OPINION
Reconnecting to the Global Radar

By Eric Teniola
For a nation to achieve concrete foreign policy objectives, two key actors are required, an active President and an active foreign minister. Of course a buoyant economy will also be required. We had all these in the past. Suddenly, we got lost on the global radar.
All these could be traced to our internal problems or maybe our poor economy. We have to think now whether to become part of the world and make our presence felt or we withdraw from the world and let the world move on without us.Sadly in the past few years, we have not been lucky in terms of leadership.
We have had outstanding foreign ministers in the past that helped us achieve concrete foreign objectives and they made us proud.
With the likes of Dr Jaja Wachukwu (1961-1965), Nuhu Bamali (1965-1966), Dr Okoi Arikpo (1967-1975), Major General Joe Nanven Garba (1975-1978), Major General Henry Adefowope (1978-1979), Professor Ishaya Audu (1979-1983), Chief Emeka Anyaoku (1983), Professor Ibrahim Gambari (1984-1985), Professor Bolaji Akinyemi (1985-1987), Major General Ike Nwachukwu (1987-1989), Babagana Kingibe(1993-1995), Professor Joy Ogwu (2006-2007), Sule Lamido (1999-2003), Ignatius Olisemeka (1998-1999), Ambassador Olugbenga Asiru alias Asa (2011-2013) and others, we could be proud of our foreign policy objectives.We also took part in global peace efforts. From 1960 till 2000, Nigeria took part in United Nations Operations in the Congo (ONUG), 1960-1964, United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia (UNTAG), 1989-1990, United Nations Angola Verification Mission II (UNAVEM II) 1991-1995, United Nations Angola Verification Mission III (UNAVEM III) 1995-1997), United Nations Observer Mission in Angola (MONUA), 1997, United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), 1991- and United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II) 1993-1995.
Others are the United Nations Operations in Mozambique (ONUMOZ), 1992-194; United Nations Assistance Mission of Rwanda (UNAMIR), 1993-1996; United Nations Aouzou Strip Observer Group (UNASOG), 1994; United Nations India-Pakistan Observer Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966; United Nations Security Force in West New Guinea (UNSF), 1962-1963; United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTA), 1992-1993; United Nations Mission of Observers in Tajikistan (UNMOT), 1994-; United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFR), 1992-195; United Nations Confidence Restoration Operation in Croatia (UNCRO), 1995-1996; and the United Nations Preventive Deployment Force in Macedonia (UNPREDEP), 1995.
The lists included the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH), 1995-; United Nations Transitional Administration or Easter Slovenia, Baraja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES), 1996-1998; United Nations Mission of Observers in Prevlaka (UNMOP), 1996-; United Nations Civilian Police Support Group, 1998-1991; United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission (UN IKOM), 1991-; United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), 1978; and the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Sierra Leone, 1999.
There was a desk office in the then Cabinet Office, Lagos manned by Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar from Kaduna State; Permanent Secretary, Cabinet Office; Dr Niyi Adedeji from Ilesa, Osun State; Ambassador Timothy Ayodele Olu Otunla also from Ilesa; Mr Bisi Ogunniyi from Iree in Osun State, and others, established purposely by Generals Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo, for the sole purpose of assisting African states in their liberation struggles.
With the approval of the then Supreme Military Council, Brigadier Ibrahim Ahmed Bako (N/548) (5 March 1943-31 December 1983) from Kaduna State, trained freedom fighters in Libya and Somalia.
Brigadier Ibrahim Bako led the Nigerian Army contingent that facilitated the transfer of about 100 former guerrillas from the Zimbabwean bushes (after the liberation struggle) for selection and training at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna in 1980. Those 100 former guerrillas formed the pioneer corps of the post-independence Zimbabwe National Army, leading Nigeria’s assistance to other Southern African countries like Angola and South Africa, in their fight against apartheid and colonialism.
There was the South African relief fund, an offshoot of the Federal Government, established by General Olusegun Obasanjo, first headed by Dr Aina from Kwara State and later by Evelyn Omawunmi Urhobo, which provided assistance to freedom fighters of South Africa. At that time every Federal Civil Servant was obliged to donate to the Fund. Nigeria donated four rooms at the National Theatre Iganmu, Lagos to serve as operations centres for the liberation struggle in South Africa. Both the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) and the African National Congress (ANC) shared the offices then.
Dr Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki (81), who later became the President of South Africa from 16 June 1999 to 24 September 2008, used one of those offices in Iganmu. He was then the head of the African National Congress (ANC) in Nigeria. At that time, Lagos was like the capital of freedom fighters in Africa. It is no exaggeration that we carried Africa’s burden.
In fact, a commercial street in Freetown, Sierra Leone, is today named after the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998).
Listing the assistance that Nigeria has given to some African countries from independence to date, is like counting the planes that land daily at Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport in Georgia, USA – too numerous.
My late cousin, Dr Ayo Akinbobola (11th December 1942 – 19th April, 2008) Jimekenla from Idanre in Ondo state, attempted it in his book titled, “Regionalism and Regional Influentials: The Post Cold-War Role of Nigeria in African Affairs.” Dr Akinbobola was a Ford Foundation Fellow at Howard University, Washington DC, USA; a research fellow at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs, Lagos; a visiting scholar to the University of Oxford, 1979; and to the University of Michigan.
In 1972, Nigeria and the Benin Republic embarked on a N7 million cement project. The Nigerian government provided a N2 million, 35 years interest free loan, with 30 per cent equity. Both countries also have a joint sugar project. The Nigerian government had a 45 per cent equity share in the project, while Benin Republic held 49 per cent, with expatriate companies’ enjoying five per cent of the shares. Both projects were based in the Benin Republic.
The Nigeria government also invested in uranium mining in Niger and petrochemical concerns in Senegal.
In September 1972, Nigeria signed an agreement with Guinea to invest $350,000 (five per cent of the shares) in the Mifergui Nimba and Simandou Company of Guinea, which is charged with the exploitation and sales of the country’s iron ore resources. Under the agreement, Nigeria was guaranteed one million tons of quality ore yearly for its steel production at Ajaokuta.
Nigeria provided electricity to Niger from Kainji Dam. She also granted Dahomey (Benin) $2 million to pay for imports from the country. Nigeria entered into agreement with other African states to construct a 6,530 kilometre trans-Africa highway running from and Kenyan port of Mombassa to the Nigerian port city of Lagos and passing through Uganda, Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo), Central African Republic and Cameroon.
In 1972, Nigeria granted an interest free N1 million loan to Dahomey to rehabilitate the Idiroko- Porto Novo road. By the time the road was opened in 1973, the Federal Government had spent a total of N2.7 million on it. The Federal Government also undertook the construction of the 92-kilometre Sokoto-Illela and Birnin Konni (both in Niger Republic) roads at the cost of N2.2 million.
On 24 February, 1975, at the ministerial meeting of the Economic Commission for Africa in Nairobi, Nigeria announced that it would make crude petroleum available to any African country that required it, at concessionary rates. The leader of the Nigerian government delegation, Mr Victor Adeyeye Adegoroye from Akure in Ondo State, who made the announcement, spelt out two conditions for this: Such countries must have their own refineries, and the crude oil sold to them must not be re-exported to Third World countries.
Nigeria also played an active role in the funding of African Development Bank (AfDB). The renowned economist, Dr Pius Nwabufo Charles Okigbo (6 February, 1924 — 13 September, 2000) from Ojoto in Idemili South Local Government of Anambra State, was the head of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) team that carried out the feasibility study on it in 1961. On 4 November, 1964, the Nigerian Prime Minister, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – 15 January 1966) presided over its inaugural board of governors’ meeting in Lagos. Nigeria’s major on-going multilateral assistance involved the bank. It has the highest block of shares in the bank. This comes to 159,751 shares, about 15.6 per cent of the total shares and some 10.5 per cent of the weighted voting power.
Nigeria contributes 32.5 per cent annually to the ECOWAS budget (multilateral assistance). In June 1980, it settled the outstanding rent of the Community’s secretariat amounting to N80 million.
In 1970-1971, Nigeria increased its contributions to the OAU budget to N150,000, 47 per cent over the 1968-1969 contributions, making it the third largest contributor to the organisation’s annual budget. In 1978, the Federal Government gave Mozambique N5million to cope with problems associated with the closure of its borders with Sothern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe. Nigeria played a major role in the establishment of the River Niger Basin Commission and the Chad Basin Commission. Both of which have potential as investment. In 1979, Nigerian contributed N30,000,000 to the Lake Chad Basin Development Fund.
Nigeria’s military assistance to other countries has generally taken the form of contributions to troops and equipment to peacekeeping missions in countries having internal conflicts. The country was yet to become independent when it became involved in the UN Congo mission. Its generally effective and widely acclaimed participation in that peacekeeping mission laid a foundation for later involvements in several other peacekeeping missions since then, including those in Lebanon and the former Yugoslavia.
Apart from the Congo mission, Nigeria has been the player in the Liberian peacekeeping operations. Nigerian troops served in Sierra Leone as part of the peace agreement to end that country’s civil war. They also served in Tanzania to restore order following the army mutiny of 20 January, 1964. Military officers of a number of African countries undergo training in some Nigerian military schools and colleges.
Shortly after Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – 15 January 1966) the then Prime Minister proposed that a fact finding mission be sent to the Democratic Republic of Congo where open rebellion had broken out, the UN on 5 November, 1960, set up the Congo Conciliation Commission made up of 15 Afro-Asian states. Nigeria’s foreign Minister, Mr Jaja Nwachukwu was elected chairman of the commission. Before independence, Nigeria had put the Kano airport at the disposal of the UN for the transport of troops and materials to the Congo. Two platoons of the fifth Battalion of the Royal Nigerian Army were detailed to work with UN troops during their stopover in Kano.
Later, at the request of the UN Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjord, Nigeria agreed one month to its independence to contribute troops to the UN force in the Congo and immediately dispatched the general officer commanding the RNA to conduct a reconnaissance mission in the troubled republic. The full Nigerian contingent itself left for the Congo between 18 and 22 November, 1960. It involved five battalions deployed in four of the country’s six provinces, namely Kassai, Kivu, North Katanga and Leopoldville.
The contingent was assigned the primary duty of assisting the Congolese authorities in maintaining law and order and preventing minor clashes and large-scale war among the various factions. Among other things, the Nigerians contingent helped to reduce inter-ethnic and inter-factional clashes; protected Congolese and foreign administrators as well as public utilities workers: and performed guard duties at installations such as power stations, airstrips, mines, factories, waterworks, railway stations and public buildings.
On the whole, Nigeria has supplied about 70 per cent of ECOMOG’s men and material during the first five years of its operations. This includes 15-armed helicopters. Since the removal of the force’s Ghanaian Commander, General Arnold Quainoo, it has been led by Nigerian Commander. SMC also set up a special emergency fund for the war-torn country to deal with refugee problems, among others.
Shortly after the Federal Government accorded it recognition in November 1975, the MPLA government in Angola sent a delegation to Lagos to request for military and financial assistance. In December, the government gave the Angolan government an outright grant of $20million and set up a military committee headed by the Minister of Defence, Major General Illiya Bisalla to determine how best Nigeria could meet the needs of the Angolans.
The committee was able, by January 1976, to assemble uniforms, combat boots, steel helmet and some weapons which Nigeria Air Force planes used to fly to Angola. Still significant was the role of General Murtala Mohammed (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976) who almost single-handedly swayed the OAU into MPLA recognition as the sole government of Angola. Many African commentators considered Murtala’s action as a psychological boost for the African liberation movement because of its impact on the US position on African decolonization.
In the early 70s, while we were in Ibadan with the likes of Oladunnin Ayandepo, Joe Abiola alias Atuma, Tayo Kehinde, Soji Alakuro, Folu Olamiti, Toye Akiyode alias Agusko, Sanya Ogunlana alias Sosoele and others, he never embraced socialist policies nor was he allowed to be called Comrade or Aluta Continua, which were popular clichés during that period. In Ibadan then he was just a Good Fellow struggling to survive like everyone.
President Bola Tinubu (GCFR) left Ibadan for Chicago, United States of America to study. Among his classmates at that time in Chicago was Chief Kunle Adedayo (75) alias Baba Yungbayungba, from Ila Orangun in Osun State, now the Chairman of Tastee Fried Chicken in Lagos.
President Bola Tinubu and Chief Kunle Adedayo were both living in the same apartment at 7959 South Phillips, Chicago, USA.
When Chief Adedayo got married in Chicago in 1976 to his alluring Ijebu Ode lady, Yinka Pamela, Bola Tinubu was one of his groomsmen at the marriage event. When their son, Bunmi, was born in 1977, President Bola Tinubu was the godfather.
When President Tinubu returned to Nigeria, he was employed at Mobil Oil Nigeria Plc, Bookshop House, 50/52, Broad Street, Lagos. His co-workers at that time were Chief Pius Olu Akinyelure, Barry Fadase, Segun Fatusi (My Main Man), Dayo Jolaoso, Sola Ogunsola, Mr Sijuade, Akin Doherty, Adekunle Ali, Akin Fatunke, Olu Onakoya, Akin Leigh, Emmanuel Adesoye, John Nnadi, Nwachukwu Okonkwo, Moses Olabode, Adenike Williams, Sunday Essien, Olumide Ajomale, Olusegun Ojo, Oloye Femi Olugbende, Bath Mou, Kola Fajuyigbe and others.
At lunch time, he was always at Mummy’s Place (Mrs Adebanjo) on 12, Lewis street, Lagos Island, which was also patronised by Dayo Shobowale, Joke Sanyaolu, Yinka Guedon, Tola Animashaun, Remi Agbaosi, Dele Adeola, Biyi Badejo, Prince Bola Ojora, Tunde Duale, Prince Makinwa Ademiluyi (Makaay), Akin Sanwo-Olu, Winnie Ojei, Ranti Aborowa, Tunde Adebanjo, Remi Odukoya, Supo Ali Balogun, Egbon Ladi Rasaki, Tunde Babayale, Gori Thomas, Roy Abiodun, Femi Akiyode, Dr Okubanjo, CK Roberto, Lamidi Albert, Eddy Obaseki and others.
OPINION
The Mokwa Tragedy

By Zayd Ibn Isah
There are calamities so devastating that in their aftermath, they ought to bring a nation to a halt, inspiring somber moments that should pierce through the noise of our politics, our tribal squabbles, and our digital distractions.These are the sort of tragedies that should unite people in a collective sense of grief, shock and loss.
The recent flood in Mokwa, Niger State, where raging waters swept away hundreds of men, women, and children, is one such tragedy. Unfortunately, this is the second major disaster to hit Niger State this year. Earlier, a fuel-laden tanker overturned, and instead of fleeing from the highly flammable spill, nearby residents rushed to have a fair share of the liquid black gold.The inevitable explosion that followed is estimated to have killed nearly a hundred people. Just as the nation was still reeling from that terrible tragedy, Mokwa was plunged into even greater sorrow. According to recent statistics reported by Daily Trust, over 200 lives have been lost in the recent flood, and around 500 people remain missing.Beyond lives lost, this particular flooding has displaced thousands, destroyed properties and placed many in severe financial ruin.Sadly, disasters like this are not new to us. From the Ogunpa flood in Ibadan in 1980 that claimed more than 200 lives, to the catastrophic floods of 2012 that affected 30 of Nigeria’s 36 states and displaced over two million people, to the recent floods in Borno, where waters from the Dam left destruction in their wake, a clearly predictable pattern seems to constantly emerge, especially when the rainy season comes.Nigeria has become painfully familiar with the sight of submerged communities, displaced families, and dreams washed away. What makes these disasters particularly heartbreaking is not just their frequency, but how preventable they often are.Yes, climate change is real. Rainfall patterns are shifting, and rivers are swelling beyond their historical bounds. But we must also confront an uncomfortable truth: we are not entirely innocent victims of nature’s fury.Across Nigeria, it is disturbingly common to see houses, shops, and even schools built on floodplains and natural waterways. Rivers are choked by illegal settlements, often constructed without proper approval or in blatant disregard of environmental laws.Yet, when government agencies move to demolish these structures, we cry foul. We accuse them of ethnic bias, political witch-hunts, or insensitivity. We shout “persecution,” when the real culprit is our collective refusal to listen to reason.Mokwa is a painful reminder of what happens when planning is ignored and nature is provoked. Urban planning in Nigeria is in crisis, not merely because government agencies fail to enforce regulations, but because we, the people, treat these rules with contempt.We bribe our way through approvals, circumvent safety protocols, and then feign surprise when disaster strikes. But floods don’t negotiate. They also certainly don’t recognise tribe, religion, or political affiliation. They simply follow the laws of nature. And if we insist on living in their path, the consequences, however tragic, are entirely avoidable.We must recognise that lives are at stake and that for survivors, the process of trying to rebuild or relocate while dealing with grief and loss, is often a difficult experience. This is why we must begin to change the way we talk about demolition and enforcement. The government is not your enemy when it clears structures built on waterways.On the contrary, such actions, when carried out transparently and justly, are lifesaving. We must stop romanticising illegal construction as a symbol of resilience. More often than not, it is a death sentence in disguise.That said, this is not the time to trade blame. It is the time to chart a new course. Flooding is not just a Nigerian problem. It is a global emergency. In recent months, Germany and Belgium were overwhelmed by deadly flash floods that claimed hundreds of lives. Brazil witnessed entire communities buried under mudslides triggered by torrential rains.In Bangladesh and India, millions were displaced after rivers burst their banks. Even the United States, despite its infrastructure, has seen cities like Houston and New York struggle to cope with overwhelming rainfall.In many of these countries, governments responded decisively; issuing timely evacuation orders, mobilizing rescue operations, and, crucially, relocating people from high-risk zones.In Japan and the Philippines, public education on disaster preparedness is rigorous and widely embraced. In the Netherlands, the government has invested heavily in flood defenses like levees, water plazas, and adaptive urban design.But here in Nigeria, even when relevant government agencies issue warnings, or evacuation is proposed, people resist. Sometimes it’s the deep emotional bond we have with our ancestral land. Other times, it’s the justified fear that relocation means abandonment, that once we leave, no one will remember us. And often, it’s simply that we have nowhere else to go.Yet we must acknowledge a timeless truth: prevention is better than cure. A stitch in time saves nine. As such, we need long-term solutions: proper drainage systems, enforced building codes, updated flood risk maps, and continuous public education on environmental responsibility.But beyond all that, we need a cultural shift, a collective understanding that human life is more valuable than temporary shelter, and that following the law is not a punishment, but a protection.The tragedy in Mokwa must not become just another headline. It must be a turning point. We should not just fall back on “thoughts and prayers”, lamentations, and vague promises to offer relief to victims. Rather, this should spur us all to insist on strict environmental and infrastructural maintenance, as well as effective measures for disaster preparedness, particularly when imminent disasters are as a result of climate change.We need to plan the development of our cities better, especially when it comes to constructing and maintaining proper drainage channels, managing waste disposal and ensuring that waterways are not impeded by illegal structures. We also need to be united in ensuring this becomes a national moment of reckoning, especially one where we begin to rethink how we live with our environment, and with one another.If we continue to build on water, water will continue to subject us to the terrifying laws of nature.Zayd Ibn Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.comOPINION
Nigeria’s Security: Between Self-defence and Community Policing

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi
As Nigeria continues to battle worsening security challenges — ranging from banditry and kidnapping to terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence — citizens across the country are increasingly embracing grassroots security measures and calls for self-defence.
These challenges are not confined to the North. In the South, militancy, piracy, secessionist agitations, cultism, and cybercrimes further complicate the nation’s fragile security landscape. Speaking at the maiden annual lecture of the National Association of the Institute for Security Studies, themed “Mobilising Stakeholders to Curb Insecurity in Nigeria: A Practical Approach,” the Director-General of the State Security Service (SSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi, stressed the need for communities to take greater responsibility for their own security. He cited examples where local populations had historically repelled insurgents and urged communities to work closely with security agencies to counter threats such as terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping.Ajayi noted that it is unrealistic to expect security agencies to protect every citizen across Nigeria’s expansive territory. He argued that communities must serve as the first line of defence, and that empowering them would enhance grassroots resilience, while reducing over-reliance on federal forces.Echoing this position, former Chief of Defence Staff, General TY Danjuma (rtd), recently renewed his longstanding call for Nigerians to rise in self-defence against non-state actors. Reacting to fresh waves of violence in Plateau, Benue, and other states, Danjuma insisted that citizens can no longer afford to remain passive while bandits and terrorists wreak havoc.“The warning I gave years ago remains valid. Nigerians must rise and defend themselves. The government alone cannot protect us,” he said.This message of self-defence has increasingly resonated across vulnerable communities, reflecting the harsh reality of an overstretched security system that leaves millions exposed. The roots of the crisis lie in decades of state neglect, porous borders, weak intelligence systems, and economic exclusion.In the North-West, states such as Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna are under the siege of bandits, who raid villages, rustle livestock, extort ransoms, and impose levies. In the North-Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue states, farmer-herder conflicts have morphed into sustained ethno-religious violence. The South-East contends with secessionist violence linked to IPOB/ESN elements, who often target security infrastructure. Meanwhile, the South-West and South-South struggle with cultism, ritual killings, and piracy.One chilling episode was the abduction of more than 280 schoolchildren in Kuriga, Kaduna State, in March 2024. Although the children were eventually rescued, the incident laid bare the glaring weaknesses in Nigeria’s security infrastructure and left the community traumatised.Faced with these realities, several states have begun taking their destinies into their hands. In April, the Kano State Government passed the Security Neighbourhood Watch Law to create a legal framework for community-led security efforts. Katsina has trained local vigilantes through its Community Watch Corps, while in Zamfara, Governor Dauda Lawal launched the Community Protection Guards (CPG), a controversial but welcomed initiative in rural areas long neglected by formal forces.In the North-East, the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) continues to support military efforts against Boko Haram, leveraging local knowledge and swift response capabilities. The Amotekun Corps in the South-West, headquartered in Ondo State, has addressed critical security gaps in the region, earning both criticism and praise. Similarly, the South-East’s Ebube Agu and joint regional outfits in the South-South emerged from the growing public distrust in the federal government’s ability to guarantee safety.However, the growing wave of self-defence and vigilante initiatives raises ethical, legal, and practical concerns. Nigeria’s Firearms Act prohibits civilians from bearing arms without a licence. Without a clear regulatory framework, arming civilians risks escalating violence, enabling political thuggery, and creating new security threats under the guise of protection.These dangers are not hypothetical. In Edo State’s Uromi community, vigilantes wrongfully accused 16 Northern hunters of being kidnappers and burnt them alive. In July 2022, Ebube Agu operatives reportedly killed 14 unarmed wedding guests in Otulu, Imo State. Other vigilante groups in the region have been implicated in extrajudicial killings and abuses. A Daily Trust investigation in April revealed that vigilante groups killed at least 68 people in three months, with many more subjected to torture, harassment, or unlawful detention.These developments have prompted the House of Representatives Committee on Army to call for the regulation, oversight, and training of vigilante groups. The Uromi killings, in particular, triggered national outrage and renewed demands for accountability.Responding to these concerns, Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, acknowledged General Danjuma’s fears but cautioned against unregulated civilian self-defence. He warned that unless communities are engaged within a structured and legal framework, insecurity may only worsen. According to him, civilians should not be armed unless integrated into formal security systems with clear guidelines.Against this backdrop, community policing has emerged as a more sustainable and coordinated alternative. Under the leadership of the Inspector General of Police, pilot schemes have been launched across several states. These involve recruiting and training locals for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and early intervention, followed by their integration into existing police structures.Lagos, Ekiti, and Kano States have all recorded notable progress. In Kano, the Hisbah Corps, initially tasked with moral enforcement, has been reoriented to contribute to broader urban security. In Lagos, the Neighbourhood Safety Corps plays a vital role in gathering intelligence and issuing early warnings.Nonetheless, community policing faces serious limitations. Funding shortfalls, inter-agency rivalries, and a lack of coordination continue to undermine its effectiveness. A major stumbling block is the constitutional contradiction where state governors are designated as chief security officers but lack control over federal police operations within their jurisdictions.Solving Nigeria’s security crisis requires a comprehensive strategy that addresses institutional, legal, and socio-economic issues. First, the constitution must be amended to empower state and community policing structures with defined jurisdictions and robust oversight. Second, vigilante and self-defence groups must be trained, regulated, and integrated into the formal security architecture to avoid becoming a threat themselves. Third, intelligence gathering should begin at the grassroots, where community members are often the first to notice early warning signs. Fourth, addressing the root causes of insecurity — such as unemployment, poverty, and youth disenfranchisement — through investments in education, job creation, and social empowerment is essential. Lastly, traditional and religious leaders must be given formal roles in mediation, peacebuilding, and community-based conflict resolution, given their influence and trust within local populations.Nigeria’s security challenges demand more than rhetoric and reactive responses. While the instinct to defend oneself is natural in the face of government failure, unregulated self-defence is a risky and unsustainable path. The lasting solution lies in creating a decentralised, community-driven security model rooted in legality, ethics, and shared responsibility.As communities across the country face mounting threats, the question is no longer whether to adopt localised security strategies — but how best to coordinate, empower, and regulate them before chaos becomes the norm.Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi is a research fellow at the Centre for Crisis Communication. He can be reached via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.
OPINION
This Trial of Oloyede
By Tunde Akanni
It’s been traumatic for my entire family since that video started making the rounds. I sneaked a slight view… It’s our trial. It’s my trial. Oloyede is genuine. He is most sincere. He is modestly so, as well. For us, however, Allah knows best.
I was with a trader in the afternoon of what I considered a dark Wednesday, the 14th of May. “Se bi won ni JAMB o get mo bayi…”. I had to cut in immediately. Which JAMB? “Madam, that’s one person I will vouch, and vouch for…zero tolerance for corruption. Absolutely responsible with a high level of consciousness for the good of others. If certain things went wrong at JAMB, I agree it’s his responsibility to carry all pleasant and other burdens but just know that the bad side of the operations may as well be sabotage. I have absolute trust in that man. Ask my own colleagues about me, but Oloyede is my own hero, somebody I have known for more than 40 years…”This is by no means a reductionist disposition to the tragedy induced by the so-called computer glitch. May the Almighty God in His infinite mercy console the parents of the candidate reported to have committed suicide. May God strengthen them to survive this gloomy phase of their lives and sustain them to reap bountiful compensation that will endure in their lives. It’s hard, so hard to pull tragedies of this magnitude. I personally feel for these parents.The said computer glitch, may we never fall victim to it. Those who work for big organisations requiring a large layout of ICT operations know what I’m talking about. Rather than being ‘solutional’, IT facilities can be unimaginably problematic sometimes, yet indispensable in this civilisational dispensation. This is not doubting deliberate sabotage, as may have happened in the case of JAMB. I’ve been part of Oloyede’s JAMB journey to attest to his commitment to offer his best for the otherwise sinking board.Far from being cosmetically exhibitionist, the Oloyede-led JAMB team, led by the Education minister, Tunji Alausa, went round the critical facilities of JAMB during the just concluded examination. Alausa saw, firsthand, like never before elsewhere in this country, how far JAMB had gone in its strive for transparency and the real-time monitoring of the conduct of examinations nationwide. Alausa, beyond being in awe, sought to make the JAMB effect spread immediately to other examination bodies.No be dem say, same day, the WAEC team came to JAMB and made it into the situation room, which was my own duty post. The NECO team followed suit afterwards, both duly led around by the sturdy lead IT consultant who’s been reliably there from Oloyede’s assumption of duty, Damilola Bamiro. Far richer, given that they charge more for their exams, the duo of WAEC and NECO were suddenly mandated to understudy the examination sector leader in Africa that JAMB has become over time.The staff of both WAEC and NECO suddenly had to undertake a professional excursion led through all the real time monitoring screens and other digital facilities. It was obvious they marvelled at what they saw, revealing a functional leader-subordinate synergy manifest with trendy output that the world can see and learn from.But that may even seem like the tip of the iceberg of the output of the hard work and commitment of the nation’s foremost icon of integrity in public service. A series of far more seemingly serious strides had been accomplished by Oloyede at JAMB. As a focused scholar, he keeps ensuring that every bit of the experience of the Board is treasured as worthy data to guide future actions and even subjects for further research.Not even the agencies dedicated to emergency matters in Nigeria could have been as prompt as the Oloyede management on this ugly glitch saga. Once the complainants began ventilating into the public space, JAMB rose to the challenge without any predictably traditional arrogant stance of government is always right. I was aware that a particularly strident public critic and a former students’ leader at Obafemi Awolowo University, Adeola Soetan commended the spokesperson for JAMB for the excellent handling of public complaints.Promptly, an independent team of investigators was set up to unravel the mystery leading to the rather depressing situation that now confronts us. The team, drawn from assorted but technically relevant constituencies, has found out that no fewer than 165 centres of over 800 examination centres nationwide were affected.Obviously well prepared for whatever the outcome may turn out to be, he braced up to the challenge to embrace the surrender value to tell it to the world as it is. This trial is for all of us who believe and trust Oloyede. I am in this group. So much so that his public cry infected me…It was a patriot’s cry for his beloved country. Like me, a former Law don at LASU, Dr Kilani wasn’t any less affected as demonstrated in a quick note to me: “I write to associate myself with the pain, sorrow and emotion of our own Professor Oloyede. I could not hold my tears seeing him cry. May Almighty Allah see him through. May we all not be put to shame…”But then came a soothing message from Gbade Osunsoko, my cousin: “…He will come out of this much stronger because Nigerians will trust him far better than a number of our leaders.. A man that makes mistakes happens under him and takes responsibility – it’s a big deal in Nigeria.”With Oloyede, young Nigerians with challenges regarding sight are no longer left to moan their fate endlessly, with adequate provision for their inclusion in the UTME. How many of our public facilities are this inclusion conscious as stipulated by SDGs? How come a legacy built through almost a decade at the very best cost ever possible will be made to crumble when the game changer leader remains ever modest? JAMB has steadily risen through thick and thin to accomplish its tasks to the admiration of stakeholders, nationally and internationally, under Oloyede. Both NNPC and the Nigeria Police, being beneficiaries, can attest to the current competence of JAMB. How many other numerous stakeholders nationwide never deemed to have any relevance to JAMB before Oloyede but have since become critical, if not indispensable players?But why does this sudden saddening encounter threaten our joy of service without blemish? Why this unforeseen truncation of a good story, so intentional, coming from Africa? Whodunnit? Surely the truth shall come out for the world to perceive and assess and get to appreciate the efforts and the quantum of commitment appropriated to the JAMB excellence project driven by Oloyede.One cannot but be deeply concerned. Before the very eyes of a few of us carefully selected to give support from our respective professional perspectives from the very beginning, Professor Oloyede’s concern for genuine growth and development was real. It is still real and increasingly so, as a matter of fact. Indeed, inimitable. It shall be well.Tunde Akanni is a professor of Journalism and Development Communications at the Lagos State University, LASU. Follow him on X:@AkintundeAkanni