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Towards a Democracy-sensitive, People-oriented Judiciary

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By Tunde Olusunle

That Nigeria’s very highly regarded *The Guardian* newspaper published a two-part editorial in the immediate past week on the nation’s judiciary, attests to the seriousness with which this arm of government is taken. *The Guardian* has deservedly earned its place in the nation’s media space, having survived four full decades, consistently making regular, daily showings on the newsstands.

This is despite the country’s unabated inclement socioeconomic situation which has summarily interred several other similar initiatives over the years.
On Thursday March 16 and Friday March 17, 2023, an editorial titled “The judiciary and public criticism” featured on prominent pages of the authoritative publication.
The editorial alluded to public denunciation of certain judgments delivered and actions taken, by the nation’s apex court and its leadership. Principally cited in the commentary, are pronouncements gifting Ahmed Lawan, president of the Senate, and Godswill Akpabio, former governor of Akwa Ibom state, tickets to contest the recent senatorial elections. Such appropriation was done by the Supreme Court, even when both political leaders did not participate in the primaries which would have presaged their emergence.

Little known Bashir Machina had won the senatorial ticket for Yobe North, while Lawan was contesting the presidential ticket of the All Progressives Congress, (APC). Udom Ekpoudom a former deputy inspector general of police, (DIG), had also contested to represent Akwa Ibom North West zone in the senate, while Akpabio from the same zone, sought without success, the ticket of the nation’s top job. To the consternation of most followers of Nigerian politics, however, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Lawan and Akpabio! Lyrics from *Unknown Soldier,* one of the classic hits of the maverick Afrobeat precursor, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, appropriately capture such bewildering turn of events. Fela alludes to “government magic” which turns “red into blue and electric into candle!” The January 2020 “installation” in confounding circumstances, of Hope Uzodinma, by the Supreme Court, as governor of Imo State a few years ago, and the displacement of Emeka Ihedioha, remains fresh in popular consciousness. 

Unsettled by accentuated public angst and vituperations against the Lawan/Machina and Akpabio/Ekpoudom twin-rulings, the Supreme Court through its director of information and press affairs, Festus Akande, issued a rejoinder. Titled: “Be mindful of unwarranted attacks on the judiciary,” the statement countered insinuations to the effect that sections of the judiciary had been compromised. Akande had stated that the concoctions to the effect that its justices were bought over “by some unknown and unseen persons, was nothing short of a bizarre expression of ignorance.” The release was very obviously a response to public bewilderment to the apex court’s arbitration in the substantial political litigations of Lawan vs Machina, and Akpabio vs the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC) and other interested parties. The Supreme Court, Dr Akande noted, was overburdened with nearly 600 cases deriving from the primaries of the various parties. The topmost arbiter in the land, Akande advanced, “was duty-bound to adjudicate on the matters brought before it to the best of its ability and in accordance with the law.” 

Our recent very highly controversial and largely opaque general elections, have spawned additional responsibility for the Supreme Court. From parliamentary, to gubernatorial and thenceforth to the presidential elections, fall-outs, without doubt, will engage election tribunals and be escalated to the Supreme Court, in the weeks and months to come. Of the multilevel petitions emanating from the polls, that of the presidential election engenders the most interest and attention of Nigerians and indeed the global community. This is understandable given the pivotal place and preeminence of the president to the superintendence over, and guardianship of the people and the state. A winner, Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress, (APC), was in the early hours of Wednesday February 28, 2023 returned by INEC. 

There are, however, crystal clear, convincing and compelling reasons to interrogate the authenticity and veracity of the electoral exercise which produced him, in its totality. INEC which supposedly, had been preparing for the recent elections for four full years since the last general polls, pooling resources close to the one billion US dollar mark, delivered a complete sham, a shameful string of elections. INEC’s pretences and deceit of Nigerians about technological innovations to enhance and ensure seamless, fraud-proof, open, transparent and believable elections, was a colossal scam. The process was a perfidious bouquet of gross impunity, unashamed indiscretions, unparalleled and unpardonable lawlessness, unacceptable violence, brazen electoral thievery and mass disenfranchisement among others. The Centre for Democracy and Development, (CDD), reports that Nigeria’s recent electioneering, claimed 109 lives, which means more than one death per day within the period.

Mahmood Yakubu, a professor of History and INEC’s chairman for a second term of four years, delivered the most preposterous general elections this fourth republic. If the performance of Maurice Iwu, also a professor and Yakubu’s last but one predecessor was presumed controversial, Yakubu has unwittingly beatified Iwu. Yakubu’s outing fell way below the basement of global best practices. The characterisation of the elections by the local and global media, has been most unsparing. *The Economist* described the presidential election as “a chaotically organised vote and messy count.” An editorial by *The Financial Times* said the poll was “deeply flawed” and the winner “a wealthy political fixer.” *Aljazeera* wrote about “How violence robs Nigeria of their votes.” A Canadian newspaper also writes that “depression, anxiety, uncertainty be-clouds Nigeria’s political space as a drug-kingpin wins the election.” 

Yakubu’s regime which popularised the culture of “inconclusive elections,” has equally introduced the dismissive expression, “go to court,” to the nation’s electoral vocabulary, in direct reference to disaffected parties. Atiku Abubakar, Nigeria’s former vice president, flew the flag of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP) at the recent presidential poll. There is substantial, even mind-boggling evidence to the effect that he won the election. Theories and hypotheses about the pre-election cannibalism of his vote tally by Peter Obi’s breakaway from the PDP to the Labour Party, (PDP), and the *G-5* governors, fall flat in the face of tangible evidence. Obi, by the way, filed his petition investigating the process of the emergence of Tinubu as president-elect, 24 hours before Atiku’s.

There is apprehension that electoral malfeasance as already committed and legalised by the issuance of the apposite “Certificate of Return,” (CoR) is *fait accompli.* Atiku, however, is calling for the withdrawal of Tinubu’s CoR, on the basis of “noncompliance with the electoral act, which invalidates Tinubu’s election.” While observing that by-passing and non-use of BVAS in the transmission of results impugned the integrity of the polls, Atiku also listed a dozen corrupt practices perpetrated by INEC to swing the election in favour of Tinubu. The suppression of votes;  manipulation of ballots and ballot boxes; manipulation of BVAS machines; manipulation of accreditation and collation, and the manipulation of election material(s) delivery, feature among these infractions. Manipulation of election material(s); reverse logistics; massive thumb-printing of ballot papers, destruction of electoral materials; mutilations, cancellations; overwriting on result sheets, have also been highlighted in the petition. Atiku urges the court to either declare him Nigeria’s president or order a fresh election. Atiku’s core desire is that the votes of the people, their franchise, should count, consistent with global democratic traditions and expectations.

Flowing from recent experience where the judiciary has been repeatedly kicked around and disrespected by the executive, there are palpable concerns that the judiciary as presently constituted may not be in a position to deliver justice. The homes of revered judges and justices were breached under the cover of night in places, by operatives of the secret police, ostensibly to search for monies paid to them to influence judgements, under the present regime. The manner of the suspension, arraignment and summary retirement of Walter Nkanu Onnoghen, former CJN within the 2019 electoral season, reaffirms the dilemma of the judiciary under an all-powerful executive arm of government. There are apprehensions about the plausibility of objective, dispassionate, independent opinion and adjudication, by the Supreme Court. Yet, there is no better time for the judiciary to exercise its professionalism, forthrightness, and alignment with popular will and democracy, than at this time in our national and democratic evolution.

Certain video clips have been trending of late, depicting the incumbent CJN, Olukayode Ariwoola as presumably politically partisan. Ariwoola spoke at a banquet in his honour in Port Harcourt late last year, expressing delight that the governor of his state, Seyi Makinde, was a member of the *G-5* faction of governors in the PDP. Whereas Ariwoola said he intended to recommend to the Oyo State governor the handbook of infrastructural development in Rivers State, the manner of his expression lent itself to dialectics. There are also salient doubts accentuated by the nepotistic governmental manual operated by the outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari. Faith and ethnicity, more than anytime in our political trajectory, sadly, have played very critical roles across the broad canvas of governance and administration under Buhari.

There are reservations that justice may be difficult to get under a judiciary headed by a kinsman of the president-elect, if the latter, who hails from Lagos State, gets sworn-in. CJN Ariwoola hails from Oyo, in the same south west geopolitical zone like Bola Tinubu. An online newspaper has just reported that Ariwoola was in London on a short vacation, during which he will hold a secret meeting with Tinubu who himself was reported to have travelled to Paris earlier this week. Will all of these impact on honesty, believability and transparency at the coming arbitration? This is a unique opportunity for the judiciary to rediscover and reassert itself as the irrepressible temple of truth and justice in the service of democracy and the people. 

*Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to Atiku Abubakar, GCON, presidential flagbearer of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP)*

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The GMO Debate in Nigeria: Concerns over Safety, Regulations

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A nationwide rally against Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) in Nigeria has brought to the fore the concerns of experts over the potential health and environmental risks associated with the introduction of the organisms into the country’s food system.

The rally, led by the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) in collaboration with the GMO-Free Nigeria Alliance and civil society organisations took place on December 13 in major cities across the country.

According to the conveners of the rally, the outing is aimed to raise awareness about the dangers of GMOs and to pressure the government to reconsider its decision to approve genetically modified foods in the country.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) describes GMOs as organisms whose genetic material has been altered using genetic engineering techniques.

The alteration, according to the international health agency, involves the use of biotechnology to introduce genes from one species into the DNA of another species, creating a new organism with desired traits.

Therefore, genetically modified foods are foods that have been altered using genetic engineering techniques.

At the heart of the controversy is the claim by proponents of GMOs that they can help address food insecurity in Nigeria.

They assert that crops can be engineered to be more resistant to pests and diseases, reducing losses and increasing yields.

One of the proponents of GMOs is Kabiru Ibrahim, the National President of the All Farmers Association of Nigeria.

Therefore, the advantage is that it would even take farmers out of poverty.

“Any country in the world that you see has food security, as a matter of fact, they also do GMO. Nigeria will attain food security if it embraces GM crops.

“The way out of poverty and to get into food security for Nigeria is through GM crops.

“This is why Brazil is now a developed country. Most of what comes out of Brazil, in terms of corn, beans, and all that, are all GM’’, Ibrahim said.

However, Dr Nnimmo Bassey, Executive Director of HOMEF, argues that Nigeria does not need GMOs to address food insecurity.

The design of the GM crops, he maintains, does not support local economic growth but promotes dependency on corporate seed supply.

Bassey cites the example of the National Cotton Association of Nigeria (NACOTAN), which reported no significant increase in yields after introducing GM cotton seeds four years ago.

Instead, he says, the yield per hectare remained the same, and farmers noted that no other plant could germinate on the farmlands where the GM seeds were planted, even after four years.

This, Bassey argues, confirms concerns about loss of biodiversity and soil degradation due to the release of genetic material into the soil.

On his part, Ifeanyi Nwankwere, National Co-coordinator of the GMO-Free Nigeria Alliance, says “GMOs approved in Nigeria are not currently being labelled.

“The country’s socio-economic context does not allow for effective labelling, considering how food is sold in cups and basins in open market where majority of the people shop from,” he said.

Nwankwere said the biosafety regulatory system in Nigeria was not designed to ensure safety with regard to GMOs.

For instance, he alleged, the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) Act had fundamental flaws, including the lack of provision on the precautionary principle, inadequate provision on public participation in decision making and others.

Similarly, Mariann Bassey-Orovwuje, Deputy Director at Environmental Rights Action, cautions that several other countries, including Russia, Mexico, Uganda, and up to 23 more, have placed bans on GMOs, citing the recent ban of GMO corn in Mexico.

“The courts highlighted the threats of the GMO variety to the country’s rich diversity of corn, stating that the genetically engineered corn posed the risk of imminent harm to the environment,” she said.

Experts also argue that the introduction of GMOs in Nigeria poses serious health risks.

According to a recent report by an Iranian researcher, GMO soybean caused significant damage to internal organs such as the liver and kidney in rats.

More so, as noted Joyce by Brown, Director of Programmes at HOMEF, there is no evidence that the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) has conducted medium or long-term feeding tests to ascertain the safety of GMOs approved for use in Nigeria.

She bemoaned the presence of more than 50 imported packaged food products, containing GM ingredients in Nigeria.

These products, according to her, are abundant in market shelves across the country in different brands including cereals, vegetable oils, spices, ice-creams, and cake mixes amongst others

In Benin, where Agho Omobude, Coordinator of the Edo Civil Society Organisations (EDOCSO) led others on a march to Edo House of Assembly, state office of the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security and the Government House.

At those placed petitions were submitted, particularly in respect of the recent approval of 14 genetically modified foods in the country.

Omobude advocated legislations that would outlaw the sale of genetically modified foods in the state aa well as the country. He raises concerns over some super markets in the state which are reportedly selling the products without providing the customers with information about them.

All in all, the campaign against GMOs in Nigeria is not just about health and environmental risks; it is also about the economic implications of introducing GMOs into the country’s food system.

As argued by Bassey, the promotion of GMOs is driven by the interests of multinational corporations, which are more concerned with profits than with the welfare of Nigerians.

The demands of the campaign are clear, a ban on GMOs, including products brought in for food and food processing, as well as packaged processed foods.

The coalition also demands the nullification of all permits granted for GMOs, as they are not backed by adequate and certified risk assessments.

Furthermore, the experts call for an investment in agroecology, which ensures food security and food sovereignty while strengthening the Nigerian economy.

Inarguably, the foundation of a nation’s sovereignty lies in its ability to produce and control its own food. Without this, sovereignty is merely a theoretical concept.

Anti-GMOs insist that its introduction into the country’s food system poses significant risks to human health, the environment, and the economy.

It is imperative that the government takes a cautious approach and considers the concerns of experts and civil society organisations before making any decisions about GMOs. (NANFeatures)

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Breaking the Stigma of Male Victims of GBV

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For decades, the narrative around Gender-Based Violence (GBV) has been dominated by the plight of women, with men often portrayed as the perpetrators.

However, the story of John Adegoke, a 35-year-old father of two, tells a different side of this issue.

On one fateful night, Adegoke’s wife became enraged, and the situation regrettably turned violent, leaving him with a broken arm and a shattered sense of self-worth.

“I felt so ashamed and embarrassed.

I didn’t know where to turn or who to talk to. I felt like I was all alone,” he recalls.

Adegoke is not the only man with such an experience.

Similarly, Michael Osunbor, a 28-year-old entrepreneur, found himself a victim of abuse.

Osunbor’s partner was emotionally and verbally abusive, constantly belittling him, calling him names, and threatening to leave.

“I felt like I was walking on eggshells around her. I never knew what would trigger her anger. I felt like I was losing myself in the relationship,” Osunbor recounts.

Both Adegoke’s and Osunbor’s stories are not isolated incidents.

In fact, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO), one in six men will experience some form of GBV in their lifetime.

Furthermore, a study by the National Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) in Nigeria revealed that 16 per cent of men reported experiencing physical violence, while 12 per cent reported emotional violence.

In spite these alarming statistics, male victims of GBV often face significant barriers when seeking help.

Societal norms surrounding masculinity make it difficult for men to admit they are victims.

Consequently, many feel ashamed or embarrassed and may fear being perceived as weak.

Mr Sulaiman Abaya, a renowned legal practitioner, says that men also suffer domestic violence, which can take psychological, economic, or physical forms.

However, he laments the lack of recognition and support for male victims of GBV.

“Even international conventions, protocols, and charters, which are domesticated locally, focus primarily on women as victims, with little emphasis on men. This is the root of the skewed narrative,” Abaya observes.

He further explains that men are socialised to appear strong and stoic, which often discourages them from seeking help.

This stigma, in turn, leads to a lack of support services tailored to male victims.

The consequences of this silence, according to human rights advocates, can be devastating.

Male victims of GBV are more likely to suffer mental health challenges such as depression and anxiety.

Moreover, they may turn to risky behaviours, such as substance abuse, as a coping mechanism.

Dr Rosemary Smith, a human rights activist, expresses these sentiments.

She notes that societal perceptions of masculinity often force male victims to suffer in silence.

“Men who experience GBV are often left without access to the support services they need.

“This can have serious consequences for their physical and mental health, and it perpetuates a cycle of violence and silence,” she says.

Smith emphasises the need to break down the stigma surrounding male victims and dismantle stereotypes about GBV.

To achieve this, she calls for inclusive support services that address the unique needs of both men and women.

“We need to create a safe and supportive environment where men feel comfortable coming forward and seeking help.

“This requires a fundamental shift in the way we think about GBV and recognition that men can be victims too,” she explains.

Abaya suggests that collecting data on GBV against men is critical.

In addition, he advocates for robust campaigns to raise awareness and encourage men to report cases of abuse.

“Human rights agencies should begin to recognise men’s rights. There could even be dedicated platforms, such as Facebook pages, for reporting GBV against men.

“Similarly, support systems should be put in place to help male victims,” he recommends.

In addition to providing support, Mr Samuel Chukwu, a Benin-based family adviser and counsellor, underscores the importance of addressing the root causes of GBV.

He highlights the need to challenge societal norms around masculinity and power.

“We need to challenge the societal norms that perpetuate GBV and promote a culture of equality and respect.

“This requires collective efforts from the government, civil society, and individuals,” Chukwu says.

He also identifies counselling, advocacy, and other tailored forms of support as essential measures to address the issue and help victims heal.

Similarly, Mrs Christy Ipinlaye of the Olive Foundation stresses the importance of awareness.

According to her, public campaigns, community outreach, and education are key to breaking the stigma and encouraging men to report cases of abuse.

As the world concludes the 2024 16 Days of Activism Against GBV, it is vital to remember the often-overlooked victims of this societal menace.

By breaking down the stigma and providing tailored support services, society can move closer to a world where everyone lives free from violence and fear. (NANFeatures)

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Port Harcourt Refinery: Revival Signals New Era for Nigeria

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Years after it went comatose, the Port-Harcourt Refinery rose up from ‘death’, courtesy of the seriousness attached to the all-important plant by its owners, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Ltd. (NNPCL).

Little did stakeholders anticipate such a milestone could be swiftly achieved, boosting Nigeria’s domestic refining capacity.

After years of delays, maintenance challenges and rising dependency on imported refined petroleum products, the inauguration of the plant promises to be a potential shift in the country’s fuel supply dynamics.

While the government and industry stakeholders have lauded the achievement, the re-establishment of the operation did not go without hydra-headed challenges.

The Port-Harcourt refinery comprises two units, with the old facility capacity of 60,000 barrels per day (bpd) and the new plant, 150,000 bpd, both summing up to 210,000 bpd.

The refinery was shut down in March 2019 for the first phase of repair works after the government secured the services of Italy’s Maire Tecnimont, to handle the review of the facility with the oil major Eni as technical adviser.

In 2021, NNPCL announced the commencement of works at the PHRC after the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved $1.5 billion for the project.

In December 2023, the government announced the completion of the mechanical and the flare start-off,  one of Nigeria’s oldest and most critical facilities, inaugurated to reduce dependency on foreign refineries.

With the capacity to process over 210,000 barrels of crude oil per day, the refinery is expected to significantly boost local production of petroleum products, including petrol, diesel and kerosene.

In a landmark move, NNPC Ltd. officially began production at the facility, signaling a return to active refining operations after years of dormancy and extensive rehabilitation work.

The christening on Nov. 26, was attended by major stakeholders: government officials and industry experts, all of who expressed optimism about the refinery’s potential to enhance domestic fuel supply and job creation.

While the inauguration is a monumental achievement, the journey to full operational capacity has not been without its noticeable hiccups.

Reports indicate that there are still several operational and logistical challenges facing the refinery, including issues with the supply of crude, infrastructure inadequacies and technical glitches.

Also, there are concerns about the refinery’s ability to operate at full capacity consistently, as its systems have suffered from years of underinvestment.

The prolonged downtime and intermittent operations have raised doubts about whether the refinery can contribute meaningfully to meeting Nigeria’s domestic fuel needs without delay.

Though the refinery’s management has acknowledged some of the identified setbacks, yet, it remains committed to resolving the issues in the short-term to avoid further disruptions.

In spite of the challenges, stakeholders within Nigeria’s oil and gas sector including Dr Ayodele Oni, a Partner at Bloomfield Law Practice, notes the reopening is a positive step towards addressing the nation’s fuel supply crisis.

Oni says the Port-Harcourt’s production is expected to significantly reduce the nation’s dependence on imported fuel, which has long been a source of concern due to the foreign exchange burden and the fluctuations in international oil prices.

According to him, for Nigeria’s local refineries, the Port-Harcourt refinery holds the promise of reducing astronomical price of fuel imports, by ultimately saving the country’s billions of dollars annually.

It is also anticipated to create thousands of jobs, both directly and indirectly through the supply chain, from transportation to distribution.

Mr Mike Osatuyi, a former National Operations Controller of the Independent Petroleum marketers Association of Nigeria (lPMAN), says by the inauguration, the refinery is expected to contribute to Nigeria’s energy security by bolstering its refining capacity.

Osatuyi says this shift can pave the way for more refineries to return to full capacity and help Nigeria meet its increasing energy demand.

According to him, the refinery’s operational success could drive the government’s push for improved infrastructure in the downstream oil and gas sector, thereby creating a more self-sufficient and sustainable energy ecosystem.

“Local businesses and citizens stand to benefit from a more stable and reliable supply of fuel, which is crucial for everyday activities and economic growth.

Also, industry observers, according to him, will be quick to predict that an efficient, fully operational Port-Harcourt refinery can lead to reduction in the country’s fuel scarcity which has led to long- queues at filling stations and rising fuel prices.

An energy expert, Mr Salisu Danjuma, explains the corporation’s assignment should not end with the Port Harcourt Refinery alone.

Danjuma notes the corporation has laid out plans to increase its capacity with the completion of the Warri and Kaduna refineries, as well as enhancing the operations of the Port Harcourt plant.

He believes the goal is to make Nigeria a net exporter of refined petroleum products, reducing the country’s dependency on imported fuels while creating a robust energy sector that can support both domestic and international demand.

According to him, while the current phase of the Port Harcourt refinery’s operations is a positive indicator of progress, NNPC Ltd. still faces the task of addressing its operational challenges and ensuring long-term sustainability.

“The government has committed to investing in more capacity expansion and technology upgrades to modernise the country’s refineries.

“The commissioning of the Port Harcourt Refinery is undoubtedly a significant step for Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, with the potential to reduce the country’s fuel import bill and improve domestic fuel supply.

“While the refinery’s operations face some initial setbacks, the initiative is hailed by stakeholders as a critical move toward enhancing the nation’s energy security, boosting economic growth, and creating employment opportunities.

“Moving forward, the full success of the Port Harcourt Refinery will depend on the NNPC Ltd.’s ability to tackle its current operational challenges, ramp up production and create a stable and efficient refining ecosystem.

“If these obstacles are overcome, Nigeria could see a transformative shift in its energy landscape, reducing its reliance on imports and promoting self-sufficiency,” he added.

Reacting, the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), acknowledged the support of President Bola Tinubu, as well as the collaborative efforts of the NNPCL Board and contractors for the successful hauling of the facility.

Its President, Mr William Akporehe, and General Secretary, Mr Afolabi Olawale, described the commencement of the crude oil processing and the dispatch of petroleum products from the refinery as a landmark achievement that resonates with the aspirations of Nigerian citizens.

The union declared that the achievement demonstrated by NNPCL’s commitment to the country’s sustainable economic growth cannot be over-emphasised.

It commended the Group Managing Director of the corporation, Mele Kyari, for steering PHRC’s rehabilitation to completion, despite numerous challenges.

Nigeria owns four refineries: two in Port Harcourt and one each in Warri and Kaduna; but they have been moribund for years despite the Turn-Around-Maintenance (TAM) efforts.

The moribund state of the local refineries pushed Nigeria to depend solely on the importation of petroleum products for domestic use for several years, constituting a major drain on the nation’s foreign reserves.

For decades, successive administrations moves at reviving the nation’s refineries to reduce dependency on petrol importation failed.

In 2015, former President Muhammadu Buhari pledged to optimise those performing below capacity and boost foreign reserves by halting importation of refined fuel.

In November 2018, that administration scheduled December 2019 as the terminal date for three of the refineries to attain full production capacity to end petroleum importation and later shifted same to 2020.

Though, while the 2020 deadline was not realised, the government had spent N10.23 billion as at June 2020 on three of the refineries which processed zero crude.

By May 2023, the Federal House of Representatives Ad-hoc Committee on the state of refineries in the country made a disclosure that the federal government had spent over N11 trillion on the rehabilitation of the refineries between 2010 to 2023.

Just August 2023, President Bola Tinubu assurance that the PHRC would become functional by December after numerous failed attempts is now a reality.(NAN)

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