, the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), while generally supportive, has also expressed reservations.The association acknowledged the potential of the scheme to reduce dropout rates, but emphasised that the absence of scholarships or grants rendered it incomplete.NANS President, Comrade Olushola Ladoja, condemned the alleged mismanagement of NELFUND, calling for the dismissal of implicated officials and the publication of the 51 tertiary institutions reportedly involved.“Any vice-chancellor, rector or provost found culpable in the mismanagement of student loans must be removed from office.“Their actions sabotage the Federal Government’s effort to make education accessible to all,’’ Ladoja said.He urged Tinubu to probe the reported diversion of N71.2 billion and criticised NELFUND for excluding the national student leadership from key stakeholder engagements.Additionally, NANS called on the EFCC and ICPC to investigate the matter and advocated for a five-year post-NYSC loan repayment grace period, citing the employment difficulties faced by many recent graduates.Civil society groups have also raised concerns.The Education Rights Campaign (ERC) described the initiative as “badly thought-out, ill-conceived and fundamentally unworkable”.Hassan Soweto, National Coordinator of the ERC, lamented repeated delays in the loan rollout, calling it evidence of poor planning and political inertia.“It is a national embarrassment that almost a year after the law was signed, students are still waiting for funds,” he said.Worthy on note, trust in the scheme further eroded in August 2024 when it was revealed that no tertiary institution in the South-East had been included in the first phase of disbursements.Reacting, the Concerned Igbo Stakeholders Forum (CISF), led by Chukwuma Okenwa, condemned the omission as a deliberate act of marginalisation.Okenwa argued that excluding an entire geopolitical zone from a national programme violated the federal character principle.Although NELFUND claimed South-East schools had failed to respond to verification notices, the CISF rejected this explanation, insisting that at least one compliant institution should have been selected.Similarly, the Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA) expressed concern over NELFUND’s plan to limit eligibility to students in “high-demand” disciplines.Zikora Ibeh, CAPPA’s Senior Programme Manager, warned that the policy could marginalise students in the humanities, arts, and social sciences.“This approach risks deepening inequality by denying support to students whose fields may not be seen as immediately profitable but are crucial to national development,” she said.Also, controversy followed the announcement that the EFCC had donated N50 billion in recovered funds to the loan scheme.A Legal expert, Nnaemeka Ejiofor, cautioned that while well-intentioned, the EFCC lacked constitutional authority to reallocate recovered public funds without National Assembly approval.“Such actions, no matter how well-meaning, set a dangerous precedent,” he warned.Meanwhile, fee hikes across federal and state universities have exacerbated the financial burden on students and their families.In some cases, tuition fees have surged by as much as 1,000 per cent.A University of Lagos student, Michelle Njemanze, shared that her tuition rose from N16,000 to N196,000 in a single academic session.For many, the student loan scheme remains a promise yet to be fulfilled.Although the Tinubu administration allocated N200 billion to the scheme in the 2024 budget and appointed banking executive Jim Ovia as chairman of the NELFUND board, disbursement delays continued well into May 2025.In response to growing dissatisfaction, NELFUND recently announced a major overhaul of its application system.NELFUND Chief Executive Officer, Mr Akintunde Sawyerr, recently revealed that the agency was deploying a fully digitised, user-friendly platform to streamline the loan process and eliminate bureaucratic delays.“Education is a right, not a privilege; with this technology-driven model, we are establishing a transparent and efficient system that puts students first,” he said.Sawyerr added that the reforms aligned with Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which prioritised educational access and youth empowerment.According to him, more than 320,000 students had already benefited from the scheme, with thousands more undergoing verification as operations scale-up.Looking ahead, NELFUND also plans to integrate its systems with institutional portals across the country.This collaboration aims to enable seamless data exchange, automate student record verification, and speed up loan processing.While recent reforms are encouraging, experts insist that sustained political will, transparency, and inclusive policies are essential to realise the full potential of Nigeria’s student loan scheme.They agree that, in theory, the loan scheme offers a vital opportunity to democratise access to higher education in Nigeria.In practice, however, its rollout has been hindered by legal ambiguities, implementation delays, and regional inequities.If these challenges remain unresolved, experts warn, the scheme may end up widening the very educational gap it was intended to close. (NAN)