OPINION
Why Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger Exit from ECOWAS is no BREXIT

By Olu Jacobs
Comparisons are being made between the sudden exit of the military juntas of
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger from the Economic Community of West African
States, ECOWAS, and Britain’s 31 st January 2020 official exit of Britain from the
European Union.
On the surface, similarities can be found with Brexit, to wit: some small nation
with a fraction of the GDP of the entire group leaves a Community of equals and
forfeits all the advantages of the economies of scale inherent in a single market
where there is unhindered intra-Community movement of goods and services,
unencumbered by law or tariffs.
As the pretext for leaving, the errant countries accused the Union of promoting
unpleasant polices, policies which were in fact part of the fundamentally practices
of the body and core mandate of the group, and entrenched in its rules of
procedure and which has sustained the Union throughout the 40 or so odd years
of its existence
As a consequence of leaving a group which exerts stronger bargaining power as a
block, the decampees runs the risk of losing out on the group’s negotiating
power and may no longer enjoy free trade with the rest Member
States
But here the comparison ends. The UK at least held a
referendum where its people voted to leave the EU. The trio of
Capt. Ibrahim Traoré, Col. Assimi Goita, and Brig. Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani,
did not bother with such niceties. Having come to power through the force of
arms, they were under no obligation to inform their people, much less seek their
views, before the pompous announcement penultimate weekend that, “taking all
their responsibilities in the face of history and responding to the expectations,
concerns, and aspirations of their populations, decide in complete sovereignty on
the immediate withdrawal of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger from the Economic
Community of West African States.”
Moreover, Britain was not buffeted by terrorists on the verge of overrunning the
country when it left the EU, nor did it need any help with its security
architecture. On the contrary, it was the most powerful military force in the
union at the time with a strong economy. Still, leaving the EU against popular
expectations shook the global markets and caused the British pound to fall to
its lowest level against the dollar in 30 years. The following day, Prime
Minister David Cameron resigned, and economists suggest that Brexit may
have irreversibly harmed the British economy despite its development level
and reduced its real per capita income, in the long term.
One can therefore imagine the implication for Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger
which together belonged to the ten poorest countries in the world, abandoning
the $702bn economy that ECOWAS represents. These three are not only
landlocked nations bedeviled by the twin plagues of recurring drought and
terrorism, they are moreover hounded by sanctions, substantial populations of
internally displaced persons who are near famine and a losing battle with ISIS-
Sahel and other violent groups.
Burkina Faso for instance is ranked the fourth worst terrorist plagued nation in the
world after Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. It had 597 violent attacks across 10 of its
13 regions in 2022 leading to thousands of deaths and an estimated 1.6 million of its
population internally displaced. Mali‘s 4500 miles of porous borders with seven
neighboring countries has seen similar armed attacks, abductions, car jackings, IEDs,
vehicle-borne IEDs, rocket attacks, targeted assassinations, and armed imposed
blockades and ambushes. With their security services overwhelmed, they can hardly
cope as ISIS-Sahel, formerly known as ISIS-GS, and the al-Qa’ida-affiliated JNIM
operate indiscriminately.
A recent report ( Pls attribute) described this part of the Sahel as “the epicenter of
terrorism globally accounting for 43 percent of terrorism deaths in 2022, more than
South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa combined.”
These are compounded by pervasive poverty, battles over decreasing resources,
mass displacement of people as a result of climate change and refugee problems
caused by ubiquitous violence which have collectively transformed the area into the
epicentre of terrorism . Yet although General Tiani said the reason for his coup was
to check the scourge of terror, the truth was that by 2022, his Niger, which the year
before had the largest increase in terrorism deaths had already turned a corner.
President Bazoum was winning the war on terror so much so that 90 percent of
deaths from extremist groups in the Sahel in 2022 occurred in Burkina Faso and Mali
which were, ironically led by military juntas.
The Niger coup therefore was more likely to worsen rather than reduce the scourge
of terrorism, as history has shown, which was one reason ECOWAS was set against
it and took the drastic measures to impose sanctions and invoke the protocol that
allows it to use force if necessary to dislodge an un democratic government. Another
reason, apart from the need to halt the domino effect of this putsch on neighboring
countries, was because Niger had turned into a bastion of democracy in the Sahel, a
bulwark against Russian and jihadist movement and proof of the success of western
alliance. With the coup the nation lost all aids and military assistance. The EU
foreign policy chief Josep Borrell promptly announced the “immediate
cessation of budget support” and suspension of “all cooperation actions in
the domain of security,” which translated means its allocation of EUR 500
million for improving governance, education, and sustainable growth in the
country, it’s 27 million-euro military training mission (EUMPM) in Niger in
addition to around 1,500 Barkhane troops stationed in the country, has
come to an end with “immediate cessation of budget support” and
suspension of “all cooperation actions in the domain of security.”
France which has provided the country with around EUR 120 million
in development aid in 2022 also suspended all development and budget
support, and the US which had two military drone bases and over 1,000
troops deployed in Niger, and had just announced $150 million in direct
assistance also suspended its security cooperation with Nigerien forces.
For a nation which the World Bank estimates has about 10 million of its
people, or around 40 percent of the population, emershed in extreme
poverty, the lowest Human Development Index (HDI) worldwide and
battling acute water scarcity and food insecurity and high population
growth, there is little doubt that Niger needs all the help it can get from
ECOWAS. In total, the country, like the rest two, relies on close to USD 2
billion a year in official development assistance of which ECOWAS provides
a sizable part and more importantly access to the huge regional market.
Economic sanctions led to the closure of the bustling border between Niger and
Nigeria, halting roughly $1.3 billion worth of annual trade. The United States goods
exports alone to ECOWAS in 2022 were $6.7 billion, and its imports from
ECOWAS totaled $9.4 billion in 2022, up 38.8 percent ($2.6 billion) from 2021.
This is the market that the three nations will forfeit. According to a report, Guinea’s
2008 coup and Mali’s coup had erased a combined $12 billion to $13.5 billion from
their economies over five years, which represented 76% of Guinea’s 2008 gross
domestic product and almost half of Mali’s 2012 GDP.
The real goal of ECOWAS is to promote economic cooperation among member
states in order to raise living standards and promote economic development. The
regional group has also worked hard to address security issues by developing a
peacekeeping force for conflicts in the region. The three juntas claimed they were
taking their 75m people out of the bloc because it has not helped them fight
terrorism. That is clearly not true. For instance, ECOWAS sent thousands of
soldiers to help Mali in 2013 when a jihadist onslaught almost overran it. ECOWAS
members were in fact the leading troop contributors to a UN peacekeeping mission
there until the junta sacked it last year.
Now we come to the real real reason why the three coupists announced on Sunday 28th January
that they were taking their countries out of the regional body. Clearly it is to escape the pressure
been mounted by ECOWAS to return their nations to democracy. Mali and Burkina Faso were
already set to hold elections this year as promised ECOWAS, and Niger is under pressure to
produce a short transition timeline for civil rule.
Lashed by hunger, terror and civil strife the economies of Mali, Niger and Burkina
Faso are stunted by what has been called a “multi-dimensional crisis where insecurity,
humanitarian need, rapid urbanization of the country and the drastic effects of
climate change—impacting access to food and water, which fuel intercommunal
conflict, all converge.”
The earlier they return to the embrace of ECOWAS, the better. As a matter of fact,
the West African regional body remains Africa’s most successful example of
integration and economic, political and security cooperation. People’s free movement
throughout the region, underpinned by the visa-free system and a common passport,
is one of ECOWAS’ key achievements benefitting the region’s citizens. For landlocked
countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger especially, the Customs Union
facilitates imports through the application of a single common external tariff.
For almost 50 years, ECOWAS’ rules and operating methods have shaped
governance in its Member States.
In effect, the withdrawal of these countries which together account for 15% of
ECOWAS’ population, but nearly half its surface area is some blow to the regional
body and potentially a disaster for the three landlocked countries. However, it is
important for the reputation and the overall well-being of ECOWAS that the
countries return to the fold.
At the extraordinary Session of Ministerial Mediation and Security Council meeting,
which held Thursday to discuss this and the situation in Senegal where the president
had suddenly postponed elections, ECOWAS Commission President, Alieu Touray
said, “If there is a time for ECOWAS to stay together, this is the time … There is no
challenge that ECOWAS cannot overcome.”
ECOWAS has always insisted that the modalities of their withdrawal are
irregular, that such sudden departures are impossible to implement, and do not
comply with ECOWAS’ governing treaty which stipulates one year formal notification
during which states asking to leave must respect their commitments to the bloc.
Critics say the current situation presents an opportunity for ECOWAS to review its
frameworks, policies and practices to make the organisation more consistent and
effective and responsive to the development needs of the constituent States.
While doing that, it might not be a bad idea to create conditions for the return of
the three countries to the regional bloc either.
OPINION
Tinubu-Buhari Partnership and Opposition’s Desperate Search for Validation

By Tunde Rahman
The special relationship between President Bola Tinubu and former President Muhammadu Buhari has witnessed many remarkable moments. It has experienced dramatic and exciting times, just as there have been challenging moments. Life changing and sweet memories abound between the two great leaders.
Between the two great men, there are recollections of might-have-beens. There are also open testimonies about the gains of the partnership and words of commendation as well as scornful moments.Nonetheless, the two leaders have trudged on to the admiration of their mutual friends and associates, and bewilderment – I dare say, disappointment – of others who would wish both had long parted ways.
About pleasant times, one important moment readily comes to mind. It was towards the end of 2017, two years into the Buhari presidency. The former president was traveling to Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, for the 5th African Union-European Union Summit, which took place from November 28th to 30th, and had invited Asiwaju Tinubu to join his entourage. Coming from Buhari, the invitation was a pleasant surprise to the then All Progressives Congress National Leader, given that the administration he worked very hard, with others, to bring into existence, had largely sidelined him after taking over power in 2015. The Cote d’Ivoire invitation, therefore, represented one of the few occasions he would be directly contacted.
As it turned out, taking Tinubu along on that trip proved helpful. Tinubu attended a couple of official meetings and engagements with the former president, including the meeting with the Nigerian Community in Cote d’Ivoire. Buhari alluded to this during that trip.
Speaking about Tinubu, while addressing the Nigerian Community in that country on the sidelines of the summit, the former president had said: “I must thank our Leader, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He has brought me a very beautiful piece of information, which I was not aware of until I sat down and read it. Thank you very much for your hard work, and I will discuss that paper with you.”
Many were wondering at the time as to what piece of information Tinubu had offered Buhari. But at that time, 2019 was around the corner, and Buhari needed to rally his troops for re-election. There was a need, in my view, to tap Tinubu again for his strategic support and rich political network. Each time Tinubu had any opportunity to visit Buhari at the Presidential Villa, it was to offer ideas and suggestions about the way forward for the government and the country. I know this as a fact because I was always there with him.
Tinubu had helped Buhari to power in 2015 after the General’s three previous unsuccessful attempts. An alliance between Buhari’s Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) and Tinubu’s Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) that had earlier hit the rocks in 2011 was resuscitated in the run-up to the 2015 election, engendering a working alliance between the North-west and South-west. This was the alliance that put the wind in Buhari’s sail and fired him to the presidency.
For the first time in a long while, the former president recently spoke on this valuable support and fine relationship with Tinubu in a telephone call to the President on his 73rd birthday. According to a statement by his spokesperson, Mallam Garba Shehu, Buhari underscored the bond between him and Tinubu. He disclosed that his family and himself remain indebted to President Tinubu and other APC leaders for the invaluable contributions they made towards the formation of the party, which catapulted him to the presidency for two terms, and helped to produce another APC administration with Tinubu himself at its head.
“No doubt, the annals of the country will not be complete without bringing into mention, and a recognition of the varied and numerous roles of President Tinubu as an entrepreneur, a party stalwart, a staunch activist, party organiser, party builder, a reliable ally and a serial winner of democratic elections. I am truly proud of my association with the Asiwaju,” the former president said.
President Tinubu, on his part, has at every turn extolled the virtues of former President Buhari. For instance, during Buhari’s 82nd birthday last December 17, Tinubu penned a moving tribute to the former president.
He wrote: “Dear President Muhammadu Buhari, on behalf of the government and people of Nigeria, I extend my warmest congratulations and best wishes to you on your 82nd Birthday.
“As you celebrate this remarkable milestone in Daura, we reflect on your years of dedicated service and leadership, which have significantly shaped the course of our nation. Your steadfast commitment to Nigeria’s advancement and unity inspires many, and your enduring legacy continues to guide our nation’s journey towards prosperity and stability.”
Praising Buhari for his doggedness and resilience in contesting presidential elections in 2003, 2007 and 2011 before winning in 2015 and 2019, inspiring “us never to give up,” President Tinubu assured him: “I will continue to build on the infrastructure legacy you bequeathed to our nation as the leader of our country’s first All Progressives Congress administration.”
From the foregoing, notwithstanding the minor strain engineered by some palace courtiers when the former president was in office, it is apparent that the relationship between Tinubu and Buhari continues to flourish as it was built on mutual respect and affection. And like every association, there are bound to be challenges. About that of Buhari and Tinubu, this strain manifested in the sidelining of Asiwaju, particularly during Buhari’s first term in office, and in the orchestrated moves by some people in the Buhari government to thwart Tinubu’s ascension to the presidency in 2023.
However, it would appear that this relationship has weathered the storms. It is waxing stronger. Contrary to the impression in some quarters, particularly in the camps of some opposition politicians, the remarks by the former president during a visit by APC Governors, who paid him Eid-el-Fitri homage in his Kaduna residence, did not in any way undermine the accord. Underlining his cult-like following in the North, the governors had, during the visit, reportedly urged Buhari to dissuade his CPC associates from leaving APC, noting that doing so would strengthen the governing party against the opposition.
During the visit, Buhari had called on political leaders to embrace humility, transparency, and a citizen-first approach to governance, disclosing that he left office with no personal material gain, emphasizing that true leadership is measured not by personal accumulation, but by public service and impact. Garba Shehu again quoted the former president in a statement he issued: “Leaders must always prioritize the welfare of citizens over personal or partisan interests. I left office with the same physical assets I had before becoming President.” Buhari also expressed satisfaction with the renovations to his Kaduna home and thanked the Tinubu administration for the improvements made inside the building. “Outwardly, the house looks the same, but the renovations have been significant,” he said.
However, regarding the APC Governors’ request that he implore his CPC associates not to leave the party, the former president reportedly declined to commit. While reaffirming his loyalty to APC, he was said to have insisted that others must be allowed to make their own political choices. Some analysts and commentators had interpreted that to mean Buhari was pitching his camps with the opposition.
A deeper analysis of Buhari’s politics lends useful perspectives to his convictions as expressed during the visit by the governors elected on the platform of APC. That remark, embodying a laissez faire attitude, is consistent with Buhari’s politics. A vivid example was during the build-up to the 2019 governorship election in Ogun State when as President he appeared in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, to give the APC flag to Prince Dapo Abiodun, the then candidate of the party for the election. The former president had urged the people of the state to vote for any candidate of their choice. That remark drew flaks from many, but it underscored a principle Buhari has upheld throughout his political career.
It should also be recalled that recently when former Kaduna Governor Nasir el-Rufai defected to the Social Democratic Party and he (el-Rufai) claimed in a BBC Hausa interview that he left the APC with Buhari’s blessings, the former president also used the opportunity to clear the air, insisting he remains fully loyal to the APC and would never abandon the party that made his presidency possible. “I am a proud APC member and I want to always be known as one. I will continue to do everything I can to promote and support the party,” Buhari stated, without directly addressing el-Rufai’s claims.
At the moment, opposition politicians are desperately seeking Buhari’s support and endorsement to validate their 2027 plan. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and his cohorts like el-Rufai, former House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Tambuwal and former Governor Bindow Jibrilla of Adamawa State, among others, visited the former president in Kaduna on Thursday to also pay homage to him for the end of Ramadan fasting/Sallah celebrations that occurred two weeks ago.
In all of that and his remarks to the APC Governors that visited him in Kaduna, has former President Buhari, thus far, deviated from or dumped the accord between him and President Tinubu and the spirit of friendship, mutual understanding, cooperation and reciprocal support that underpins their relationship? There is nothing that suggests so. The special relationship between President Tinubu and former President Buhari remains rock solid. The two eminent leaders will continue to cooperate and collaborate to sustain party unity and promote progressive governance.
Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media, Publicity & Special Duties
OPINION
Fake Outrage and the Making of the Uromi 16
By Azu Ishiekwene
It’s a most unlikely crime scene. I travelled by road from the Benin airport to Uromi, Esanland’s most significant town, for a wedding about three years ago.
The fear of kidnappers is a constant worry for road users.
I was nervous for nearly four hours of the taxi ride, especially as we turned off the busy Agbor Road and veered onto narrow, lonely roads meandering through many forested small towns and villages.I was nervous. When the driver ran into a pothole, and a loud noise suggested we might have lost a wheel or something, I insisted he should keep moving, as long as the car could still move, until we later discovered it was the wheel cover.
Entering Uromi
It was not until we passed Ubiaja, the hotspot between Biafran and Federal troops during Nigeria’s civil war and cultural capital of Esanland, and reached Igueben, the rusty town of one of Nigeria’s famous politicians, Tom Ikimi, about 20 minutes’ drive from Uromi, that I started breathing easy. It was my first visit to Uromi, a town I had known and heard about since my teenage years.
Memories from the Past
My earliest memory of this town was when my mother worked as a cook at St. Theresa’s Hospital, Kirikiri Ajegunle, Lagos, owned at the time by Dr. Okoli, an Igbo man, and his wife, a nurse and an Esan from Uromi. Occasionally, when there was some social event in Uromi, the Okolis took my mum along to cook, and she returned with plenty of palm oil, large tubers of yam, and fresh fruits.
But there’s another memory of Uromi apart from my mother’s work and travels. It’s the historical significance of this town in the old Benin Empire. More contemporary references might be about the exploits of some of Uromi’s notable people, such as the three Anthonys – Enahoro, Olubunmi-Okogie and Anenih – whose footprints in politics and liberation theology cannot be easily forgotten.
Innocence Lost to Rage
Yet, these notable persons were inspired by the town’s extraordinary heritage of struggle and resistance to oppression. Uromi resisted the expansionism of the Benin Empire during Oba Ozolua’s reign and fought the British colonial invaders.
Though many of the town’s original settlers are believed to have come from central Nigeria, migrants from other places also settled there, highlighting its tolerance for visitors and diverse heritage as the town grew into one of Esanland’s most important agricultural trading posts.
That diversity, enterprise and welcoming spirit now seem like a story from a bygone era. After the tragic killing of the 16 travellers reportedly going to Kano to observe the Eid on March 28, the town has lost its innocence. For a long time, it will be remembered not as that place my mother frequented as a cook or the homestead of Enahoro, one of Nigeria’s greatest patriots and nationalists, but as a crime scene.
Agony of Bereavement
The heartbreaking story of Hauwa Bala (whose husband, Isah, was among the Uromi 16) who went into premature labour upon hearing of her husband’s tragic death or Sadiya Sa’adu, who lost a brother and a nephew will haunt the community, as will the stories of each of the dead, and indeed the unfolding horror in Uromi now under siege and a brutal crackdown. The security services are poised to forget their complicity and instead crush the town in a mocking search for justice.
Journey to Anomie
How did we get here? Kidnapping and banditry have grown from a fringe business to a N2.23 trillion naira industry, and hardly any part of the country is spared this misery. In the last 10 years, clashes among rival cult gangs have been rife in Edo State, as have been reports of severe violence as a result of farmer-herder clashes. One report said in 2020, Edo was the third most affected by violence in the Niger Delta after Delta and Rivers States.
Violent clashes between farmers and herders have led to significant loss of lives. In February alone, 27 farmers in Edo were reportedly killed by herdsmen. This figure is only a tiny part of the bloody trail that often includes grotesque stories of rape, murder and wantonness wrecking many farming communities across the country as herders roam southwards for pasture.
Politicians’ Fake Outrage
While the affected communities writhe in anguish, official response, especially by politicians and the police, has ranged from chewing the microphone with empty promises of justice to sheer indifference and, in fact, alleged complicity in supplying weapons to the herders in some cases. We’ve seen this repeatedly across the country, from Uromi in Edo to towns in Benue and Plateau States.
When the state, expected to guarantee security and maintain law and order, abdicates its responsibility, turns a blind eye or becomes complicit, people take the law into their own hands. What happened in Uromi on March 28 is one of the tragic outcomes.
The appearance of shock and outrage amongst politicians and the security services is hypocrisy disguised as empathy. They can fool themselves all day long. Unless they begin to rebuild trust in communities and people – whether farmers or herders – can see that there are consequences for breaking the law, Uromi will not be the last tragic crime scene.
Citizens’ Dilemma
Yet, while many communities are under attack, residents are on their own. The Supreme Court recently gave a judgment upholding the death sentence on Citizen Sunday Jackson and criminalising self-defence even in the face of a clear threat to life. The judgment is an absurdity that compounds the dilemma of communities coping with security services often unwilling, unable or unavailable to protect citizens.
If unarmed Jackson had known that self-defence against herdsman Boua Bururo, who stabbed him seven times on his farm, would not avail him, that if he didn’t die by his attacker’s knife, he would have still been killed by the law, he might have surrendered to his attacker. What a fate!
What kind of society gives the victims the short end of the stick? If communities cannot trust that the police can defend them and courts will not provide justice, self-help prevails. As things stand, respect for life and private property rights is endangered, and to pretend otherwise is to enable jungle justice further.
No Excuses
What happened to the Uromi 16 stands condemned, but sadly, the fake outrage by politicians obscures the history behind the tragedy. It neither guarantees that a proper investigation will be done and the perpetrators brought to justice, nor does it assuage current tensions and paranoia in many communities across the country.
Open, unrestrained must stop. The Federal Government must also fast-track community/state policing, which will hopefully use modern surveillance tools and techniques to prevent and fight crime. The current security system is unfit for purpose.
Burden of Kindness
I’m sorry for the truck driver who, after driving past the stranded passengers early on, turned back nearly two kilometres to pick up the Uromi 16 and other stranded passengers from the roadside. Even though he escaped the mob attack in Uromi, he now lives with the guilt of a bloody reward for his act of kindness, the tragic consequence of a society where trust and compassion have declined.
Neither the Uromi I read about in history nor the one my mother visited is the same as the present crime scene. Something is broken, and false outrage won’t fix it.
Azu Ishiekwene is the Editor-in-Chief of Leadership and author of the new book, Writing for Media and Monetising It.
OPINION
Why Sule Must Invest More in Nasarawa Amazons

From Abel Zwànke, Lafia
In a season brimming with promise, Nasarawa Amazons Football Club has emerged as a beacon of excellence, flying the flag of Nasarawa State high in the Nigeria Women Football League (NWFL). With a string of impressive victories and a squad bristling with talent, the team has not only reignited hopes for a continental berth but also reaffirmed its place among Nigeria’s elite women’s football clubs.
However, as competition stiffens and the demands of sustaining top-flight performance grow, the need for increased government support becomes more pressing.
Now more than ever, Governor Abdullahi Sule must double down on investments in the Amazons—not just for the glory of football, but for the pride, inspiration, and development it brings to Nasarawa State.The 2024/2025 NWFL season has witnessed a bold and determined Nasarawa Amazons side that is determined to make a statement. Opening their campaign with a hard-fought 1-0 win over Dannaz Ladies, the team signaled its readiness to reclaim its place among the best in the country. A decisive strike from forward Shobowale Olushola in the dying minutes of the game was the kind of drama that sparks belief—in the team, in the fans, and in the possibility of something greater.
That belief was cemented in their next outing, when the Amazons outclassed Ekiti Queens with a confident 2-0 win at home. The goals came from Ojiyovwi Kesiena and Akekeromowei Janet, two players who have become central to the team’s attacking prowess. More importantly, the game showed how well-organized and tactically disciplined the squad has become under the watch of their head coach, Christopher Danjuma.
The momentum continued as the Lafia-based club secured another 2-0 win against Heartland Queens. With Janet and Olushola once again finding the back of the net, the Amazons made it clear they are not just winning—they are doing so with style, control, and purpose. These wins are not coincidental. They are the result of good management, committed players, and a growing belief in their potential.
But every great team faces its trials, and for the Amazons, a 2-0 away loss to Edo Queens served as that moment. It was a sobering result, yet one that has allowed the coaching crew and players to reevaluate and push forward with renewed focus. Coach Danjuma, speaking after the game, praised his players’ resilience and stressed that such setbacks would only strengthen their resolve in the title race.
As the season progresses, the Nasarawa Amazons sit within touching distance of the NWFL Super Six playoffs—a pathway that could lead to the CAF Women’s Champions League. The stakes are higher than ever, and so is the pressure. This is where increased investment becomes not just beneficial but essential. The team requires sustained financial and logistical support to continue performing at the highest level.
Sule has previously shown his support for the team, notably with a ₦10 million reward following their victory at the Betsy Obaseki Women’s Football Preseason Tournament. While commendable, that gesture must be a foundation, not the peak. The women need consistent backing to meet growing demands—covering player welfare, improved training facilities, and travel arrangements for away fixtures.
For a state that seeks national recognition and youth development through sports, the Amazons represent a golden opportunity. Their visibility provides positive representation of Nasarawa on the national stage, particularly as one of the few women’s teams making significant strides. Young girls across the state now dream of donning the green and white of the Amazons, inspired by the likes of Janet and Olushola.
Beyond pride, football is also big business. Success at continental level could attract endorsements, sponsorships, and tourism into Nasarawa State. Hosting matches at an upgraded Lafia City Stadium could turn the town into a sports hub, creating jobs and promoting small businesses around matchdays. All it takes is vision—and investment.
At present, the team is stretched thin. Players often juggle between competitive fixtures and limited facilities, while coaches work tirelessly with minimal resources. A top-level football team requires a strong medical team, sports psychologists, nutritionists, and proper rehabilitation centers—most of which remain inadequate or unavailable in the current setup.
Furthermore, there is a growing call for the establishment of a grassroots football academy under the Nasarawa Amazons’ structure. Such an academy would ensure a steady pipeline of young, homegrown talents and reduce the dependence on expensive transfers in the future. It would also serve as a platform for social development, especially for girls from rural areas.
The impact of sports, particularly women’s football, in promoting gender equity and empowerment cannot be overstated. By investing in the Amazons, the state is also sending a strong message that it believes in the potential of its daughters just as much as its sons. It is an investment in equality, visibility, and societal progress.
While a 4-0 victory against Confluence Queens has made waves on social media which pushed them to 21 points seating third on the log. Regardless, it explains the excitement and attention the team is generating this season. It also raises expectations—and the need to meet them with the right support.
Nasarawa Amazons have proven that they have the talent, discipline, and passion to reach continental heights. What they need now is the full weight of the state behind them. If Governor Sule doubles his commitment—financially and structurally—there is no limit to how far these women can go.
In the end, supporting Nasarawa Amazons is not just about football. It’s about investing in pride, possibility, and the powerful story of a team that could carry the dreams of a state to the African stage.