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OPINION

Tracking Nigeria’s Fight against Migrant Smuggling through Data

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By Ibironke Ariyo

Nigeria’s migration corridors are now more frequently targeted by organised criminal networks exploiting citizens seeking opportunities abroad.

Emerging evidence shows that these operations are becoming more sophisticated and driven by technology.

In recent years, authorities say migrant smuggling has evolved into a complex transnational enterprise, requiring coordinated national responses, stronger institutional frameworks and intelligence-led enforcement strategies.

At the centre of this response is the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS).

The Service combines border surveillance, intelligence sharing, prosecution support and sustained public sensitisation to disrupt smuggling networks operating within and beyond Nigeria’s borders.

To provide context, migration experts note that migrant smuggling differs from human trafficking because migrants initially consent to movement.

However, deception, exploitation and abandonment often follow when smugglers prioritise profit over safety and legality.

According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), West Africa remains a major origin and transit region for smuggling routes leading to North Africa, Europe and parts of the Middle East.

The UN body says this is largely driven by unemployment pressures and widespread misinformation.

More importantly, UNODC reports indicate that smugglers now rely heavily on forged travel documents, visa fraud, fake employment schemes and online recruitment platforms.

While this reduces dependence on dangerous desert crossings, it greatly increases financial exploitation risks for migrants.

Against this backdrop, NIS officials say statistics are currently guiding enforcement decisions and shaping operational priorities.

In recent operational years, immigration authorities recorded thousands of refused departures at Nigerian airports after identifying passengers travelling with suspicious documentation or inconsistent migration histories.

Explaining this shift, an NIS border commander said advanced passenger screening systems now enable officers to detect irregular travel patterns before departure.

“We are no longer reacting at borders alone; intelligence begins before passengers arrive at airports.

“Technology integration has significantly improved early detection capabilities across major international terminals,” he said.

Similarly, at a stakeholders’ sensitisation seminar held on Nov. 11, 2025, titled “Evolving Patterns in Smuggling of Migrants: Towards a Coordinated National Response,” officials highlighted changing smuggling tactics.

They stressed that smugglers are currently exploiting legal travel channels rather than relying solely on irregular border crossings.

Providing further insight, the Comptroller-General of NIS, Kemi Nandap, said the Service had strengthened its legal and institutional frameworks while expanding training programmes to improve officers’ capacity to detect and prevent smuggling activities.

“Recently, the border patrol at Seme denied entry to 332 migrants without valid travel documents.

“294 Nigerians, suspected of attempting irregular migration under the ‘Japa Syndrome,’ were stopped from leaving the country,” she said.

In addition, the NIS CG noted that 36 victims of human trafficking and child labour were rescued at the border, attributing the successes to improved surveillance, including the installation of new CCTV cameras at strategic locations.

Furthermore, during the inauguration of the 2025 Anti-Smuggling of Migrants Week in Abuja, the Federal Government pledged to further strengthen Nigeria’s intelligence architecture and border security framework to dismantle organised smuggling syndicates.

Nandap said the government was intensifying a multi-layered response to emerging smuggling trends that pose serious risks to human life and national security.

She reaffirmed the commitment of the Service, pledging that the NIS would continue to deepen border security and intelligence capabilities, dismantle smuggling networks, prosecute offenders and protect migrants, especially women and children.

In the same vein, she said the Service would strengthen domestic and international partnerships while upholding the dignity and human rights of migrants regardless of status.

Highlighting the urgency of the situation, Nandap said Nigeria, as a country of origin, transit and destination, could not afford to ignore the growing sophistication of smuggling networks.

She explained that these networks now rely heavily on digital platforms, encrypted communication, falsified documents and transnational criminal collaborations.

She warned that migrants were increasingly exposed to grave dangers, including trafficking, extortion, sexual exploitation, violence and death, especially along irregular desert and sea routes.

“The activities of smugglers threaten border integrity, public safety and internal security.

“The NIS, with the support of the Minister of Interior, Dr Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, has adopted a technology-driven and intelligence-led strategy to combat the menace.

“The Service has strengthened surveillance across land, sea and air borders through the deployment of a Command and Control Centre that mirrors nationwide operations, alongside the Migration Information and Data Analysis System.

“Also, Advanced Passenger Information Systems, Passenger Name Records, e-gates at international airports and Huawei-powered e-border solutions installed at more than 144 border locations nationwide,” she maintained.

Beyond national efforts, Nandap added that Nigeria had continued to deepen cooperation with ECOWAS, the African Union (AU), the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), the UNODC and INTERPOL, among others.

According to her, these partnerships enhance capacity building, intelligence sharing, joint investigations and safe return programmes, while bilateral agreements with transit and destination countries have improved early warning systems and cross-border law enforcement.

Equally important, she said the Service had scaled up public sensitisation to counter false narratives used by smugglers to lure young Nigerians.

She revealed that more than 579,000 National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members were sensitised in 2025.

“This is in addition to widespread outreach in border communities, schools, transport unions and youth associations across the country.

“The campaigns focus on exposing digital recruitment tactics, fake job offers abroad and the importance of safe, orderly and regular migration channels,” she emphasised.

Reinforcing the human dimension of the crisis, Nandap said, “The fight against the smuggling of migrants is not only a security imperative but also a moral responsibility.

“Every smuggled migrant represents a life at risk and a family disrupted”.

She urged government agencies, international organisations, civil society and the private sector to sustain collaboration.

“Our success depends on acting as one national front guided by protection, accountability, and human dignity. Together, we can build a Nigeria where safe and regular migration becomes the norm,” she maintained.

In a related development, the Chairman of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM), Abike Dabiri-Erewa, also cautioned Nigerians against embarking on dangerous and irregular migration journeys.

Speaking at an event organised by the Nigerian Bar Association Human Rights Institute to commemorate the 2025 International Human Rights Day, she highlighted the risks associated with such decisions.

Dabiri Erewa said that over the years, many Nigerians had willingly entered life-threatening situations abroad, noting that the commission was working with partners to assist stranded citizens.

“In Iraq alone, there are over 7,000 stranded. They are looking for hope and hopelessness. Citizens often underestimate the dangers of illegal migration,” she lamented.

She advised Nigerians to invest in opportunities at home, stressing that, “the grass is not greener on the other side. The grass is greener where you water it”.

To further illustrate the risks, she cited a case of a young woman who returned from Libya after using funds meant for medical care to finance her journey.

“She paid around N2.5 million to travel illegally to Libya despite lacking medical care at home; this money could have been used for better purposes.

“She came back with nothing. Such cases illustrate why advocacy and preventive measures are crucial,” she said.

Highlighting the dangers along migration routes, Dabiri-Erewa revealed that one in 24 migrants risk being killed in Libya, adding that efforts were ongoing to repatriate 10,500 stranded children.

She emphasised the need for a whole-of-government and whole-of-society approach to address the problem.

Meanwhile, experts say enforcement gains are increasingly being measured beyond arrests alone.

For instance, coordinated monitoring has helped dismantle document-fraud networks operating between Nigeria and destination countries, leading to arrests and ongoing prosecutions through inter-agency collaboration.

In addition, the IOM reports that thousands of stranded Nigerian migrants have been assisted through voluntary return programmes, many recounting deception by smugglers.

Analysts argue that such return statistics indirectly reflect prevention success, as awareness campaigns reduce vulnerability to recruitment networks.

Corroborating this view, an NIS public affairs officer said sensitisation campaigns across universities, motor parks and border communities now form a core prevention strategy addressing misinformation driving irregular migration.

The officer said enforcement alone cannot solve migrant smuggling, adding that education is essential because smugglers thrive where accurate migration information is absent.

From a broader policy perspective, experts from academia note that Nigeria’s migration governance has gradually shifted from reactive policing to preventive migration management, aligning with international best practices.

Similarly, improved coordination with neighbouring countries has strengthened intelligence exchanges targeting smuggling facilitators operating along porous land borders.

Security analysts say joint patrol arrangements and biometric verification systems have reduced identity fraud, a key enabler of migrant smuggling operations.

Migration researchers also note that biometric data integration allows authorities to track repeat migration attempts linked to organised smuggling rings, thereby strengthening investigative evidence used in prosecutions.

At the same time, the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) has partnered with NIS to distinguish trafficking victims from smuggled migrants, ensuring that rescued individuals receive protection rather than punishment.

Officials say this collaboration has improved victim identification procedures at airports and border posts, preventing wrongful detention of vulnerable migrants.

Gender specialists further highlight that women and young people remain disproportionately targeted, especially through deceptive domestic work recruitment schemes.

Humanitarian agencies also report that many returnees face heavy debt burdens after paying large sums to smugglers, underscoring the economic dimension of migrant smuggling.

Given these dynamics, experts stress that measuring NIS impact must go beyond arrest figures to include prevention outcomes, reduced fraudulent departures and improved public awareness.

They argue that success indicators increasingly include behavioural change among travellers, reflected in higher compliance with documentation requirements and declining reliance on informal migration agents.

NIS officials say ongoing training programmes are equipping officers with investigative skills aligned with international migration law while ensuring respect for human rights.

In addition, the agency has adopted digital record systems to improve data accuracy, enabling policymakers to track long-term migration patterns and evaluate the effectiveness of interventions.

Observers note that Nigeria’s reforms align with broader African Union efforts promoting safe, orderly and regular migration pathways across the continent.

However, albeit these gains, experts warn that economic pressures and global labour demand will continue to sustain migrant smuggling attempts.

They therefore call for sustained investment in technology, partnerships and public education.

Ultimately, migration researchers conclude that data-driven strategies offer Nigeria a strong tool against evolving smuggling tactics, enabling authorities to anticipate trends rather than merely respond to crises. (NAN)

OPINION

The David Mark and Atiku Abubakar ADC Protest: A Recycling of Bourgeoisie Metamorphosis

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By Uji Wilfred

Right from the foundations of the Independence struggle that led to self-rule, political party formations in Nigeria were crafted majorly for the capture of political power through periodic elections.

Political Parties never had ideological foundations that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

Political parties in their formation, leadership structure and ownership, belonged more to the ruling oligarchs than the people or the masses.

In the First Republic, political parties had little ideological bent, framed along regional and ethnic sentiments, but little of rallying the entire nation along in a unified polity.

In the general elections of 1954 – 1956, each of the ruling political party, the Northern People’s Congress, the Action Group and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens emerged as regional parties in terms of the demographic voting pattern as well as the control of political seats.

The First Republic suffered from a contradiction of centripetal and centrifugal forces within the framework of the tripartite system which eventually led to the collapse of that republic.

Political parties as well as the leadership recruitment reflected a regional and ethnic bias more than the need for the national integration of Nigeria.

Decamping across political lines, irrespective of ideological leanings, were the basic norms of the First Republic with political parties splitting out from the major political party. Formation of new political parties to fragment the dominant hold of ruling political parties were common political vices of the political class at that time. For example, Chief Akintola, despite the ideological soundness of the Action Group, splitted up the party with the formation of a new political party.

Chief Akintola’s desire was fired more by ambition than the issues of ideology and national interest.

In Northern Nigeria, the ruling Northern People’s Congress waged a war of suppression and dominance against other minority political parties with strong ideological bent that inspired minority ethnic nationalism.

The NPC through its slogan of One North, One Destiny, suppressed minority political parties such as the United Middle Belt Congress led by Joseph Tarkaa.

The point is that Nigeria from her foundations inherited a political culture where political parties have weak ideological roots as well as party and leadership recruitment.

Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed the recycling of bourgeoisie Political Party Formation and leadership recruitment through a process of metamorphosis that defiles ideological lines and national interest.

Political participation and leadership recruitment has been centered on the urgent need to capture power at the center using political parties owned by a few powerful oligarchs.

The People’s Democratic Party in its formation and foundation was a fraternity of past and serving military generals and their civilian equivalent.

The PDP since its inception has been led by past military officers like David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, the civilian equivalent of the military.

The dream of the PDP led by these retired military generals under the leadership of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was the enthronement of Africa’s biggest political party that was to last for a century.

As good as the dream of the party was, the PDP, like the experience of the First and Second Republics lacked deep ideological roots that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

The triumph of the People’s Democratic Party forced the rival All People’s Party and the Action Congress of Nigeria into a state of collapse and submission leading up to the bourgeoisie metamorphosis that resulted to the formation of the All Progressive Congress on the eve of 2015 with the sole objective to unseat President Good luck Jonathan.

The APC was a metamorphosis and amalgamation of opposition parties including some dissenting faction of the PDP to reclaim the so called birth right of the far right North in Nigeria to produce the President of Nigeria.

Political recruitment and leadership struggle in Nigeria has never been defined by ideological needs to salvage or emancipate Nigeria as a nation. Political struggle has always been a recycling of that section of the bourgeoisie, through a process of metamorphosis, whose objective is to capture political power at the center.

The present protest and political struggle by the African Democratic Congress, the faction led by David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, is a recycling of bourgeoisie metamorphosis not too different from the experience of 2015.

At best, the David Mark and Atiku Abubakar led protest represents that desperate struggle entrenched in the thinking of the Far Right of Far Northern Nigeria, that political leadership resides in the ancestral birth right of the aristocratic ruling political class of the North.

David Mark and Atiku Abubakar perhaps are suffering from a dementia that has made them forget that they were the agents that destroyed the foundations of democracy in Nigeria through the sacking of former President Good luck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party.

These men formed the All Progressive Congress and wrestled power from a democratic government exploiting the dynamics of national security and developmental challenges.

In 2015, Nigerians believed their opinions and through the ballot removed Good luck Jonathan.

However, since then, has Nigeria fared better under the APC that was enthroned by oligarchs leading in the present protest under the auspices of the ADC.

Perhaps, David Mark and Atiku Abubakar may assume that Nigeria suffers from a collective dementia that has forgotten the past so soon.

There is an adage that says, he who comes to justice and equity must come with clean hands. The same forces that enthroned bad governance in Nigeria factored in the APC, through a metamorphosis, want to rebirth another Nigeria through the ADC.

In ideological terms, this does not make sense, the ADC Protest is the same old thing of old wine in a new wine bottle.

If Nigeria must experience a change, let it come through some revolutionary medium that will not exploit the people’s trust and betray them once in power.

Over the past decades, the betrayal of public trust, exploiting the innocence of the people, perhaps the naivety of the people, is what we have seen and experienced through the circles of bourgeoisie metamorphosis and political leadership recruitment.

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OPINION

Where the Politicians Got it Wrong

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By Raphael Atuu

Benue State, fondly referred to as the “Food Basket of the Nation,” was created on February 3, 1976, by the military administration, carved out of the old Plateau State. From its inception, the state was administered by a succession of military administrators, followed by civilian governors in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape.

Over the decades, leadership passed through several hands each leaving varying degrees of impact on the state’s trajectory.

In its early years, Benue was widely regarded as a peaceful and united society. Communities coexisted in harmony, bound by shared values, cultural pride, and a strong sense of collective identity.

The economy was largely driven by agriculture, with fertile lands producing yams, rice, cassava, and other staple crops. Institutions like the Benue Cement Company also contributed to economic activity and employment.

In those days, the government was distant from the daily struggle of the average citizen. Few people concerned themselves with the affairs of Government House. Wealth and dignity were derived from hard work, farming, trading, and craftsmanship not political patronage.

The people spoke with one voice, celebrated their traditions with pride, and upheld communal respect as a guiding principle.

However, the return of democracy in 1999 marked a significant turning point, one that would reshape the state’s social and political fabric in ways few anticipated.

With democratic governance came new opportunities, but also new challenges. Politics gradually became the most attractive path to wealth and influence.

For many, Government House transformed from a symbol of public service into a gateway to personal enrichment.

The perception of politics shifted from service to self-interest.

As political competition intensified, unity began to erode. Divisions along ethnic, local government, and party lines deepened. The once cohesive voice of the Benue people became fragmented, often drowned in partisan conflicts and power struggles.

Perhaps more troubling was the subtle transformation in societal values.

 The Benue man, once admired for courage, resilience, and industry, began though not universally to exhibit tendencies toward dependency and political loyalty over merit.

Sycophancy started to replace integrity, and the dignity of labor was gradually overshadowed by the allure of quick gains through political connections.

Elected officials rose to positions of authority and influence, becoming key decision-makers in society.

 Yet, for many citizens, the dividends of democracy remained elusive. Infrastructure development lagged, agricultural potential remained underutilized, and poverty persisted despite abundant natural resources.

The irony is striking: a state so richly endowed, yet struggling to translate its potential into tangible progress.

Beyond economics, insecurity and communal clashes in recent years have further strained the social fabric.

 The peace that once defined Benue has been challenged, forcing many communities to confront displacement and uncertainty.

While these issues are complex and multifaceted, the role of political leadership in addressing or failing to address them cannot be ignored.

So, where did the politicians get it wrong?

They lost sight of the essence of leadership service to the people. Governance became more about control than development, more about personal gain than collective good.

 Long term planning gave way to short term political calculations. Investments in agriculture, which should have remained the backbone of the state’s economy, were neglected in favor of less sustainable ventures.

Moreover, the failure to foster unity and inclusive governance widened the gap between leaders and the led. Politics became a tool for division rather than a platform for progress.

Yet, all hope is not lost.

Benue still possesses immense potential, fertile land, vibrant culture, and resilient people, what is needed is a return to the values that once defined the state: hard work, unity, integrity, and community driven development.

 Leadership must be reimagined, not as an avenue for wealth, but as a responsibility to uplift the people.

The story of Benue State is not just one of decline it is also one of possibility.

 With the right vision, commitment, and collective will, the state can reclaim its place as a model of peace, productivity, and progress.

The question remains: will its leaders and its people rise to the occasion?

If you want, I can.

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OPINION

Nigeria Not Collapsing, Recalibrating Unsustainable System

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By Tanimu Yakubu

Nigeria is not collapsing; it is confronting long-avoided economic realities. The current hardship, though undeniable, reflects a deliberate process of correcting structural imbalances that have persisted for years. Distress is evident, but it must not be mistaken for systemic failure.

Countries in true economic collapse do not unify exchange rates, rebuild external reserves, regain access to international capital markets, or improve fiscal performance.

Nigeria, despite significant pressures, is making measurable progress across these indicators.

Ending a Distorted Economic Order

For years, Nigeria operated under an economic framework that projected stability while masking deep inefficiencies.

Artificially suppressed fuel prices, multiple exchange rate windows, and expansionary fiscal practices incentivized arbitrage over productivity.

These distortions disproportionately benefited a narrow segment of the population while imposing hidden costs on the broader economy.

Their removal has revealed the true cost structure of the system. While this transition has triggered inflationary pressures, it has also restored policy transparency and enhanced the credibility of economic management.

Strengthening the Fiscal Base

Recent fiscal data indicates a strengthening foundation. Distributable revenues to the Federation Account have risen by over 40 percent following subsidy removal, reflecting improved remittance discipline and reduced leakages.

Nigeria’s public debt remains below 30 percent of GDP, a relatively moderate level compared to peer emerging markets, according to the International Monetary Fund. Meanwhile, external reserves have surpassed $40 billion, based on figures from the Central Bank of Nigeria.

At the subnational level, increased fiscal inflows are enabling more consistent salary payments, with some states introducing inflation adjustments, an indication of gradually expanding fiscal space.

Inflation: A Transitional Challenge

Inflation remains the most immediate and visible consequence of ongoing reforms. It is being driven by exchange rate adjustments, energy price corrections, and longstanding supply-side constraints.

Global experience suggests that such inflationary spikes are often temporary when reforms are sustained. The greater risk lies not in reform itself, but in policy inconsistency or reversal.

Interpreting the Present Moment

Public frustration is both expected and understandable. Nigerians are justified in demanding tangible improvements in living standards. However, it is important to distinguish between short-term hardship and systemic collapse.

Nigeria’s institutional framework remains intact, fiscal capacity is improving, and macroeconomic reforms are actively progressing. This phase represents adjustment, not disintegration.

From Stabilisation to Impact

The next phase of reform must translate macroeconomic gains into measurable improvements in citizens’ welfare.

Strategic investments in healthcare, education, and targeted social protection will be essential to sustaining public confidence.

Ultimately, the credibility of these reforms will be judged not by policy intent, but by their impact on everyday life.

Conclusion: The Imperative of Consistency

Nigeria has long recognised its economic challenges; what has often been lacking is sustained policy execution. The greatest threat at this juncture is not reform fatigue, but reform reversal.

Abandoning the current course would erode credibility, deter investment, and reintroduce the very distortions that hindered growth.

This moment demands patience, discipline, and resolve. Nigeria is not collapsing, it is undertaking a necessary correction and laying the foundation for a more resilient economic future.

Tanimu Yakubu is DG, Budget Office of the Federation.

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