OPINION
Reconnecting to the Global Radar
By Eric Teniola
For a nation to achieve concrete foreign policy objectives, two key actors are required, an active President and an active foreign minister. Of course a buoyant economy will also be required. We had all these in the past.
Suddenly, we got lost on the global radar. All these could be traced to our internal problems or maybe our poor economy. We have to think now whether to become part of the world and make our presence felt or we withdraw from the world and let the world move on without us.Sadly in the past few years, we have not been lucky in terms of leadership.
We have had outstanding foreign ministers in the past that helped us achieve concrete foreign objectives and they made us proud.
With the likes of Dr Jaja Wachukwu (1961-1965), Nuhu Bamali (1965-1966), Dr Okoi Arikpo (1967-1975), Major General Joe Nanven Garba (1975-1978), Major General Henry Adefowope (1978-1979), Professor Ishaya Audu (1979-1983), Chief Emeka Anyaoku (1983), Professor Ibrahim Gambari (1984-1985), Professor Bolaji Akinyemi (1985-1987), Major General Ike Nwachukwu (1987-1989), Babagana Kingibe(1993-1995), Professor Joy Ogwu (2006-2007), Sule Lamido (1999-2003), Ignatius Olisemeka (1998-1999), Ambassador Olugbenga Asiru alias Asa (2011-2013) and others, we could be proud of our foreign policy objectives.We also took part in global peace efforts. From 1960 till 2000, Nigeria took part in United Nations Operations in the Congo (ONUG), 1960-1964, United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia (UNTAG), 1989-1990, United Nations Angola Verification Mission II (UNAVEM II) 1991-1995, United Nations Angola Verification Mission III (UNAVEM III) 1995-1997), United Nations Observer Mission in Angola (MONUA), 1997, United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), 1991- and United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II) 1993-1995.
Others are the United Nations Operations in Mozambique (ONUMOZ), 1992-194; United Nations Assistance Mission of Rwanda (UNAMIR), 1993-1996; United Nations Aouzou Strip Observer Group (UNASOG), 1994; United Nations India-Pakistan Observer Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966; United Nations Security Force in West New Guinea (UNSF), 1962-1963; United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTA), 1992-1993; United Nations Mission of Observers in Tajikistan (UNMOT), 1994-; United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFR), 1992-195; United Nations Confidence Restoration Operation in Croatia (UNCRO), 1995-1996; and the United Nations Preventive Deployment Force in Macedonia (UNPREDEP), 1995.
The lists included the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH), 1995-; United Nations Transitional Administration or Easter Slovenia, Baraja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES), 1996-1998; United Nations Mission of Observers in Prevlaka (UNMOP), 1996-; United Nations Civilian Police Support Group, 1998-1991; United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission (UN IKOM), 1991-; United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), 1978; and the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Sierra Leone, 1999.
There was a desk office in the then Cabinet Office, Lagos manned by Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar from Kaduna State; Permanent Secretary, Cabinet Office; Dr Niyi Adedeji from Ilesa, Osun State; Ambassador Timothy Ayodele Olu Otunla also from Ilesa; Mr Bisi Ogunniyi from Iree in Osun State, and others, established purposely by Generals Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo, for the sole purpose of assisting African states in their liberation struggles.
With the approval of the then Supreme Military Council, Brigadier Ibrahim Ahmed Bako (N/548) (5 March 1943-31 December 1983) from Kaduna State, trained freedom fighters in Libya and Somalia.
Brigadier Ibrahim Bako led the Nigerian Army contingent that facilitated the transfer of about 100 former guerrillas from the Zimbabwean bushes (after the liberation struggle) for selection and training at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna in 1980. Those 100 former guerrillas formed the pioneer corps of the post-independence Zimbabwe National Army, leading Nigeria’s assistance to other Southern African countries like Angola and South Africa, in their fight against apartheid and colonialism.
There was the South African relief fund, an offshoot of the Federal Government, established by General Olusegun Obasanjo, first headed by Dr Aina from Kwara State and later by Evelyn Omawunmi Urhobo, which provided assistance to freedom fighters of South Africa. At that time every Federal Civil Servant was obliged to donate to the Fund. Nigeria donated four rooms at the National Theatre Iganmu, Lagos to serve as operations centres for the liberation struggle in South Africa. Both the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) and the African National Congress (ANC) shared the offices then.
Dr Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki (81), who later became the President of South Africa from 16 June 1999 to 24 September 2008, used one of those offices in Iganmu. He was then the head of the African National Congress (ANC) in Nigeria. At that time, Lagos was like the capital of freedom fighters in Africa. It is no exaggeration that we carried Africa’s burden.
In fact, a commercial street in Freetown, Sierra Leone, is today named after the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998).
Listing the assistance that Nigeria has given to some African countries from independence to date, is like counting the planes that land daily at Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport in Georgia, USA – too numerous.
My late cousin, Dr Ayo Akinbobola (11th December 1942 – 19th April, 2008) Jimekenla from Idanre in Ondo state, attempted it in his book titled, “Regionalism and Regional Influentials: The Post Cold-War Role of Nigeria in African Affairs.” Dr Akinbobola was a Ford Foundation Fellow at Howard University, Washington DC, USA; a research fellow at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs, Lagos; a visiting scholar to the University of Oxford, 1979; and to the University of Michigan.
In 1972, Nigeria and the Benin Republic embarked on a N7 million cement project. The Nigerian government provided a N2 million, 35 years interest free loan, with 30 per cent equity. Both countries also have a joint sugar project. The Nigerian government had a 45 per cent equity share in the project, while Benin Republic held 49 per cent, with expatriate companies’ enjoying five per cent of the shares. Both projects were based in the Benin Republic.
The Nigeria government also invested in uranium mining in Niger and petrochemical concerns in Senegal.
In September 1972, Nigeria signed an agreement with Guinea to invest $350,000 (five per cent of the shares) in the Mifergui Nimba and Simandou Company of Guinea, which is charged with the exploitation and sales of the country’s iron ore resources. Under the agreement, Nigeria was guaranteed one million tons of quality ore yearly for its steel production at Ajaokuta.
Nigeria provided electricity to Niger from Kainji Dam. She also granted Dahomey (Benin) $2 million to pay for imports from the country. Nigeria entered into agreement with other African states to construct a 6,530 kilometre trans-Africa highway running from and Kenyan port of Mombassa to the Nigerian port city of Lagos and passing through Uganda, Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo), Central African Republic and Cameroon.
In 1972, Nigeria granted an interest free N1 million loan to Dahomey to rehabilitate the Idiroko- Porto Novo road. By the time the road was opened in 1973, the Federal Government had spent a total of N2.7 million on it. The Federal Government also undertook the construction of the 92-kilometre Sokoto-Illela and Birnin Konni (both in Niger Republic) roads at the cost of N2.2 million.
On 24 February, 1975, at the ministerial meeting of the Economic Commission for Africa in Nairobi, Nigeria announced that it would make crude petroleum available to any African country that required it, at concessionary rates. The leader of the Nigerian government delegation, Mr Victor Adeyeye Adegoroye from Akure in Ondo State, who made the announcement, spelt out two conditions for this: Such countries must have their own refineries, and the crude oil sold to them must not be re-exported to Third World countries.
Nigeria also played an active role in the funding of African Development Bank (AfDB). The renowned economist, Dr Pius Nwabufo Charles Okigbo (6 February, 1924 — 13 September, 2000) from Ojoto in Idemili South Local Government of Anambra State, was the head of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) team that carried out the feasibility study on it in 1961. On 4 November, 1964, the Nigerian Prime Minister, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – 15 January 1966) presided over its inaugural board of governors’ meeting in Lagos. Nigeria’s major on-going multilateral assistance involved the bank. It has the highest block of shares in the bank. This comes to 159,751 shares, about 15.6 per cent of the total shares and some 10.5 per cent of the weighted voting power.
Nigeria contributes 32.5 per cent annually to the ECOWAS budget (multilateral assistance). In June 1980, it settled the outstanding rent of the Community’s secretariat amounting to N80 million.
In 1970-1971, Nigeria increased its contributions to the OAU budget to N150,000, 47 per cent over the 1968-1969 contributions, making it the third largest contributor to the organisation’s annual budget. In 1978, the Federal Government gave Mozambique N5million to cope with problems associated with the closure of its borders with Sothern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe. Nigeria played a major role in the establishment of the River Niger Basin Commission and the Chad Basin Commission. Both of which have potential as investment. In 1979, Nigerian contributed N30,000,000 to the Lake Chad Basin Development Fund.
Nigeria’s military assistance to other countries has generally taken the form of contributions to troops and equipment to peacekeeping missions in countries having internal conflicts. The country was yet to become independent when it became involved in the UN Congo mission. Its generally effective and widely acclaimed participation in that peacekeeping mission laid a foundation for later involvements in several other peacekeeping missions since then, including those in Lebanon and the former Yugoslavia.
Apart from the Congo mission, Nigeria has been the player in the Liberian peacekeeping operations. Nigerian troops served in Sierra Leone as part of the peace agreement to end that country’s civil war. They also served in Tanzania to restore order following the army mutiny of 20 January, 1964. Military officers of a number of African countries undergo training in some Nigerian military schools and colleges.
Shortly after Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – 15 January 1966) the then Prime Minister proposed that a fact finding mission be sent to the Democratic Republic of Congo where open rebellion had broken out, the UN on 5 November, 1960, set up the Congo Conciliation Commission made up of 15 Afro-Asian states. Nigeria’s foreign Minister, Mr Jaja Nwachukwu was elected chairman of the commission. Before independence, Nigeria had put the Kano airport at the disposal of the UN for the transport of troops and materials to the Congo. Two platoons of the fifth Battalion of the Royal Nigerian Army were detailed to work with UN troops during their stopover in Kano.
Later, at the request of the UN Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjord, Nigeria agreed one month to its independence to contribute troops to the UN force in the Congo and immediately dispatched the general officer commanding the RNA to conduct a reconnaissance mission in the troubled republic. The full Nigerian contingent itself left for the Congo between 18 and 22 November, 1960. It involved five battalions deployed in four of the country’s six provinces, namely Kassai, Kivu, North Katanga and Leopoldville.
The contingent was assigned the primary duty of assisting the Congolese authorities in maintaining law and order and preventing minor clashes and large-scale war among the various factions. Among other things, the Nigerians contingent helped to reduce inter-ethnic and inter-factional clashes; protected Congolese and foreign administrators as well as public utilities workers: and performed guard duties at installations such as power stations, airstrips, mines, factories, waterworks, railway stations and public buildings.
On the whole, Nigeria has supplied about 70 per cent of ECOMOG’s men and material during the first five years of its operations. This includes 15-armed helicopters. Since the removal of the force’s Ghanaian Commander, General Arnold Quainoo, it has been led by Nigerian Commander. SMC also set up a special emergency fund for the war-torn country to deal with refugee problems, among others.
Shortly after the Federal Government accorded it recognition in November 1975, the MPLA government in Angola sent a delegation to Lagos to request for military and financial assistance. In December, the government gave the Angolan government an outright grant of $20million and set up a military committee headed by the Minister of Defence, Major General Illiya Bisalla to determine how best Nigeria could meet the needs of the Angolans.
The committee was able, by January 1976, to assemble uniforms, combat boots, steel helmet and some weapons which Nigeria Air Force planes used to fly to Angola. Still significant was the role of General Murtala Mohammed (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976) who almost single-handedly swayed the OAU into MPLA recognition as the sole government of Angola. Many African commentators considered Murtala’s action as a psychological boost for the African liberation movement because of its impact on the US position on African decolonization.
In the early 70s, while we were in Ibadan with the likes of Oladunnin Ayandepo, Joe Abiola alias Atuma, Tayo Kehinde, Soji Alakuro, Folu Olamiti, Toye Akiyode alias Agusko, Sanya Ogunlana alias Sosoele and others, he never embraced socialist policies nor was he allowed to be called Comrade or Aluta Continua, which were popular clichés during that period. In Ibadan then he was just a Good Fellow struggling to survive like everyone.
President Bola Tinubu (GCFR) left Ibadan for Chicago, United States of America to study. Among his classmates at that time in Chicago was Chief Kunle Adedayo (75) alias Baba Yungbayungba, from Ila Orangun in Osun State, now the Chairman of Tastee Fried Chicken in Lagos.
President Bola Tinubu and Chief Kunle Adedayo were both living in the same apartment at 7959 South Phillips, Chicago, USA.
When Chief Adedayo got married in Chicago in 1976 to his alluring Ijebu Ode lady, Yinka Pamela, Bola Tinubu was one of his groomsmen at the marriage event. When their son, Bunmi, was born in 1977, President Bola Tinubu was the godfather.
When President Tinubu returned to Nigeria, he was employed at Mobil Oil Nigeria Plc, Bookshop House, 50/52, Broad Street, Lagos. His co-workers at that time were Chief Pius Olu Akinyelure, Barry Fadase, Segun Fatusi (My Main Man), Dayo Jolaoso, Sola Ogunsola, Mr Sijuade, Akin Doherty, Adekunle Ali, Akin Fatunke, Olu Onakoya, Akin Leigh, Emmanuel Adesoye, John Nnadi, Nwachukwu Okonkwo, Moses Olabode, Adenike Williams, Sunday Essien, Olumide Ajomale, Olusegun Ojo, Oloye Femi Olugbende, Bath Mou, Kola Fajuyigbe and others.
At lunch time, he was always at Mummy’s Place (Mrs Adebanjo) on 12, Lewis street, Lagos Island, which was also patronised by Dayo Shobowale, Joke Sanyaolu, Yinka Guedon, Tola Animashaun, Remi Agbaosi, Dele Adeola, Biyi Badejo, Prince Bola Ojora, Tunde Duale, Prince Makinwa Ademiluyi (Makaay), Akin Sanwo-Olu, Winnie Ojei, Ranti Aborowa, Tunde Adebanjo, Remi Odukoya, Supo Ali Balogun, Egbon Ladi Rasaki, Tunde Babayale, Gori Thomas, Roy Abiodun, Femi Akiyode, Dr Okubanjo, CK Roberto, Lamidi Albert, Eddy Obaseki and others.
OPINION
Restoring the Naira as a Store of Value
By Uddin Ifeanyi
Much of the palaver over the recent meeting of the Central Bank of Nigeria’s policy committee was exercised by how well the apex bank is doing its job. Against its primary goal of maintaining price stability, the CBN’s Monetary Policy Committee’s decision to recalibrate its monetary policy rate (MPR) in order to align it with the market invited the most attention.
First, there is the question of what the MPR anchors.
In reality, nothing. Ideally, however, the CBN’s policy rate should transmit price signals through the financial system, influencing saving, borrowing, liquidity, inflation expectations, and in the end, the naira’s exchange rate. It should, in other words, signal the central bank’s intentions. Yet, we have had years in which the MPR stoically remained unchanged even as inflation ran riot, and the naira’s exchange rate came under severe downward pressure.The CBN has regularly papered over this crack with an often-bewildering arsenal of tools — including some eccentric flimflams that it has deployed in recent times. But this only raises further questions as to how useful even these are. Take the cash reserve requirement.
At 45 percent for deposit money banks, it means that nearly half of banks’ qualifying deposits are warehoused with the central bank at any given time. While these sums may not, therefore, be available to build bubbles in the foreign exchange and equity markets, they are not likewise available for lending. Even if we argue that long-term lending ought properly to be funded by equity, banks and not shareholders should bear the burden of financing businesses’ working capital needs. Then, there is the small matter of how the CBN’s cash reserve requirement might be just as orphaned as its policy rate.
Banks raising naira deposits end up paying the CRR tax. In an economy that has witnessed considerable dollarisation — “the process where a country uses a foreign currency (most often the greenback) alongside or completely in place of its own domestic currency” over the years, does it matter that deposits into domiciliary accounts are not CRR compliant? And how?
Might the “dollarisation” phenomenon hold the key to the CBN’s toolkit’s redundancies? Countries formally adopt the dollar in place of their domestic currencies when locals lose faith in the latter. This process restores the stability that struggling economies often find unable to achieve with their currencies and drives investment inflows.
Nigeria’s dollarisation is only partial and barely adjacent. Yet, while the country may not have lost the gains — seigniorage — from printing its own currency that is one consequence of dollarisation, the CBN looks to have partially lost control of the monetary policy space, with the sums that Nigerians increasingly park in their dollar accounts.
There are, thankfully, many ways to regain this control without having to nationalise dollar deposits. Neither the CBN nor the government can talk their way out of this, though. You cannot tell Nigerians to keep their savings in naira while offering them a savings rate below inflation. The smart choice in this circumstance is for domestic economic actors to move their savings into dollars, property, equities, commodities, inventory, or other assets.
Giving Nigerians a reason to save in naira should thus be the central goal of a policy reset. How to do this? We have got to keep inflation low. At 30% year-on-year a while back, the CPI numbers were an outrage. At a little over 15 percent today, it is still doing great injury to the naira. N100 today has roughly the purchasing power of only ₦50 after five years. The solution here goes beyond the CBN setting a credible, explicit medium-term inflation target.
It also transcends the CBN laying out incentive structures that make deviations from this target costly both politically and institutionally. More than this, the national commitment to the CBN not financing fiscal deficits must be religious and total. While this means that monetary policy is no longer subordinate to the federal government’s financing requirements, it must aim at positive real interest rates for savers.
Still a spectre haunts monetary policy in Nigeria. It is unfortunately not in the CBN’s gift to exorcise the nightmare that the federal government’s financing requirements have become.
How do we persuade our public sector boffins that a government that persistently spends more than it can sustainably pay for creates pressure for any of higher taxation, additional borrowing, monetary accommodation, inflation, or the naira’s depreciation? If the naira is only as strong as Nigeria’s balance sheet, then the task of getting both the fiscal and monetary authorities to operate under a common nominal inflation anchor must begin with reducing recurrent expenditure, broadening the tax base instead of increasing the tax rate, returning off-budget borrowing back to the budget, publishing complete fiscal accounts, improving the quality of public investment, establishing a credible medium-term strategy, and ceasing to use the CBN as a piggy bank.
Hopefully, this should help the economy produce more tradable goods and services. Because the naira represents a claim on the economy by anyone holding it, we cannot permanently defend the currency’s exchange rate through interest rates and reserves, if the economy continually uses up more foreign exchange than it earns. In other words, then, the economy must work for the naira to work.
Uddin Ifeanyi, a journalist manqué and retired civil servant, can be reached @IfeanyiUddin.
OPINION
Nigerian Disability; We Sold the Well, Charged for and Withheld the Water
By Prince Charles Dickson Ph.D
There is an old story about a lawyer who sold his well to a teacher, then returned demanding payment for the water inside it. The teacher smiled. If the water still belonged to the lawyer, he replied, perhaps the lawyer should remove it or pay rent for storing it in somebody else’s well.
Suddenly, the lawyer remembered he had only been joking.It is funny until we recognise ourselves as lawyers.
We tell people with disabilities that public spaces belong to everyone. Then we demand an additional price for entering them.
We give them citizenship, but charge for the ramp. We promise education, but make the classroom unreachable. We proclaim equal opportunity, then construct the doorway too narrow for their wheelchair.That contradiction came home to me when Grace shared her story with me, she titled Public Place Accessible Report for Inclusion. It contained no sentimental appeal. It simply insisted that public places should allow everyone to enter, move, communicate, receive services and participate independently, safely and with dignity.
I listened to it in her voice once as a report. Then, I read it again as an indictment.
Behind every line was somebody’s ordinary day made unnecessarily difficult. A mother arrives at a hospital, already frightened for her child, discovering that the entrance has steps but no ramp. A young man preparing carefully for an interview, only to find his opportunity waiting upstairs without a lift. An older woman confronting a pavement that has forgotten her legs cannot move as quickly as they once did.
These are imagined scenes, but the barriers Grace identified are painfully real. Poorly enforced building standards. Toilets that exclude. Transport that humiliates. Signs people cannot read. Public information people cannot hear. Facilities built without consulting those who will need to use them.
Grace’s intervention mattered because she did not reduce accessibility to a construction problem. Her story and experience understood something profound: every inaccessible entrance is also a message. Sometimes it says, “We did not think of you.” Sometimes, more cruelly, it says, “We thought of you, but you were not worth the expense.”
What does that message do to a child’s heart?
Imagine a girl with cerebral palsy watching other children rush into a school assembly while she waits outside for someone to carry her over the steps. Imagine her learning, year after year, that she must be grateful for help rather than entitled to access. Imagine how quietly a society can teach someone to apologise for existing.
On 3 October 2026, at GlowingStar Empowerment Initiative and Development’s World Cerebral Palsy Day commemoration in Bukuru, I delivered a keynote titled Beyond Therapy: Seeing the Whole Person, Not Just the Condition. Its central argument was simple: a person has cerebral palsy; cerebral palsy does not have the person.
A diagnosis is information, not identity. Therapy is necessary, valuable and sometimes life changing. But therapy is supposed to be a bridge into life, not the whole landscape of living. Beyond treatment are friendships, classrooms, jobs, ambitions, relationships, leadership, laughter, choices and dreams that deserve room to breathe.
We can celebrate a child’s progress in therapy while failing that same child at the school gate. We can praise a parent’s devotion while exhausting that parent with inaccessible transport, expensive care and the endless labour of explaining why their child deserves a chance. We can call ourselves compassionate while our architecture remains indifferent. At the commemoration, parents spoke of stigma, costly therapy and limited support. Their courage was unmistakable, but courage should not be the currency families must spend to secure ordinary human rights.
That was why I argued that admission is not inclusion. Allowing a child through the gate means little if the classroom, teaching methods, toilet, playground or attitudes inside still tell that child to remain on the margins.
And communication must never be confused with intelligence. When someone speaks differently or needs more time, our responsibility is neither impatience nor pity. Ask. Then wait. Listen without finishing their sentences. A human voice does not lose its authority because it travels by an unfamiliar route.
I returned to Grace’s story and noticed how practical her demands were: sensible ramps and handrails, usable toilets, safe pathways, accessible transport, clear signage, Braille, captions, audio information and regular audits. It called for architects, officials and contractors to understand universal design, and for people with disabilities themselves to help plan and evaluate the spaces they use.
Nothing about us without us. That principle is not a decorative language for conferences. It is what stops a well-meaning official from installing a ramp that is too steep, or declaring a school inclusive without asking the students to navigate its corridors.
Nigeria has legal commitments against disability discrimination. Yet a law that cannot travel from the statute book to a bus stop, hospital, workplace or classroom remains a promise stranded on paper. Rights should not require influential relatives, public sympathy or a viral photograph before anyone honours them.
Sometimes, as I said in that keynote, society needs therapy. Our buildings need rehabilitation. Our policies need rehabilitation. Our assumptions, professional habits and careless language need rehabilitation. We must stop asking only how a person can adapt to a hostile environment and begin asking why we made that environment hostile.
I keep thinking about Grace, my newfound friend. As she shared recommendations, their moral weight was larger than the suggestions itself. She reminded me that inclusion often begins when someone refuses to look away from what everyone else has learned to step over. It begins with the uncomfortable decision to measure progress not by the elegance of our speeches, but by who can actually enter the room.
The lawyer in the story wanted to sell the well while keeping its water hostage. Too often, our society offers people with disabilities belonging without access, opportunity without accommodation, dignity without choice. Then it calls every concession generosity.
But the water was never ours to withhold.
Every child deserves more than survival. Every caregiver deserves more than exhaustion. Every adult with a disability deserves the freedom to work, love, contribute and belong without performing gratitude for rights already theirs. The purpose of inclusion is not to make people feel fortunate to be tolerated. It is to build a country where nobody must beg to be considered human.
So, Grace, thank you for disturbing our comfort with something as unromantic, and as revolutionary, as sharing your story with me. May we answer it with budgets, redesigned spaces, enforced standards and genuine listening. May the next child approaching a public doorway find no argument waiting there, only an opening.
OPINION
Why Media and Information Literacy Belongs in Every Child’s Learning Journey
By Chiamaka Okafor-Onumah
A child hears that there will be no school tomorrow. The message arrives through a friend, a family WhatsApp group or a video shared online. What should the child do: believe it, forward it or check? That simple moment captures one of the defining challenges of growing up today.
Children are surrounded by information, but they are rarely taught early enough how to question it safely and responsibly.
Media and Information Literacy (MIL) is often discussed as a response to fake news, election rumours or online manipulation.
It is all of these, but it is also something more basic and enduring: the everyday ability to ask where information came from, what evidence supports it, why it was shared and whether it should be passed on.These habits should begin in childhood, when curiosity is strong and the foundations of learning and judgement are being formed.
Children in Nigeria encounter information through family conversations, school announcements, radio, television, books, mobile phones, messaging platforms, social media, online games and, increasingly, artificial intelligence.
This environment brings enormous opportunities. A child can discover a new subject, hear a story from another part of the country or use a digital tool to create something original. The same environment can
carry false health advice, fabricated school notices, altered images, harmful content and messages designed to provoke fear or hostility.
That is the purpose of Young Truth Detectives, an initiative of the Media and Information Literacy and Intercultural Dialogue (MILID) Foundation. Its workbook turns a complex subject into a journey children can understand: six missions that move from recognising information and media to identifying sources, spotting falsehoods, investigating claims and protecting the truth. A child is not asked to master abstract theory. The child is invited to become a detective: ask a question, look for a clue, check the source and seek evidence.
This approach matters because a definition alone does not create a habit. Children need repeated chances to practise. They can learn that a radio or phone is a medium, while the person or organisation behind a message is its source. They can compare a rumour with an official school notice. They can distinguish misinformation, shared by mistake, from disinformation, created or shared deliberately to deceive. They can learn that even a familiar or trusted person may be mistaken, and that checking a claim is an act of care rather than disrespect.
The most useful lesson may be the simplest: stop before sharing. The workbook’s fact-checking questions what happened, when and where, who said it, why it might have been shared, and how we can now give children a practical routine. The final question, “Is it correct?”, leaves room for an honest answer: “I need to check more.” In a culture that rewards speed and instant reaction, teaching a child to wait, ask an adult and verify is a meaningful achievement.
Children should not be expected to investigate dangerous or complicated claims alone. The Facilitator’s Guide places teachers, parents, caregivers and community educators at the centre of the learning process. It offers lesson plans, warm-ups, role-play, reflection, assessment and home activities so that the same ideas can be explored in class and reinforced in family life.
A child who sees adults check a message before forwarding it learns that verification is normal. A child whose questions are welcomed learns that curiosity is a strength.
The guide also recognises that learners do not all begin at the same place. Some children will write answers independently; others will need an adult to read a prompt aloud, invite a spoken response or use a drawing. Age-sensitive activities and familiar Nigerian settings make the lessons more accessible. The aim is not to turn every lesson into a lecture about danger. It is to make critical thought engaging, respectful and useful in ordinary life.
Artificial intelligence makes this work more urgent. AI tools can help children learn and create, but they can also produce convincing text, pictures, audio and video that are inaccurate or invented. The answer cannot be to frighten children away from technology or assume they can identify every manipulation by
sight. Instead, they need a question they can use in different situations: who or what produced this, what evidence supports it, and where else can we check? That habit serves them whether a claim comes from a person, a website or a machine.
For Nigeria, the stakes reach beyond individual screen use. Communities depend on information to make decisions about health, education, safety and public life. False claims can create confusion, damage trust and deepen division. Young people who learn to respect evidence, communicate kindly and correct mistakes without ridicule can contribute to a healthier information environment. MIL does not ask children to distrust everyone. It teaches them to place trust thoughtfully, recognise uncertainty and treat others with dignity.
Media and information literacy belongs alongside reading, writing and other foundational skills. It supports the wider purpose of education: helping children understand the world and participate in it. It also complements the commitment to inclusive, equitable quality education and lifelong learning in Sustainable Development Goal 4.
A child who can read a message but cannot question its source remains vulnerable. A child who can question, verify and communicate responsibly has gained a skill for life.
Schools cannot do this work alone, and parents cannot be expected to know every platform or trend. Young Truth Detectives offers a practical starting point. Schools can make space for short, regular MIL activities. Families can talk about where a message came from before deciding whether to share it. Libraries and community programmes can host detective games and story-based discussions. Facilitators can adapt examples to local languages and experiences while keeping the core questions consistent.
For this to take root, MIL should be treated as a continuing practice rather than a one-off event. Teachers need time and confidence to facilitate discussion; parents need simple prompts they can use without specialist training; and programme designers need to review activities as children’s media habits change.
Partnerships with libraries, schools, community organisations and public educators can help extend the work beyond a single classroom. Consistency matters: children learn best when the same habits are modelled across the places where they live, learn and play.
The measure of success will not be how many lessons children complete. It will be whether, over time, they pause when something sounds startling, ask who made the claim, look for evidence and seek help
when needed. It will be whether they can say, “I was wrong,” or “Let us check together.” These are modest actions, but they help protect children and the people around them.
Every child deserves the tools to navigate the information world with curiosity and care. Inviting children to become Young Truth Detectives does not ask them to carry the burden of fixing the information ecosystem. It gives them age-appropriate ways to take part in it wisely. The questions they learn to ask today can shape the citizens and community members they become tomorrow—and the kind of society they help build.
Chiamaka Okafor-Onumah is Co-founder and Executive Director of MILID Foundation. She can be reached via info@milidfoundation.org


