OPINION
Why Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger Exit from ECOWAS is no BREXIT
By Olu Jacobs
Comparisons are being made between the sudden exit of the military juntas of
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger from the Economic Community of West African
States, ECOWAS, and Britain’s 31 st January 2020 official exit of Britain from the
European Union.
On the surface, similarities can be found with Brexit, to wit: some small nation
with a fraction of the GDP of the entire group leaves a Community of equals and
forfeits all the advantages of the economies of scale inherent in a single market
where there is unhindered intra-Community movement of goods and services,
unencumbered by law or tariffs.
As the pretext for leaving, the errant countries accused the Union of promoting
unpleasant polices, policies which were in fact part of the fundamentally practices
of the body and core mandate of the group, and entrenched in its rules of
procedure and which has sustained the Union throughout the 40 or so odd years
of its existence
As a consequence of leaving a group which exerts stronger bargaining power as a
block, the decampees runs the risk of losing out on the group’s negotiating
power and may no longer enjoy free trade with the rest Member
States
But here the comparison ends. The UK at least held a
referendum where its people voted to leave the EU. The trio of
Capt. Ibrahim Traoré, Col. Assimi Goita, and Brig. Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani,
did not bother with such niceties. Having come to power through the force of
arms, they were under no obligation to inform their people, much less seek their
views, before the pompous announcement penultimate weekend that, “taking all
their responsibilities in the face of history and responding to the expectations,
concerns, and aspirations of their populations, decide in complete sovereignty on
the immediate withdrawal of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger from the Economic
Community of West African States.”
Moreover, Britain was not buffeted by terrorists on the verge of overrunning the
country when it left the EU, nor did it need any help with its security
architecture. On the contrary, it was the most powerful military force in the
union at the time with a strong economy. Still, leaving the EU against popular
expectations shook the global markets and caused the British pound to fall to
its lowest level against the dollar in 30 years. The following day, Prime
Minister David Cameron resigned, and economists suggest that Brexit may
have irreversibly harmed the British economy despite its development level
and reduced its real per capita income, in the long term.
One can therefore imagine the implication for Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger
which together belonged to the ten poorest countries in the world, abandoning
the $702bn economy that ECOWAS represents. These three are not only
landlocked nations bedeviled by the twin plagues of recurring drought and
terrorism, they are moreover hounded by sanctions, substantial populations of
internally displaced persons who are near famine and a losing battle with ISIS-
Sahel and other violent groups.
Burkina Faso for instance is ranked the fourth worst terrorist plagued nation in the
world after Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. It had 597 violent attacks across 10 of its
13 regions in 2022 leading to thousands of deaths and an estimated 1.6 million of its
population internally displaced. Mali‘s 4500 miles of porous borders with seven
neighboring countries has seen similar armed attacks, abductions, car jackings, IEDs,
vehicle-borne IEDs, rocket attacks, targeted assassinations, and armed imposed
blockades and ambushes. With their security services overwhelmed, they can hardly
cope as ISIS-Sahel, formerly known as ISIS-GS, and the al-Qa’ida-affiliated JNIM
operate indiscriminately.
A recent report ( Pls attribute) described this part of the Sahel as “the epicenter of
terrorism globally accounting for 43 percent of terrorism deaths in 2022, more than
South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa combined.”
These are compounded by pervasive poverty, battles over decreasing resources,
mass displacement of people as a result of climate change and refugee problems
caused by ubiquitous violence which have collectively transformed the area into the
epicentre of terrorism . Yet although General Tiani said the reason for his coup was
to check the scourge of terror, the truth was that by 2022, his Niger, which the year
before had the largest increase in terrorism deaths had already turned a corner.
President Bazoum was winning the war on terror so much so that 90 percent of
deaths from extremist groups in the Sahel in 2022 occurred in Burkina Faso and Mali
which were, ironically led by military juntas.
The Niger coup therefore was more likely to worsen rather than reduce the scourge
of terrorism, as history has shown, which was one reason ECOWAS was set against
it and took the drastic measures to impose sanctions and invoke the protocol that
allows it to use force if necessary to dislodge an un democratic government. Another
reason, apart from the need to halt the domino effect of this putsch on neighboring
countries, was because Niger had turned into a bastion of democracy in the Sahel, a
bulwark against Russian and jihadist movement and proof of the success of western
alliance. With the coup the nation lost all aids and military assistance. The EU
foreign policy chief Josep Borrell promptly announced the “immediate
cessation of budget support” and suspension of “all cooperation actions in
the domain of security,” which translated means its allocation of EUR 500
million for improving governance, education, and sustainable growth in the
country, it’s 27 million-euro military training mission (EUMPM) in Niger in
addition to around 1,500 Barkhane troops stationed in the country, has
come to an end with “immediate cessation of budget support” and
suspension of “all cooperation actions in the domain of security.”
France which has provided the country with around EUR 120 million
in development aid in 2022 also suspended all development and budget
support, and the US which had two military drone bases and over 1,000
troops deployed in Niger, and had just announced $150 million in direct
assistance also suspended its security cooperation with Nigerien forces.
For a nation which the World Bank estimates has about 10 million of its
people, or around 40 percent of the population, emershed in extreme
poverty, the lowest Human Development Index (HDI) worldwide and
battling acute water scarcity and food insecurity and high population
growth, there is little doubt that Niger needs all the help it can get from
ECOWAS. In total, the country, like the rest two, relies on close to USD 2
billion a year in official development assistance of which ECOWAS provides
a sizable part and more importantly access to the huge regional market.
Economic sanctions led to the closure of the bustling border between Niger and
Nigeria, halting roughly $1.3 billion worth of annual trade. The United States goods
exports alone to ECOWAS in 2022 were $6.7 billion, and its imports from
ECOWAS totaled $9.4 billion in 2022, up 38.8 percent ($2.6 billion) from 2021.
This is the market that the three nations will forfeit. According to a report, Guinea’s
2008 coup and Mali’s coup had erased a combined $12 billion to $13.5 billion from
their economies over five years, which represented 76% of Guinea’s 2008 gross
domestic product and almost half of Mali’s 2012 GDP.
The real goal of ECOWAS is to promote economic cooperation among member
states in order to raise living standards and promote economic development. The
regional group has also worked hard to address security issues by developing a
peacekeeping force for conflicts in the region. The three juntas claimed they were
taking their 75m people out of the bloc because it has not helped them fight
terrorism. That is clearly not true. For instance, ECOWAS sent thousands of
soldiers to help Mali in 2013 when a jihadist onslaught almost overran it. ECOWAS
members were in fact the leading troop contributors to a UN peacekeeping mission
there until the junta sacked it last year.
Now we come to the real real reason why the three coupists announced on Sunday 28th January
that they were taking their countries out of the regional body. Clearly it is to escape the pressure
been mounted by ECOWAS to return their nations to democracy. Mali and Burkina Faso were
already set to hold elections this year as promised ECOWAS, and Niger is under pressure to
produce a short transition timeline for civil rule.
Lashed by hunger, terror and civil strife the economies of Mali, Niger and Burkina
Faso are stunted by what has been called a “multi-dimensional crisis where insecurity,
humanitarian need, rapid urbanization of the country and the drastic effects of
climate change—impacting access to food and water, which fuel intercommunal
conflict, all converge.”
The earlier they return to the embrace of ECOWAS, the better. As a matter of fact,
the West African regional body remains Africa’s most successful example of
integration and economic, political and security cooperation. People’s free movement
throughout the region, underpinned by the visa-free system and a common passport,
is one of ECOWAS’ key achievements benefitting the region’s citizens. For landlocked
countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger especially, the Customs Union
facilitates imports through the application of a single common external tariff.
For almost 50 years, ECOWAS’ rules and operating methods have shaped
governance in its Member States.
In effect, the withdrawal of these countries which together account for 15% of
ECOWAS’ population, but nearly half its surface area is some blow to the regional
body and potentially a disaster for the three landlocked countries. However, it is
important for the reputation and the overall well-being of ECOWAS that the
countries return to the fold.
At the extraordinary Session of Ministerial Mediation and Security Council meeting,
which held Thursday to discuss this and the situation in Senegal where the president
had suddenly postponed elections, ECOWAS Commission President, Alieu Touray
said, “If there is a time for ECOWAS to stay together, this is the time … There is no
challenge that ECOWAS cannot overcome.”
ECOWAS has always insisted that the modalities of their withdrawal are
irregular, that such sudden departures are impossible to implement, and do not
comply with ECOWAS’ governing treaty which stipulates one year formal notification
during which states asking to leave must respect their commitments to the bloc.
Critics say the current situation presents an opportunity for ECOWAS to review its
frameworks, policies and practices to make the organisation more consistent and
effective and responsive to the development needs of the constituent States.
While doing that, it might not be a bad idea to create conditions for the return of
the three countries to the regional bloc either.
By Folasade Akpan
For Mrs Schola Effiong, a 58-year-old confidential secretary in Calabar, managing diabetes in today’s economy feels like “climbing a hill that only gets steeper”.
Diagnosed in 2009, she said her monthly expenditure on insulin, tablets, laboratory tests and monitoring supplies now exceeds ₦150,000.
“You cannot stop taking the drugs, yet the cost keeps going up.
“Sometimes I do not have the money to buy some of them at the same time,” she said.
Her struggle mirrors the experiences of thousands of Nigerians at a time when experts warn that diabetes is becoming a major public health concern.
According to a 2018 national meta-analysis by Uloko et al.
, titled “Prevalence and Risk Factors for Diabetes Mellitus in Nigeria: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis”, Nigeria’s diabetes prevalence stands at 5.7 per cent, representing 11.2 million adults.The authors defined diabetes mellitus as a metabolic disorder of chronic hyperglycaemia caused by absolute or relative insulin deficiency and associated with disturbances in carbohydrate, protein and fat metabolism.
The study, which pooled data from numerous research works across the country, revealed wide regional disparities.
The prevalence rate was 3.0 per cent in the North-West, 5.9 per cent in the North-East, and 3.8 per cent in the North-Central, respectively.
The rates were higher in the southern part of the country: 5.5 per cent in the South-West, 4.6 per cent in the South-East, and 9.8 per cent in the South-South.
Experts say these patterns reflect changing lifestyles, rapid urbanisation and limited access to routine screening.
However, for many patients, statistics tell only a fraction of the real story.
Mr Offum Akung, a 57-year-old teacher in Cross River, said he had to ration his drugs because prices kept rising faster than his salary.
“I spend over ₦40,000 a month and still cannot buy everything on my prescription.
“I rely mostly on Glucophage now; when money allows, I add Neurovite Forte; diabetes management has become more difficult than the disease itself,” he said.
He appealed for government intervention, saying many patients were already “giving up”.
The Second Vice-President of the Diabetes Association of Nigeria, Mr Bernard Enyia, said the economic situation had pushed many Nigerians with diabetes into dangerous coping methods.
He said that he once managed his condition with about ₦70,000 monthly, but currently spends more than ₦180,000.
“Insulin has become something you pray for, while some people are sharing doses or skipping injections.
“Once you break treatment, the complications come quickly.”
Enyia, who lost his job as a health worker in 2017 due to frequent hospital visits, described the emotional toll as immense.
“It affects your finances, your social life, your marriage — everything. Many Nigerians with diabetes are quietly drowning,” he said.
Globally, concerns are also rising.
The World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates that more than 24 million adults in Africa are living with diabetes, a figure projected to rise to 60 million by 2050.
Marking World Diabetes Day 2025, WHO Regional Director for Africa, Prof. Mohamed Janabi, warned that rising obesity, lifestyle changes and weak health systems were fueling an “unprecedented wave of diabetes” across the continent.
He urged governments to prioritise access to affordable insulin, diagnostics and long-term care.
More so, pharmacists say they are witnessing the crisis firsthand.
The Senior Vice-President, Advantage Health Africa, Mr Adewale Oladigbolu, said many patients were no longer able to maintain regular medication schedules.
“People buy drugs today and skip them tomorrow because they do not have money.
“With non-adherence, they never reach therapeutic goals.”
Oladigbolu, a Fellow of the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria, said that locally manufactured metformin remained in high demand due to affordability, but insulin-dependent patients faced the harshest burden.
He stressed that diabetes care extended far beyond drugs.
“You need glucometers, strips, blood pressure monitors and regular tests.
“In countries where insurance work, patients do not think about the cost; in Nigeria, they pay for everything out of pocket,” he said.
He called for diabetes care to be covered under health insurance to reduce the financial burden on patients.
President of the Diabetes Association of Nigeria, Prof. Ejiofor Ugwu, described the rising cost of treatment as “a national crisis hiding in plain sight.
He said insulin, which sold for about ₦3,500 four years ago, presently costs ₦18,000 to ₦22,000 per vial.
“Test strips that were ₦2,000 now sell for ₦14,000, while glucometers have risen from ₦5,000 to over ₦25,000.
“On average, a patient now needs between ₦100,000 and ₦120,000 every month. Imagine earning ₦50,000 and being asked to spend twice that on one illness.”
He warned that between half and two-thirds of Nigerians with diabetes remain undiagnosed.
“We are seeing more kidney failure, more limb amputations, more blindness.
“These are late presentations caused by delayed or inconsistent treatment.”
Ugwu urged the Federal Government to urgently subsidise essential anti-diabetic medications and remove taxes on their importation.
“Most of these drugs are produced outside the country.
“Once you add import duties and other charges, prices become unbearable; subsidies and tax waivers could drop costs by at least 30 per cent,” he said.
He also called for expansion of the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) to cover a wider range of anti-diabetic medicines, glucose meters and strips — none of which are currently covered.
For many Nigerians, however, the struggle continues daily.
Across households, clinics and pharmacies, the message is the same: as Nigeria’s diabetes prevalence rises and treatment costs soar, more patients are slipping through the cracks — some silently, others painfully — while waiting for meaningful intervention.
In all, stakeholders say diabetes is a national emergency; people are dying quietly because they cannot afford medicine; hence the urgent need for relevant authorities to make anti-diabetic medications accessible and affordable.(NAN)
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By Dorcas Jonah
In the Nigerian culture, extended families and communities play a crucial role in care-giving, instilling values, and supporting the development of children.
This cultural heritage of community parenting emphasises shared responsibility in raising children.
But in contemporary Nigeria, this age-long practice is facing enormous challenges due to modernisation.
In scrutinising this trend, some parents are of the view that community parenting helps in instilling morals and curbing social vices among children and youths, while others believe it is outdated.
Some parents are of the belief that their children are their responsibility; so they do not tolerate others correcting their children.
By contrast, others say that community parenting, when done with good intentions, can help raise a better society.
Mr Peterson Bangyi, a community leader in Dutse Makaranta, said that community parenting was the bedrock of raising a child.
He said the adage: “it takes a village to raise a child”, remained a powerful principle in contemporary society.
According to him, by Nigeria’s cultural norms and values, a child is owned by everyone; therefore, the grandparents, aunts, uncles, and neighbours actively contribute to raising children.
“This approach fosters a sense of belonging and ensures children grow up with diverse role models.”
Bangyi said that the extended families practiced by more communities were the backbone of parenting.
“But modernisation has taken away this practice as most families do not want people to come close to their children,’’ he said.
Mrs Monica Umeh, a mother of two, emphasising on the importance of community parenting, said that it played significant role in shaping her upbringing as a child and young adult.
Umeh advised that when correcting other people’s children, it is essential to do so with love and good intentions, without any form of bitterness.
“I am a strong advocate of community parenting as long as it is done with love and good intentions.
“I believe no parent can single-handedly raise a child without the support of others,’’ he said.
Mr Temitope Awoyemi, a lecturer, said that community parenting was crucial and could not be over-emphasised.
He said that community parenting helped society in inculcating strong moral values in children and youths, adding that modern life could be isolating for parents.
Awoyemi said that strong community support networks had been shown to lower parental stress levels and promote a more optimistic approach to raising children.
“It also ensures that a child receives guidance and correction from various adults, providing a broader, more consistent moral and social baseline that might be missed by parents who are busy with work.
“Community parenting encourages collaborative, interdisciplinary support from various community members and agencies in addressing a child’s developmental needs comprehensively.
“It focuses on prevention of long-term problems and celebrating individual strengths,’’ he said.
Awoyemi said that as the society continued to evolve, community parenting could adapt to ensure children benefitted from both cultural roots and contemporary innovations.
Mr Fortune Ubong, a cultural enthusiast, attributed the increasing crime rate in Nigeria to lack of community parenting that had extended to schools, and government institutions.
According to him, community parenting remains the foundation of every child’s moral upbringing.
“Most parents are now focused on earning a living and improving their lifestyle, in the process abandoning their primary duty of molding and guiding their children; this is where community parenting plays a greater role,” he said.
However, Mrs Joy Okezia, a businesswoman, said that given the recent developments in the country, correcting a child should be the sole responsibility of their parents.
Okezia said that she preferred to correct her children herself as she knew them better than anyone else.
She also noted that with the rising insecurity in the country, intervening to correct a child could pose a significant risk to the person.
Mrs Ijeoma Osita, a civil servant, also shared Okezia’s view, saying that a child’s behaviour was shaped by their family upbringing.
She said that if a child was not taught to love and respect others at home, an outsider would have little impact in correcting such a child.
Osita emphasised that parents should in still in their children the values of love and respect regardless of their status or background.
According to her, a child brought up with good values is less likely to misbehave well.
She cited the Holy Bible, saying, that says: “Train up a child in the way they should go, and when they are old, they will not depart from it’’.
Osita said that community parenting remained a vital aspect of Nigerian culture, promoting shared responsibility and resilience among families.
He opined that while modernisation posed challenges, blending traditional practices with modern strategies offered a promising path forward.
Observers say robust community connections are linked to better social-emotional development, academic achievement, and overall well-being for children.
They say that in modern society, amidst the digital world, economic instability, and busy work schedules, parents face pressures, making community support systems fundamental.
All in all, stakeholders are of the view that combining traditional community parenting with modern childcare – integrating technology, play-based learning, and skill acquisition – will produce well-rounded children.(NAN)
FEATURES
Victor Okoli: The Young Nigerian Tech Founder Building Digital Bridge Between Africa and America
Victor Chukwunonso Okoli, founder of Vnox Technology Inc. (USA) and Vnox Limited (Nigeria), is steadily emerging as one of the most promising new voices in global travel-tech. His mission is clear: bridge the technological gap between Africa and the United States, redefine global travel systems, and empower a new generation of skilled youths through innovation-driven opportunities.
In a statement issued in Onitsha, Anambra State, by Vnox Limited (Nigeria), the company emphasized Okoli’s growing influence as a Nigerian international graduate student contributing meaningfully to U.
S. innovation. His rising travel-technology platform, FlyVnox, currently valued at an estimated $1.7 million, is positioning itself as a competitive player in the global travel ecosystem.Okoli explained that Vnox Technology was founded to “train, empower more youths, create global employment opportunities, and drive business growth through our coming B2B portal inside the FlyVnox app.” The platform’s new B2B system aims to support travel agencies, entrepreneurs, and businesses across Africa and the diaspora—giving them access to modern tools, previously inaccessible technologies, and global opportunities.
Several young men and women are already employed under the expanding Vnox group, with more expected to join as the brand grows internationally.
Born and raised in Eastern Nigeria, Okoli’s early life exposed him to the realities and frustrations faced by international travelers and diaspora communities. After moving to the United States for graduate studies, he transformed those experiences into a bold technological vision—building systems that connect continents and create seamless mobility for users worldwide.
At the center of that vision is the FlyVnox app, a modern airline-ticketing platform built with global users in mind. Combining American engineering precision with African mobility realities, FlyVnox offers international flight search, multi-currency support, secure payments, transparent pricing, and a clean, intuitive interface.
Beyond FlyVnox, Okoli has built a growing tech ecosystem under Vnox Technology Inc., which oversees several innovative ventures, including: Vnox TravelTech Solutions LLC (FlyVnox App), VnoxPay (fintech), VnoxShop / Zyrlia (e-commerce)
VnoxID / Nexora (digital identity and smart business card solutions)
Vnox Limited (Nigeria) anchors African operations, media services, and talent development—ensuring the brand remains rooted in its home continent even as it grows globally.
Okoli’s work has broad significance for both Africa and the United States. He represents the powerful impact of immigrant entrepreneurship on global competitiveness—creating new jobs, driving innovation, strengthening U.S.–Africa commercial ties, and contributing to the development of practical, scalable technologies.
The statement concludes that Vnox Technology is a brand to watch. As FlyVnox gains international traction and the Vnox group expands its footprint, Victor Okoli stands as a symbol of a rising generation: African-born, globally minded, and building technologies that connect and serve the world.
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