POLITICS
Tinubu, Shettima and the United Nations Assembly
By Reuben Abati
The high-level meetings and debates of the UN General Assembly (UNGA) open today at the UN Headquarters in New York, United States, with about 300 heads of states and governments, vice presidents, ministers, and at least a crown prince in attendance.
This is the 81st UNGA, the UN having been established in June 1945.The event itself began on 8 September, with different forums having been held involving institutions, the private sector, and civil society organisations, underscoring the collective ownership, at a person-to-person level, of the programmes and objectives of the institution.
What begins today is the debate among leaders about many of the central issues of our time.This 81st session of UNGA will be against the background of increased tensions and uncertainties in the world, war in Gaza, Ukraine, the Middle East, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Sudan, the increasing threat and fear of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the future of humanity, climate action and the urgency of environmental protection and safety, and the perennial questions about the legitimacy, effectiveness and representativeness of the United Nations.
The question is: Can the UN stop conflicts and division and save the world? This year also brings to full term the tenure of the Portuguese diplomat and politician, António Guterres, as UN Secretary General. With his tenure ending on 31st December, this would be his last UNGA as Secretary-General, a process is on-going to elect a successor. Nigeria’s Amina Jane Mohammed, the former minister of Environment (2015-2016) who was appointed as a Deputy Secretary General in 2017 by Antònio Guterres will also be stepping down after nine years of service at the UN.
This UN Secretary General has had a good run – he has consistently established himself as an unrelenting advocate for peace, human dignity, a safer world, the protection of the international rules-based order, climate action, multilateralism and inclusiveness. He has served as a voice of reason in a turbulent decade.
Amina Mohammed who holds the second highest national honour of Nigeria, the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON) has been a dependable, hardworking Deputy Secretary General, a great achievement for the centering of women and an outspoken promoter of skills acquisition and sustainable development goals.
As she steps down from her international duties, Nigeria should be proud of her, and find new opportunities for her to continue to contribute to the growth and development of her country and the world.
The United Nations is at a crossroads. It is in crisis. It was established in 1945, to promote international peace, security, development and co-operation, essentially to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, after the horror of World War II.
Over the years, the UN established institutions to promote these objectives within the framework of the brotherhood of humanity and multilateralism. But today, there is skepticism about whether or not the United Nations is still serving its original purpose. It suffers from a credibility and trust deficit.
The world today is divided, fragmented, multilateralism is threatened. Old alliances are collapsing. Energy prices are rising. The international rules-based order is failing, as countries like the US, Russia, and Israel routinely disregard international law, with no enforcement mechanism to check them. The binding resolutions of the UN are breached with impunity by powerful states.
The Permanent Members, known as the P-5 of the UN Security Council and their allies, if not surrogates, have imposed a curious ethic: that might is right in violation of the UN Charter. When they are not checkmating themselves: Russia vs the US, or US vs. China, they block whatever does not align with their power of control. Skeptics thereby argue that the UN General Assembly is, at best, an inefficient, debating society. But that same debate will begin today and it is worth listening to.
Today, Guterres will welcome the UN community of 193 member-nations in an opening address, and there will be statements by US President Donald Trump and French President Emanuel Macron. On Wednesday, speakers will include Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and on Thursday, Vice President Kashim Shettima, who is representing Nigeria. I will comment on Nigeria’s participation shortly.
On Thursday, there will be country statements by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, to the discomfiture of New York Mayor Zoran Mamdani, who had to be reminded by higher powers that he does not have the authority to stop Netanyahu from entering New York.
Meanwhile, the same US Government that sees Israel as an ally and Netanyahu as a friend has stopped the Iranian delegation from entering the United States, for the second year in a row, and President Mahmoud Abbas can only address the UNGA by video on Thursday. The treatment of Palestine, which enjoys an observer status, along with the Holy See, is in violation of the 1947 UN Headquarters Agreement.
Whatever may be the shortcomings of the United Nations, there is no doubt that the world still needs it, perhaps now more than ever as a stabilising force. In its 81 years, it has been a catalyst for development, in the defence of causes and projects that remind us at critical moments of the common humanity that binds us.
Its many organisations may not have always saved the world from conflict and war, but they have proven to be strong intervention agencies in many areas: peacekeeping, support for vulnerable persons and institutions, health, humanitarian aid, education, support for women, climate action, sustainable development, a force for decolonisation and the promotion of equity and justice.
On all counts, the UN has been more successful than the League of Nations which preceded it. Not surprisingly the UN has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its efforts through the UNICEF, ILO, IAEA, the UN Commission for Refugees as an institution, and its officials for their personal distinction.
The fact that its relevance is still appreciated was made clear when US President Trump proposed the Board of Peace Initiative in January to oversee a peace plan for Gaza and promote peace building around the world. Many countries (including Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Ireland, New Zealand, UK, European Union, and the Vatican) declined membership because of Trump’s claim that the
Board could potentially replace the UN. The United Nations Security Council in its Resolution 2803 had welcomed the BoP but Trump had proposed himself as the Board’s President for Life! Even the about 27 countries that joined Trump’s Board have not expressed a desire to abandon the UN.
What is established as a growing concern among many UN members is the demand for a reform and restructuring of the institution, a subject of interest and discussion over the decades, which is likely to feature again prominently in the debates.
The Allied Powers that established the UN (US, UK, France, China and Russia) were the victors of World War II, but the landscape of power has since changed in a multi-polar reality, and the question has been the need to change the structure of the UN to reflect the new reality and recognise the new powers that have emerged.
The UN Security Council is dominated by the Permanent Five who exercise a veto power. By the 1970s, Third World nations whose numbers had increased in the UN formed a Group of 77, and began to assert influence. Successive Secretary Generals responded by introducing one form of reform or the other.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali (1992 -1996) initiated a reform of the UN secretariat. In 2011, Ban Ki-Moon established a Change Management Team to work on a reform agenda. His successor, Kofi Annan worked along the same lines.
This last Sunday, the outgoing Secretary General António Guterres called for permanent African representation on the Security Council and sweeping reforms to global governance structures. The sentiment among major regions like Africa and Latin America is that they are excluded.
Others have called for the expansion of the Security Council, or that the UN headquarters should be taken away from New York. Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan are also asking for permanent seats, while the G4 nations are asking for a modernisation of the Security Council.
The UN Security Council is considered anti-democratic, unrepresentative, and inequitable. But there are two obstacles. Any reform will require the approval of two-thirds of the UN membership, which may be difficult to get. The P5, with their veto power, also do not want any reform. They are not willing to give up their power.
When Kofi Annan appeared to be serious and determined about the restructuring of the UN bureaucracy to address charges of inefficiency, the US threatened to withdraw its UN dues. The US has always behaved like the primary power in the UN, a hegemonic, self-assertion that has seen its worst expression under President Trump’s unilateralism.
The UN today is an assembly of divided interests. It is therefore instructive that Nigerian vice president, Senator Shettima, who is leading the Nigerian delegation this year, as he did in the last two sessions – 79th and 80th – has said that Nigeria’s focus will be guided by its national interest, commitment to multilateralism and President Tinubu’s call for the reforms of global institutions.
This should be a good pitch, and on national interest, that should be an opportunity for the Tinubu administration to project itself on the global stage, this being an election season. But rather than seek to contribute to the debate, Nigerian opposition politicians have been more concerned by the fact that President Tinubu is not attending the UNGA. This should not be an issue.
Nigeria loses nothing by being represented by its vice president. Besides, Senator Shettima has proven to be well-suited for international engagements, as it has been seen in his appearances on the world stage at such events as the World Economic Forum, this same UNGA, the African Union and most recently at the BRICS summit in New Delhi, India, where on every occasion he acquitted himself honourably.
And by the way, President Tinubu is not the only Head of State who has sent a delegation. He is in the same company, as China’s President Xi Jinping, who meets President Trump on Wednesday, will be represented at UNGA by his deputy. President Putin of Russia and Prime Minister Narendra Modi won’t be there either. With Vice President Shettima in New York, President Tinubu who has been away on a working leave for three weeks should actually be on his way back home, and not tarry any longer in Europe!
As the debates begin at the UN General Assembly, the future of the UN and humanity itself should remain in focus as encapsulated in the theme: “Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: A United Nations That Delivers for All.” The process for finding a successor to António Guterres is already in motion. It is important to choose the right candidate: a Secretary General that will inherit the institution with its merits and imperfections but with the capacity, strength and vision to draw it closer to its original mandate and rebuild trust.
At the end of a third straw poll, a secret, informal vote, held last Friday, out of the eight candidates who indicated interest in the office (including two from Africa: former Senegalese President Macky Sall, and Uganda politician, Olara Otunnu), the race has now been reduced to three leading candidates – Costa Rica’s Rebecca Gryspan, followed by Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett of Guyana, and Argentina’s Rafael Grossi.
The winning candidate will need at least nine votes in the 15-member Security Council and must not be vetoed by any of the Permanent Five. The removal of this autocratic hold on the UN by a minority is the most urgent task before the UN, in addition to the menace of war and the emerging threat of Artificial Intelligence.
The UN Charter is also in need of a review to delete certain provisions in its Chapter XIII, and the now obsolete “enemy clauses” in Articles 53 and 107.
Reuben Abati, a former presidential spokesperson, writes from Lagos.
POLITICS
Mbah Reaffirms Enugu’s Commitment to Trade, Investment, Industrial Growth
From Sylvia Udegbunam, Enugu
Enugu State Governor, Dr. Peter Mbah, has reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to creating an enabling environment for trade, investment and industrial development as part of efforts to accelerate economic growth and improve the wellbeing of residents.
Governor Mbah, represented by the Commissioner for Trade, Investment and Industry, Dr.
Sam Ogbu-Nwobodo, disclosed this at the Amadeo Business Summit 5.0 in Enugu.The five-day summit, themed “Sustaining Growth & Soaring,” brought together business leaders, entrepreneurs, professionals, government institutions and other stakeholders at the Amadeo Event Centre to explore strategies for sustainable business growth and economic development.
The Commissioner noted that the state government remained committed to promoting investment, supporting businesses and industries, improving the ease of doing business and creating favourable conditions for investors to thrive.
He described the private sector as a critical partner in driving sustainable economic development, generating employment and expanding opportunities for the people. He also assured investors that Enugu remained open to credible investments and strategic partnerships capable of strengthening the state’s productive base.
The Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Trade, Investment and Industry, Ifeanyi Onah deliverimh a goodwill message urged participants to apply the knowledge and insights gained at the summit to their respective fields and businesses, while encouraging them to participate in the next edition, Amadeo Business Summit 6.0, to sustain the exchange of ideas and strengthen business collaboration.
The summit featured sessions on business leadership, transformation, youth empowerment, skills development, entrepreneurship, real estate, finance and small and medium-sized enterprise development. The state government reiterated its commitment to supporting initiatives that promote trade, investment and industrial growth in line with Governor Mbah’s “Tomorrow Is Here” agenda.
POLITICS
2027: Tinubu ‘ll Deliver Prosperity If Re-elected, First Lady Assures
By Tambaya Julius, Abuja
The First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, has assured Nigerians that President Bola Tinubu will deliver on his promise to transform the country and usher in prosperity if re-elected for a second term in the 2027 general elections.
She gave the assurance in Lafia, Nasarawa State, during the grand rally of the North-Central Grassroots Mobilisation Network, organised to mobilise support for the re-election of President Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima.
The rally attracted a large turnout of APC supporters from across the North-Central geopolitical zone, alongside top party leaders, including the APC National Chairman, Prof.
Nentawe Yilwatda; Imo State Governor, Senator Hope Uzodimma; and other governors from the region.Speaking at the event, Mrs. Tinubu said the President’s Independence Day message, titled “From Reforms to Prosperity,” reflected the administration’s commitment to translating ongoing economic reforms into improved living conditions for Nigerians.
She said the economy was beginning to stabilise, while foreign exchange pressures were easing and investors were returning to the country.
“The Independence Day message of Mr President was titled ‘From Reforms to Prosperity’. Therefore, Mr President is saying that they are going to reform the sectors, but now is the time for prosperity, and we can see our economy is stabilising,” she said.
The First Lady also commended governors for their infrastructure development efforts, noting that their contributions were helping to advance the country’s development.
Mrs. Tinubu said the Federal Government was also intensifying efforts to address food insecurity and malnutrition, particularly among vulnerable groups, including children, pregnant women and breastfeeding mothers.
She explained that the administration’s food bank programme was designed to improve access to nutritious food and provide support for malnourished children to help them grow healthily.
“As you see now, we have just finished the food bank programme, where we are helping every child and mothers who are pregnant and also breastfeeding.
“This is to ensure that they can have more nutritious food, and also the children that are malnourished can get treatment and food to grow healthy,” she said.
She added that young people in schools were also benefiting from government support, urging party supporters to take the administration’s achievements and policies to their respective communities.
Mrs. Tinubu described President Tinubu as a bold leader willing to make difficult decisions in the interest of the country, expressing confidence in his ability to lead Nigeria towards prosperity.
She urged residents of the North-Central region to convince voters that the country could achieve better outcomes if President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima secured another term.
The First Lady further said the administration was committed to building a stronger economy, safer communities and a greater Nigeria.
She called on the electorate to support the APC at all levels in the 2027 general elections, arguing that continuity would help sustain the government’s policies and development agenda.
“Therefore, vote for continuity, vote for capacity, vote for prosperity, vote for the re-election of Mr President and all the candidates of APC from top to bottom,” she added.
Other speakers at the rally also urged Nigerians to vote for President Tinubu and APC candidates in the 2027 elections, describing continued support for the party as an opportunity to sustain the administration’s programmes and development plans.
POLITICS
Atiku’s Production Subsidy: Has politics overtaken economics?
By Kayode Oladele
Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President of Nigeria and presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress, (ADC), has returned to the centre of Nigeria’s economic debate with a proposal that deserves careful scrutiny.
In his Independence Day policy statement, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar promised Nigerians what he described as a capped and budgeted production subsidy tied to verified petrol refined in Nigeria.
Imported petrol, he said, would not qualify. The subsidy would support domestic refining, its costs and beneficiaries would be disclosed and independently audited and the benefit would be expected to reach Nigerians through lower pump prices.On the surface, the proposition is attractive, particularly at a time when Nigerians are understandably concerned about transportation costs and their effect on virtually every aspect of daily life. However, once the attractive packaging is removed, Atiku’s proposal raises a very familiar economic question.
If the government deliberately reduces the cost of producing petrol so that it can be sold more cheaply, who pays the difference? The answer is the Nigerian public.
Atiku has insisted that his proposal is different from the old subsidy arrangement and that distinction should be acknowledged. The previous system was largely associated with subsidising imported petrol. Atiku proposes instead to support domestic production, with the subsidy tied to verified locally refined fuel. However, moving the subsidy from importation to production does not make its cost disappear. It merely changes the point at which public resources enter the petroleum value chain.
If crude that could otherwise be sold at its economic value is supplied to qualifying refineries at a discount, the difference represents an opportunity cost to the Federation. Atiku himself has acknowledged this. The relevant question, therefore, is not whether the subsidy has a cost.
It plainly does. The questions are how much it will cost, how long it will last, where the resources will come from and whether the expected reduction will actually reach the Nigerian standing at the petrol pump.
This is where the proposal becomes far less straightforward than its political appeal suggests.
Atiku says the subsidy will be capped. What is the cap? He says it will be budgeted. What is the proposed annual budget? What volume of locally refined petrol will qualify? What will be the subsidy per barrel or litre? What happens if international crude prices rise substantially or the exchange rate moves sharply? What is the maximum financial exposure of the Federation? How will qualifying production be verified? Most importantly, what enforceable mechanism will guarantee that the financial benefit given to producers is passed through the distribution chain to the consumer? These are questions of elementary public finance.
The APC Presidential Campaign Council has already asked Atiku to disclose the proposed subsidy rate, annual expenditure ceiling, eligible volume, funding source and safeguards against diversion, smuggling and fraudulent claims. Those are legitimate questions.
If Atiku believes the assumptions being advanced by the APC are wrong, he should provide his own figures. Nigerians need more than the promise that petrol will become cheaper. They deserve to see the arithmetic behind that promise. Anyone asking Nigerians to entrust him with the management of their economic resources should be prepared to put numbers behind his policies.
There is also the legal and regulatory question. Atiku’s running mate, Rotimi Amaechi, has now said that an Atiku administration would seek an amendment to the Petroleum Industry Act if the existing law prevents the proposed production subsidy from being implemented.
That statement is significant because it confirms that the relationship between the proposal and the present petroleum regulatory framework is not an imaginary concern raised by political opponents. It is a matter that Atiku’s own ticket may require legislative action.
This brings us to an even more fundamental issue. Nigeria has travelled the subsidy road before. For years, enormous public resources were committed to keeping petrol prices artificially low. The arrangement became a major burden on public finances and was associated with smuggling, abuse and distorted economic incentives. Resources that could otherwise have been available for roads, schools, hospitals, security, power and other public purposes were committed to sustaining the system.
It is therefore striking that Atiku, who has long presented himself as an advocate of market reform and previously supported subsidy removal, now proposes another subsidy as part of his answer to Nigeria’s economic difficulties.
The mechanism may be different and fairness requires us to acknowledge that difference. However, Nigerians are still entitled to ask what has changed in his economic thinking and why an intervention he once regarded as unsustainable has returned, albeit in a redesigned form, to the centre of his petroleum policy. Politics should not erase institutional memory.
The contrast with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reform direction should also be properly understood. The choice is not between subsidising petrol and simply abandoning Nigerians to high transportation costs.
Tinubu’s alternative is to move government intervention away from permanently subsidising every litre of petrol consumed and towards changing the underlying economics of transportation through alternative fuels, domestic refining, infrastructure and competition. That distinction, in
My opinion is fundamental.
Under the old subsidy arrangement, the government attempted to make petrol cheaper by absorbing part of its cost. As consumption increased and international prices and the exchange rate moved, the potential burden on the treasury also increased. Tinubu’s alternative seeks to reduce Nigeria’s dependence on petrol itself.
This is the thinking behind the expansion of Compressed Natural Gas and electric mobility. Nigeria is richly endowed with natural gas. Rather than continue depending overwhelmingly on petrol and diesel for road transportation, the government is seeking to use more of that domestic resource to power vehicles while developing electric transportation and mass transit.
The principle is straightforward. If commuters can move more cheaply using CNG or electric transportation, the government does not have to subsidise every litre of petrol consumed in Nigeria in order to reduce transportation costs. If commercial transport operators increasingly move from petrol to domestically available gas, Nigeria can progressively reduce the vulnerability of transportation costs to international petroleum prices and foreign exchange pressures.
The Federal Government reported in September that more than 120,000 vehicles had been converted to CNG, with more than 400 certified conversion centres and over 90 CNG refuelling stations operating across the country. The government has also reported lower fares on some routes served by CNG and electric public transportation.
These are government reported figures and they must ultimately be measured against what Nigerians actually experience across the country. The important point is the direction of policy. The objective is to create alternatives to petrol rather than make the treasury permanently responsible for reducing the price of petrol.
Domestic refining is another essential part of the alternative. For decades, Nigeria lived with the contradiction of being a major producer of crude oil while depending heavily on imported refined petroleum products. A more sustainable petroleum economy should refine more of what Nigerians consume at home while encouraging sufficient competition among refiners, distributors and retailers.
Competition matters because deregulation without competition can leave consumers exposed to concentrated market power. The ultimate objective should therefore be a market with adequate domestic refining capacity, multiple suppliers, alternative fuels and efficient distribution so that competition increasingly influences prices rather than an open ended commitment from the public treasury.
This is where the difference between Atiku’s proposal and Tinubu’s approach becomes clear. Atiku proposes using public resources to reduce the production cost of locally refined petrol in the expectation that the benefit will reach consumers through lower pump prices. Tinubu’s approach is to maintain market based petrol pricing while expanding domestic refining and developing alternatives to petrol, particularly CNG and electric transportation.
Put simply, Atiku proposes another government subsidy to make petrol cheaper. Tinubu’s reform seeks progressively to make Nigerians less dependent on petrol. That is a fundamental policy distinction.
Atiku is entitled to present his alternative to Nigerians. However, he must also submit that alternative to the discipline of numbers. Saying that a subsidy will be capped does not tell us the cap. Saying it will be budgeted does not tell us the budget. Saying it will be transparent does not tell us the annual fiscal exposure. Saying that consumers will benefit does not explain how the government will guarantee that the benefit reaches them.
These details matter because Nigeria cannot afford economic policy built around promises whose costs become clear only after implementation.
President Tinubu took the difficult decision to confront a subsidy system that had become a serious burden on the public treasury. The transition has created pressures for Nigerians and the government must acknowledge and respond to them. The answer, however, should be to make the reforms work better, deepen domestic refining, accelerate CNG infrastructure, expand electric and mass transportation, encourage genuine competition and strengthen the productive economy until Nigerians increasingly feel the benefits.
There is nothing wrong with questioning Tinubu’s reforms. Indeed, Nigerians should question them and demand results. However, questioning the speed or effectiveness of reform is different from concluding that the country should once again commit public resources to suppressing the effective price of petrol.
Atiku says his own subsidy will be different. Then let him show Nigerians precisely how different it will be. Let him state the proposed subsidy rate, the eligible volume, the annual ceiling, the source of funding, the expected duration and the mechanism for ensuring that the benefit reaches consumers. Let Nigerians see the figures and judge the proposal on its actual economic consequences rather than its immediate political attractiveness. That, in my view, is where the debate should be.
Nigeria cannot permanently subsidise its way out of structural economic problems. There will always be political pressure to postpone difficult decisions. There will always be an election around the corner. There will always be an attractive argument for making an expensive commodity cheaper through government intervention. However, somebody ultimately pays the bill. Therefore, before Nigerians are asked to embrace another subsidy arrangement, Atiku should tell them exactly what that bill will be.
Giving an old economic instrument a new design does not remove its cost. Nigeria has travelled the subsidy road before and knows the dangers that can accompany it. The more sustainable course is to confront the weaknesses in the present reforms, accelerate the alternatives, expand domestic production and competition and make those reforms work for ordinary Nigerians rather than return the public treasury to the endless business of paying the difference at the petrol pump.
Kayode Oladele is a Nigeria -US Attorney, former member of the House of Representatives and former Chairman of the House Committee on Financial Crimes.


