OPINION
TikTok Live: Between Digital Hustle and e-begging
By Egobi Ofuogu
In early June, many Nigerians watched in disbelief as viral videos showed people pleading for money during a TikTok Live session allegedly hosted by suspected bandits.
The incident reignited concerns over the growing culture of soliciting virtual gifts and cash on social media, raising difficult questions about the boundaries between digital entrepreneurship and online begging.
As TikTok Live becomes a popular source of income for young Nigerians, opinions remain divided over whether the platform represents a legitimate avenue for creators to monetise their talents or a troubling trend that encourages dependence on virtual donations.
The debate also reflects broader concerns about youth unemployment, Nigeria’s evolving digital economy and the responsible use of social media.
Indeed, social media platforms have transformed the way people communicate, interact and create economic opportunities, with young Nigerians exploring digital spaces for income generation.
Platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, X and TikTok have evolved beyond social networking to influence careers, businesses, community mobilisation and civic participation.
Among them, TikTok has emerged as one of the most popular platforms, enabling content creators to earn income through brand partnerships, advertising and virtual gifts from followers.
However, the growing popularity of TikTok Live, where viewers send gifts that can be converted into cash, has fuelled debate over whether the practice represents digital entrepreneurship or a new form of online begging.
According to DataReportal, Nigeria had an estimated 47.8 million social media users as of October 2025, representing about 20 per cent of the population.
Similarly, Intelpoint estimates TikTok’s Nigerian user base at about 37.4 million, underscoring the platform’s growing influence among young people.
For many, TikTok Live has become more than entertainment; it offers opportunities to build audiences, showcase creativity and generate income.
Even so, critics argue that some users have shifted from creating valuable content to merely soliciting gifts without offering meaningful engagement.
Sharing his perspective, Mr Steve Benjamin, a youth activist, said TikTok Live should not automatically be labelled as e-begging.
According to him, what matters is the intention behind using the platform.
“I did not go live because I was looking for money. As a matter of fact, I did not receive gifts from anybody and I did not ask for any,” he said.
Benjamin, however, expressed concern about creators who resort to degrading or exploitative content, especially involving children, simply to attract gifts and monetary rewards.
He urged content creators to focus on meaningful content while using digital platforms responsibly.
Furthermore, he advised youths who earn income from TikTok and similar platforms to diversify their revenue streams, noting that changes in algorithms, platform policies and audience preferences could affect earnings.
He encouraged creators to invest proceeds from social media in businesses, education and other sustainable ventures.
Offering a different perspective, entrepreneur Mr Jesse Ayo argued that virtual gifts should be seen as support for creators rather than acts of charity.
According to Ayo, quality content requires time, creativity and commitment, and audiences who appreciate such efforts should be free to support creators financially.
“When I see people put out content, I am pleased and want to support them so that they will be encouraged to do better,” he said.
He described content creation as legitimate work, saying creators devote considerable time and energy to producing engaging content.
“TikTok is just like a job now because people are putting in their time and energy. They spend sleepless nights creating content and it can be discouraging when the views are low or people do not appreciate their efforts,” he added.
Nevertheless, Ayo advised users to exercise restraint when spending money on virtual gifts.
Beyond individual opinions, research has also drawn attention to the growing phenomenon of online begging on social media.
A 2023 study titled Analysis of Online Begging Phenomena in TikTok identified online begging as an emerging practice driven by advances in digital technology and changing social behaviour.
Similarly, a 2025 study published in the Asian Journal of Humanities linked the trend to poverty, rapid technological development and the growing desire for online visibility.
Taken together, the studies suggest that while TikTok Live creates economic opportunities, it also raises ethical concerns over emotional manipulation, exploitation and controversial tactics used to attract financial rewards.
Meanwhile, governments and regulators across the world continue to focus on issues such as data privacy, child protection, misinformation and online safety.
In Nigeria, agencies including the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA), the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) have consistently advocated responsible use of digital platforms.
The Director-General of NITDA, Mr Kashifu Inuwa Abdullahi, has repeatedly urged Nigerians, especially young people, to use digital technologies productively.
According to him, excessive consumption of entertainment content could distract young people from acquiring digital skills, innovation and entrepreneurship needed for national development.
He has consistently maintained that digital platforms should serve as tools for learning, creativity, innovation and economic empowerment rather than mere entertainment.
Echoing that position, digital economy expert Mr Isaiah Pam called for greater digital literacy, saying users should understand both the opportunities and risks associated with social media.
He said while digital platforms provide opportunities for business growth, networking and access to global markets, users must exercise caution and avoid harmful online practices.
In the same vein, youth development advocate Ms Naomi Adeyemi urged young creators to prioritise value-driven content, protect their privacy and build sustainable income streams instead of relying solely on virtual gifts.
According to her, responsible use of technology remains essential to ensuring that Nigeria’s expanding digital economy translates into youth empowerment and national development.
Analysts say Benjamin’s advice on diversifying income sources underscores the need for creators to complement earnings from social media with investments, skills acquisition and other sustainable ventures.
As millions of Nigerians continue to embrace TikTok, stakeholders agree that greater emphasis should be placed on responsible content creation, digital literacy and protecting vulnerable users from exploitation.
Ultimately, observers say whether TikTok Live becomes a platform for entrepreneurship or a channel for e-begging will depend largely on how creators and users choose to engage with it.
For many, the future of Nigeria’s digital economy will not be determined simply by how much money changes hands online, but by whether digital platforms are used to create lasting value, innovation and sustainable livelihoods. (NAN)
The Non-story of Cross-border Power Debt, and the Story Worth Telling
By Tobi Oluwatola
Every few months, the same headline returns: Benin, Togo and Niger owe Nigeria billions of naira for electricity. This quarter it is about ₦17.45 billion. It arrives with the same wave of indignation, that we are keeping our neighbours in light while our own citizens sit in darkness. It makes for a good headline. It is also, on the numbers, a non-story, and it distracts from a far more hopeful one.
Begin with what that figure actually is. The payment risk it seems to describe was dealt with years ago. Under the Eligible Customer reforms of 2017 and the Willing Buyer, Willing Seller framework of 2019, cross-border and large-industrial electricity supply was moved onto direct, guaranteed bilateral contracts entered by neighbouring utilities directly with Nigerian Generating Companies (Gencos).
To buy power this way, a customer must post a letter of credit or a bank guarantee to the market operator before a single megawatt flows. That is precisely why the energy trade with our neighbours works: it was designed to be commercially disciplined, and it runs on surplus capacity, not on power taken from Nigerian homes, and is capped at less than 10 per cent of the power on the grid.
So what is the ₦17.45 billion? It is a residual service charge, the regulated fee that covers the regulator, the transmission company, the bulk trader and the market and system operator, running at around $20 million a quarter.
The value of the electricity itself, the energy and capacity for the roughly 350 megawatts supplied, is settled separately under those guaranteed contracts, and it is larger. The number in the news is the small administrative slice of the trade, and it happens to be the one layer not yet fully behind a guarantee.
The neighbours pay this slice to the generating companies, alongside their energy and capacity charge; it is the generating company that pays the market operator. Even that is now being closed: the system operator is moving to secure its service charges the same way the energy contracts already are. Where a balance lags, it is usually an older government-linked plant on legacy terms, inside a market simply mid-way through a transition, not a foreign default.
This is the part worth dwelling on, because it points to what Nigeria should do next. The same commercial discipline that quietly fixed the cross-border trade also governs the power that our factories buy.
On that same June day, 228 megawatts went directly from generators to Nigerian industry, to steel mills, food processors and manufacturers, under guaranteed bilateral contracts. Those customers pay, they get reliable power, and they sidestep the collection weakness of the distribution network entirely. It is, without fanfare, the healthiest part of the whole system.
That is the segment to grow with urgency, precisely because it does not wait on fixing everything else first. Nigeria can expand commercially-contracted supply both on the grid, as embedded generation, and off it, as captive plants and mini-grids, and it can start where the money is most bankable: agro-processing zones and staple-crop clusters first, then commercial hubs and the big cities.
These are dense, high-value, creditworthy loads that can carry cost-reflective, guarantee-backed contracts today. Every megawatt sold this way is a megawatt that is actually paid for, that guarantees more industrial output, more jobs, and proof to lenders that the model scales.
The same logic can be carried into the last and largest corner of the sector. Most of the roughly ₦6.8 trillion that generators are owed sits in the relationship between the distribution and generation companies.
Here too the fix is already in motion: the regulator’s 2024 move to bilateral trading is pulling generators and distributors off the old single-buyer pool and onto direct, guarantee-backed contracts. By the middle of last year, fewer than a third of grid generators had such contracts; the rest were still supplying on trust, which is how the debt builds.
Finishing that transition, patiently and without disrupting supply, so that a distribution-to-generation contract carries the same discipline as an industrial or cross-border one, would close the single biggest hole in the system.
None of this excuses the losses inside our own network, and that work matters too. On 28 June about 399 megawatts, a power station’s worth, was lost inside the grid before reaching any customer, and the larger loss is downstream, where distribution and collection losses of 30 to 40 per cent cost the distribution companies hundreds of billions of naira a quarter.
Metering, reinforcing the weakest transmission corridors and a serious posture against vandalism and theft are the tools, and every recovered megawatt is the cheapest power in the country. These are being tackled; they should be tackled faster.
So let us retire the annual ritual of outrage over the ₦17.45 billion. We should note properly: it is a modest service charge on a trade that Nigeria disciplined and guaranteed years ago, not evidence that our neighbours are fleecing us.
The more useful truth is that Nigeria already has a model that works; direct, guaranteed, bilateral contracts, proven with international customers and with our own industry. The job now is neither dramatic nor punitive.
It is to scale that model into our agro-processing zones and cities, extend it to the rest of the value chain, and keep closing the leaks at home. The people running this sector are, for the most part, already on that road. What they need is for the rest of us to help them move faster along it, not to keep relitigating a debt that was settled, by design, a long time ago.
Figures are drawn from NERC market reports and the National Control Centre’s daily load allocation for 28 June; the market operator invoice reflects regulated service charges, not the value of energy supplied.
Tobi Oluwatola is a partner at AP3 Advisory Services and chief executive of TAO Technologies. He advises on the UK PACT Nigeria Energy Programme.
OPINION
Osun Election: Will Nigeria’s Political Class Learn?
As Nigeria gradually enters the political season ahead of the 2027 general elections, there is a growing temptation among politicians to return to the familiar playbook: aggressive campaigns, endless promises, political propaganda, ethnic calculations, religious sentiments and the mobilisation of money and machinery.
But if the political class is paying attention, the recent Osun election should offer a sobering lesson.
Elections are no longer simply contests between political parties or exercises in political arithmetic. They are increasingly becoming referendums on performance, credibility, organisation and the relationship between politicians and the people.The Osun experience should therefore be more than another election victory or defeat to be celebrated by one camp and rationalised by another. It should be a warning to every politician preparing for 2027.
The first lesson is that the people are watching.
For too long, Nigerian politicians have behaved as though voters can be permanently manipulated with slogans, inducements and election-day theatrics. But voters are becoming more discerning. They may still respond to material incentives, but they also remember who governed well, who failed, who showed up and who disappeared after collecting their votes.
The second lesson is that political structures cannot replace public trust.
A party may possess powerful godfathers, influential leaders, vast resources and impressive campaign machinery, but these cannot indefinitely compensate for a credibility deficit. Political structures are important, but they work best when they are reinforced by genuine voter confidence.
The third lesson is that incumbency is not an automatic guarantee of victory.
Those who occupy political offices must understand that public office comes with a political bill that eventually falls due. Roads, schools, healthcare, jobs, security, salaries, infrastructure and the general welfare of citizens are not merely governance issues; they increasingly shape electoral decisions.
The politician who assumes that occupying government gives him an irreversible advantage may discover, rather painfully, that voters have the final word.
There is also a lesson for opposition parties. Winning elections requires more than criticising the government. Nigerians are increasingly interested in alternatives. Opposition parties must articulate credible programmes, build strong grassroots structures and demonstrate that they have the competence and discipline required to govern.
Perhaps the most important lesson is that 2027 cannot be approached as politics as usual.
Nigeria is facing an electorate that is younger, more digitally connected and increasingly vocal. Social media has changed political communication. Citizens can challenge official narratives in real time. Political mistakes can become national conversations within minutes. Candidates can no longer depend entirely on traditional campaign rallies and carefully managed media appearances.
The political class must also recognise that Nigerians are tired of being treated as statistics during elections and forgotten citizens afterwards.
The road to 2027 will undoubtedly produce the usual alliances, defections, endorsements and political realignments. There will be new coalitions and old rivalries. There will be attempts to weaponise identity, manipulate emotions and redefine political narratives.
But the real question is whether politicians will learn from Osun.
Will they understand that voters deserve respect? Will they realise that performance matters? Will political parties begin to prioritise competence over loyalty? Will candidates campaign on ideas rather than insults? Will politicians understand that democracy is not simply about winning elections but earning the legitimacy to govern?
These are the questions the Osun election should force the political class to confront.
The 2027 election is approaching. The campaign season may only be beginning, but the lessons have already arrived.
The politicians who choose to ignore them may do so at their own peril.
Nigeria’s voters are watching. And this time, they may be keeping a much longer memory.
Kokome, a communications strategist and public affairs analyst, writes from Lagos via kokomejohn@yahoo.com
OPINION
Two Hundred Days in Power: Some Lessons to Learn From General Murtala Mohammed
By John Chibuzo Emmanuel
The realm of Nigerian politics today is a chessboard where our bones and dripping blood are recklessly tossed from one end to another. This is why one of the most quoted phrases in the history of our nation is “politics is a dirty game.
” Well, from the days of Azikiwe right to the days of Asiwaju, from Balewa to Buhari, from Gowon to Goodluck, from Obafemi to Obasanjo, corruption scandals have never ceased to dominate our headlines.Achebe summed it all up when he lamented: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.
There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example which are the hallmarks of true leadership” (Achebe 1).And in these trying times of ours, when the blood of our children flow in the thick green forest, when the cries of our raped mothers do nothing but chase away the watching birds that perch on the tall trees, when the screams of our brave soldiers that echo in the forests serve as their untimely and only goodbye; we must remember General Murtala Muhammad. In this era when inhumanity has replaced our sense of religion and empathy, we must not forget a man who truly loved, lived and died for Nigeria. We must not forget the bravest and most fearless leader to have walked the brown earth of this barren land endowed with the greatest mineral deposits. Do not laugh at this paralyzing but profound and truthful paradox.
It is indeed a national tragedy that the most distinguished and excellent individuals in our short history have either been relegated to the background of oblivion, persecuted by the majority, or slaughtered on the altar of envy. It is a national tragedy that our school children know nothing of their history or heroes. It is even a greater tragedy that they are being robbed of noticeable examples of distinguished leadership from our history. The painful consequence of this is that we have come to accept stupidity and ideological bankruptcy in politics as our national guiding principles.
Mothers in the marketplace, children in malpractice-ridden schools, students in dilapidated institutions, brave soldiers dying in the thick enclaves of Sambisa, intellectuals tired from years of doing battle with the federal and state governments, do not forget General Murtala Muhammad. Do not forget General Murtala for he is a reminder of all we can achieve if we eradicate the different manifestations of corruption unique to our lives.
General Murtala was born on November 8, 1938, and became one of the youngest generals throughout the history of Nigeria. At the age of thirty-six he took over the reins of government from General Yakubu Gowon on July 29, 1975, through a bloodless coup d’etat, and ruled the country for just two hundred days before he was assassinated by Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka on February 13, 1976.
However, in his two hundred days of power, he implemented some of the most impactful and iconoclastic social and economic reforms ever seen in the history of this country. In his two hundred days of power, he sacked more than ten thousand corrupt and incompetent civil servants. In his two hundred days of power, he conceived and began implementing a vision of a central capital city other than Lagos. This city is now known as the city of Abuja.
In his two hundred days in power, he championed African Liberation Movements throughout Africa as well as opposed apartheid and neo-colonialism virulently. In his two hundred days of power he did what even democratically elected leaders have always hesitated to attempt: decentralization of the national executive. He decentralized his executive powers into a military triumvirate consisting of himself, Olusegun Obasanjo and Theophilus Danjuma.
In his two hundred days in power, the University of Jos—my alma matter—became a degree awarding institution. In his two hundred days of power he set Nigeria on the path of democracy before his tragic and untimely end. In his two hundred days in power he taught Nigerians the definition of true leadership.
No wonder Achebe once popularly wrote: “On the morning after Murtala Muhammed seized power in July 1975, public servants in Lagos were found “on seat” at seven thirty in the morning. Even the “go-slow” traffic that had defeated every solution and defied every regime vanished overnight from the streets.” How can one man wield such a positive influence in our national culture?
General Murtala Muhammed never allowed his ideas to rot in the bureaucratic files of government “experts”. For this, his signature phrase “with immediate effect” has become one of the most used and sadly, abused phrases by Nigerian politicians.
Do you know that the expression “fellow Nigerians” which has been bastardized by Nigerian leaders today was a term he coined and used to address ordinary Nigerians on the street whom he truly cared for? Do you know that upon his ascension to power he cut down the heavy security and military convoys that have come to characterize modern Nigerian politics? Do you know that in his two hundred days of power corrupt military officers and even military governors faced the wrath of the law just like every other Nigerian citizen on the streets? Do you know that all this was achieved by a man of just thirty-seven years?
If we forget Murtala Muhammad, we forget the dream of the poor hawker on the street, the prayer of the sun bathed keke driver, the hope of the unemployed graduate on the verge of suicide, or the resilience of the Northern girl child in her quest for education. If we forget Murtala Muhammad, we forget the Nigerian dream. The dream of living a peaceful and happy life.
On this historic day, we must remember General Murtala Muhammed and all he stood for so that we can eternally realize and regret the depth of our profound ignorance if we make a mistake on the 2027 ballot box. We cannot afford to make a mistake in the ballot box unless we want to eternalize the pain and tragedy of our lives. Vote for the future; our future, next year. Thank you for listening.
John Chibuzo is a Nigerian writer, literary critic, educator and multi-instrumentalist based in Jos city. His poetry and essays have been published in The National Scholar, Lolwe, Beyond the Pages, Nestle on the Rock and the anthology: Letters to the Union We Hope to Become. He co-founded The Excellent Magazine in 2024 and served as it’s first editor-in-chief. He studied English and Literature at the University of Jos.
OPINION
Urgent Need to Tackle Public Infrastructure Theft in Nigeria
By Tochukwu Jimo Obi
The rate at which public infrastructure is being vandalised and stolen across Nigeria, particularly in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, has reached an alarming level that can no longer be ignored.
What was once regarded as isolated acts of petty criminality has gradually become a serious threat to public safety, government investment and the effective functioning of cities. Across Abuja, the brazen removal of public infrastructure has become so widespread that urgent and coordinated action is now required.One of the most disturbing examples is the widespread theft of manhole covers.
In several parts of Abuja, open manholes have become a common sight following the removal of their metal covers by vandals. This poses a serious danger to pedestrians, motorists and other road users, particularly at night. Beyond the immediate safety risks, the theft of these covers demonstrates the extent to which public property is being systematically stripped for the purpose of making quick money.The problem, however, goes far beyond manhole covers. Bridge rails, railway tracks, underground cables, solar street lights, electrical installations and other public facilities have also become targets. Infrastructure installed with taxpayers’ money is being dismantled and carted away, often with little or no resistance. The consequence is that facilities designed to improve public safety, transportation, security and the quality of life of citizens are being destroyed by individuals motivated by short term financial gains.
A major destination for these stolen materials is the network of makeshift scrap markets popularly referred to as “pantaker markets” in Abuja and its environs. These markets provide an avenue through which stolen public infrastructure can allegedly be disposed of with relative ease. The existence and continued operation of such markets should therefore be treated not merely as a commercial issue, but as a security and public infrastructure concern requiring the attention of relevant authorities.
Even more troubling is the role of those who purchase these materials. It is difficult to accept that buyers of manhole covers, cables, bridge components, railway materials and other government infrastructure would always be unaware of their origins. Where such materials are offered for sale under suspicious circumstances, buyers should be expected to exercise due diligence. Anyone who knowingly purchases stolen public property is not merely engaging in commerce; such a person is helping to sustain the criminal network responsible for the theft.
It is therefore worrying that successive administrations in Abuja have not appeared to give this problem the level of attention it deserves. Government agencies responsible for infrastructure, environmental enforcement and public safety must work closely with the police, civil defence authorities and other relevant security agencies to identify and raid locations where stolen public infrastructure is being traded. Such operations should not be limited to the arrest of street level vandals. Dealers, middlemen and buyers who knowingly participate in the illegal trade must also face investigation and prosecution.
The economic cost of this criminality is enormous. Every manhole cover, street light, cable, bridge rail or railway component stolen from public infrastructure must eventually be replaced. Money that could have been used to construct new roads, improve healthcare, provide schools, expand public transportation or address other pressing social needs is instead spent repeatedly replacing facilities that have already been provided. This creates a vicious cycle in which the government invests in infrastructure, criminals destroy it, and taxpayers are forced to finance its replacement.
There is also a broader question of public responsibility. Citizens should not remain passive when they witness the destruction or suspicious sale of public property. Communities have an important role to play in reporting vandals and suspicious dealers to the appropriate authorities. Government, on its part, must create effective reporting mechanisms and ensure that information supplied by citizens is acted upon. Enforcement will be difficult if citizens look the other way while stolen public property is openly traded in their communities.
The Federal Government, states and the FCT Administration and security agencies must therefore treat public infrastructure theft as a serious national security and economic issue. There should be a sustained crackdown on vandalism, proper regulation of scrap markets, effective monitoring of critical infrastructure and swift prosecution of those found culpable. Most importantly, enforcement must be consistent rather than occasional, because criminal networks quickly return whenever they discover that government attention has waned. Nigeria cannot afford to continue losing scarce public resources to vandals while millions of citizens struggle with inadequate infrastructure. The time to act decisively is now.
Tochukwu Jimo Obi, a concerned Nigerian writes from Obosi Anambra state.


