OPINION
Reconnecting to the Global Radar

By Eric Teniola
For a nation to achieve concrete foreign policy objectives, two key actors are required, an active President and an active foreign minister. Of course a buoyant economy will also be required. We had all these in the past. Suddenly, we got lost on the global radar.
All these could be traced to our internal problems or maybe our poor economy. We have to think now whether to become part of the world and make our presence felt or we withdraw from the world and let the world move on without us.Sadly in the past few years, we have not been lucky in terms of leadership.
We have had outstanding foreign ministers in the past that helped us achieve concrete foreign objectives and they made us proud.
With the likes of Dr Jaja Wachukwu (1961-1965), Nuhu Bamali (1965-1966), Dr Okoi Arikpo (1967-1975), Major General Joe Nanven Garba (1975-1978), Major General Henry Adefowope (1978-1979), Professor Ishaya Audu (1979-1983), Chief Emeka Anyaoku (1983), Professor Ibrahim Gambari (1984-1985), Professor Bolaji Akinyemi (1985-1987), Major General Ike Nwachukwu (1987-1989), Babagana Kingibe(1993-1995), Professor Joy Ogwu (2006-2007), Sule Lamido (1999-2003), Ignatius Olisemeka (1998-1999), Ambassador Olugbenga Asiru alias Asa (2011-2013) and others, we could be proud of our foreign policy objectives.We also took part in global peace efforts. From 1960 till 2000, Nigeria took part in United Nations Operations in the Congo (ONUG), 1960-1964, United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia (UNTAG), 1989-1990, United Nations Angola Verification Mission II (UNAVEM II) 1991-1995, United Nations Angola Verification Mission III (UNAVEM III) 1995-1997), United Nations Observer Mission in Angola (MONUA), 1997, United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), 1991- and United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II) 1993-1995.
Others are the United Nations Operations in Mozambique (ONUMOZ), 1992-194; United Nations Assistance Mission of Rwanda (UNAMIR), 1993-1996; United Nations Aouzou Strip Observer Group (UNASOG), 1994; United Nations India-Pakistan Observer Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966; United Nations Security Force in West New Guinea (UNSF), 1962-1963; United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTA), 1992-1993; United Nations Mission of Observers in Tajikistan (UNMOT), 1994-; United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFR), 1992-195; United Nations Confidence Restoration Operation in Croatia (UNCRO), 1995-1996; and the United Nations Preventive Deployment Force in Macedonia (UNPREDEP), 1995.
The lists included the United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH), 1995-; United Nations Transitional Administration or Easter Slovenia, Baraja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES), 1996-1998; United Nations Mission of Observers in Prevlaka (UNMOP), 1996-; United Nations Civilian Police Support Group, 1998-1991; United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission (UN IKOM), 1991-; United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), 1978; and the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Sierra Leone, 1999.
There was a desk office in the then Cabinet Office, Lagos manned by Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar from Kaduna State; Permanent Secretary, Cabinet Office; Dr Niyi Adedeji from Ilesa, Osun State; Ambassador Timothy Ayodele Olu Otunla also from Ilesa; Mr Bisi Ogunniyi from Iree in Osun State, and others, established purposely by Generals Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo, for the sole purpose of assisting African states in their liberation struggles.
With the approval of the then Supreme Military Council, Brigadier Ibrahim Ahmed Bako (N/548) (5 March 1943-31 December 1983) from Kaduna State, trained freedom fighters in Libya and Somalia.
Brigadier Ibrahim Bako led the Nigerian Army contingent that facilitated the transfer of about 100 former guerrillas from the Zimbabwean bushes (after the liberation struggle) for selection and training at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna in 1980. Those 100 former guerrillas formed the pioneer corps of the post-independence Zimbabwe National Army, leading Nigeria’s assistance to other Southern African countries like Angola and South Africa, in their fight against apartheid and colonialism.
There was the South African relief fund, an offshoot of the Federal Government, established by General Olusegun Obasanjo, first headed by Dr Aina from Kwara State and later by Evelyn Omawunmi Urhobo, which provided assistance to freedom fighters of South Africa. At that time every Federal Civil Servant was obliged to donate to the Fund. Nigeria donated four rooms at the National Theatre Iganmu, Lagos to serve as operations centres for the liberation struggle in South Africa. Both the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) and the African National Congress (ANC) shared the offices then.
Dr Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki (81), who later became the President of South Africa from 16 June 1999 to 24 September 2008, used one of those offices in Iganmu. He was then the head of the African National Congress (ANC) in Nigeria. At that time, Lagos was like the capital of freedom fighters in Africa. It is no exaggeration that we carried Africa’s burden.
In fact, a commercial street in Freetown, Sierra Leone, is today named after the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998).
Listing the assistance that Nigeria has given to some African countries from independence to date, is like counting the planes that land daily at Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport in Georgia, USA – too numerous.
My late cousin, Dr Ayo Akinbobola (11th December 1942 – 19th April, 2008) Jimekenla from Idanre in Ondo state, attempted it in his book titled, “Regionalism and Regional Influentials: The Post Cold-War Role of Nigeria in African Affairs.” Dr Akinbobola was a Ford Foundation Fellow at Howard University, Washington DC, USA; a research fellow at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs, Lagos; a visiting scholar to the University of Oxford, 1979; and to the University of Michigan.
In 1972, Nigeria and the Benin Republic embarked on a N7 million cement project. The Nigerian government provided a N2 million, 35 years interest free loan, with 30 per cent equity. Both countries also have a joint sugar project. The Nigerian government had a 45 per cent equity share in the project, while Benin Republic held 49 per cent, with expatriate companies’ enjoying five per cent of the shares. Both projects were based in the Benin Republic.
The Nigeria government also invested in uranium mining in Niger and petrochemical concerns in Senegal.
In September 1972, Nigeria signed an agreement with Guinea to invest $350,000 (five per cent of the shares) in the Mifergui Nimba and Simandou Company of Guinea, which is charged with the exploitation and sales of the country’s iron ore resources. Under the agreement, Nigeria was guaranteed one million tons of quality ore yearly for its steel production at Ajaokuta.
Nigeria provided electricity to Niger from Kainji Dam. She also granted Dahomey (Benin) $2 million to pay for imports from the country. Nigeria entered into agreement with other African states to construct a 6,530 kilometre trans-Africa highway running from and Kenyan port of Mombassa to the Nigerian port city of Lagos and passing through Uganda, Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo), Central African Republic and Cameroon.
In 1972, Nigeria granted an interest free N1 million loan to Dahomey to rehabilitate the Idiroko- Porto Novo road. By the time the road was opened in 1973, the Federal Government had spent a total of N2.7 million on it. The Federal Government also undertook the construction of the 92-kilometre Sokoto-Illela and Birnin Konni (both in Niger Republic) roads at the cost of N2.2 million.
On 24 February, 1975, at the ministerial meeting of the Economic Commission for Africa in Nairobi, Nigeria announced that it would make crude petroleum available to any African country that required it, at concessionary rates. The leader of the Nigerian government delegation, Mr Victor Adeyeye Adegoroye from Akure in Ondo State, who made the announcement, spelt out two conditions for this: Such countries must have their own refineries, and the crude oil sold to them must not be re-exported to Third World countries.
Nigeria also played an active role in the funding of African Development Bank (AfDB). The renowned economist, Dr Pius Nwabufo Charles Okigbo (6 February, 1924 — 13 September, 2000) from Ojoto in Idemili South Local Government of Anambra State, was the head of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) team that carried out the feasibility study on it in 1961. On 4 November, 1964, the Nigerian Prime Minister, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – 15 January 1966) presided over its inaugural board of governors’ meeting in Lagos. Nigeria’s major on-going multilateral assistance involved the bank. It has the highest block of shares in the bank. This comes to 159,751 shares, about 15.6 per cent of the total shares and some 10.5 per cent of the weighted voting power.
Nigeria contributes 32.5 per cent annually to the ECOWAS budget (multilateral assistance). In June 1980, it settled the outstanding rent of the Community’s secretariat amounting to N80 million.
In 1970-1971, Nigeria increased its contributions to the OAU budget to N150,000, 47 per cent over the 1968-1969 contributions, making it the third largest contributor to the organisation’s annual budget. In 1978, the Federal Government gave Mozambique N5million to cope with problems associated with the closure of its borders with Sothern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe. Nigeria played a major role in the establishment of the River Niger Basin Commission and the Chad Basin Commission. Both of which have potential as investment. In 1979, Nigerian contributed N30,000,000 to the Lake Chad Basin Development Fund.
Nigeria’s military assistance to other countries has generally taken the form of contributions to troops and equipment to peacekeeping missions in countries having internal conflicts. The country was yet to become independent when it became involved in the UN Congo mission. Its generally effective and widely acclaimed participation in that peacekeeping mission laid a foundation for later involvements in several other peacekeeping missions since then, including those in Lebanon and the former Yugoslavia.
Apart from the Congo mission, Nigeria has been the player in the Liberian peacekeeping operations. Nigerian troops served in Sierra Leone as part of the peace agreement to end that country’s civil war. They also served in Tanzania to restore order following the army mutiny of 20 January, 1964. Military officers of a number of African countries undergo training in some Nigerian military schools and colleges.
Shortly after Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (December 1912 – 15 January 1966) the then Prime Minister proposed that a fact finding mission be sent to the Democratic Republic of Congo where open rebellion had broken out, the UN on 5 November, 1960, set up the Congo Conciliation Commission made up of 15 Afro-Asian states. Nigeria’s foreign Minister, Mr Jaja Nwachukwu was elected chairman of the commission. Before independence, Nigeria had put the Kano airport at the disposal of the UN for the transport of troops and materials to the Congo. Two platoons of the fifth Battalion of the Royal Nigerian Army were detailed to work with UN troops during their stopover in Kano.
Later, at the request of the UN Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjord, Nigeria agreed one month to its independence to contribute troops to the UN force in the Congo and immediately dispatched the general officer commanding the RNA to conduct a reconnaissance mission in the troubled republic. The full Nigerian contingent itself left for the Congo between 18 and 22 November, 1960. It involved five battalions deployed in four of the country’s six provinces, namely Kassai, Kivu, North Katanga and Leopoldville.
The contingent was assigned the primary duty of assisting the Congolese authorities in maintaining law and order and preventing minor clashes and large-scale war among the various factions. Among other things, the Nigerians contingent helped to reduce inter-ethnic and inter-factional clashes; protected Congolese and foreign administrators as well as public utilities workers: and performed guard duties at installations such as power stations, airstrips, mines, factories, waterworks, railway stations and public buildings.
On the whole, Nigeria has supplied about 70 per cent of ECOMOG’s men and material during the first five years of its operations. This includes 15-armed helicopters. Since the removal of the force’s Ghanaian Commander, General Arnold Quainoo, it has been led by Nigerian Commander. SMC also set up a special emergency fund for the war-torn country to deal with refugee problems, among others.
Shortly after the Federal Government accorded it recognition in November 1975, the MPLA government in Angola sent a delegation to Lagos to request for military and financial assistance. In December, the government gave the Angolan government an outright grant of $20million and set up a military committee headed by the Minister of Defence, Major General Illiya Bisalla to determine how best Nigeria could meet the needs of the Angolans.
The committee was able, by January 1976, to assemble uniforms, combat boots, steel helmet and some weapons which Nigeria Air Force planes used to fly to Angola. Still significant was the role of General Murtala Mohammed (8 November 1938 – 13 February 1976) who almost single-handedly swayed the OAU into MPLA recognition as the sole government of Angola. Many African commentators considered Murtala’s action as a psychological boost for the African liberation movement because of its impact on the US position on African decolonization.
In the early 70s, while we were in Ibadan with the likes of Oladunnin Ayandepo, Joe Abiola alias Atuma, Tayo Kehinde, Soji Alakuro, Folu Olamiti, Toye Akiyode alias Agusko, Sanya Ogunlana alias Sosoele and others, he never embraced socialist policies nor was he allowed to be called Comrade or Aluta Continua, which were popular clichés during that period. In Ibadan then he was just a Good Fellow struggling to survive like everyone.
President Bola Tinubu (GCFR) left Ibadan for Chicago, United States of America to study. Among his classmates at that time in Chicago was Chief Kunle Adedayo (75) alias Baba Yungbayungba, from Ila Orangun in Osun State, now the Chairman of Tastee Fried Chicken in Lagos.
President Bola Tinubu and Chief Kunle Adedayo were both living in the same apartment at 7959 South Phillips, Chicago, USA.
When Chief Adedayo got married in Chicago in 1976 to his alluring Ijebu Ode lady, Yinka Pamela, Bola Tinubu was one of his groomsmen at the marriage event. When their son, Bunmi, was born in 1977, President Bola Tinubu was the godfather.
When President Tinubu returned to Nigeria, he was employed at Mobil Oil Nigeria Plc, Bookshop House, 50/52, Broad Street, Lagos. His co-workers at that time were Chief Pius Olu Akinyelure, Barry Fadase, Segun Fatusi (My Main Man), Dayo Jolaoso, Sola Ogunsola, Mr Sijuade, Akin Doherty, Adekunle Ali, Akin Fatunke, Olu Onakoya, Akin Leigh, Emmanuel Adesoye, John Nnadi, Nwachukwu Okonkwo, Moses Olabode, Adenike Williams, Sunday Essien, Olumide Ajomale, Olusegun Ojo, Oloye Femi Olugbende, Bath Mou, Kola Fajuyigbe and others.
At lunch time, he was always at Mummy’s Place (Mrs Adebanjo) on 12, Lewis street, Lagos Island, which was also patronised by Dayo Shobowale, Joke Sanyaolu, Yinka Guedon, Tola Animashaun, Remi Agbaosi, Dele Adeola, Biyi Badejo, Prince Bola Ojora, Tunde Duale, Prince Makinwa Ademiluyi (Makaay), Akin Sanwo-Olu, Winnie Ojei, Ranti Aborowa, Tunde Adebanjo, Remi Odukoya, Supo Ali Balogun, Egbon Ladi Rasaki, Tunde Babayale, Gori Thomas, Roy Abiodun, Femi Akiyode, Dr Okubanjo, CK Roberto, Lamidi Albert, Eddy Obaseki and others.
OPINION
Bezos Wedding: When Will We Stop Applauding Power and Start Questioning It?

By Ebuka Ukoh
“We are nobodies. We have no money. Nothing. We’re just citizens who started organising—and we managed to move one of the most powerful people in the world out of the city.” —Tommaso Cacciari, No Space for Bezos.
It took me a lot to pick up my laptop and type. But it is easy to scroll through the news, get angry, and do absolutely nothing. But I know better now. Doing something—even a small thing—matters. For some, it will be to plant the seed.For others, it will be to water. The point is this: ordinary people still have power. They just need to know it and own it .
Last week, the streets of Venice reminded the world what people power looks like.
Protesters from groups like No Space for Bezos and Greenpeace Italy rallied against the lavish, hyper-exclusive wedding celebration of Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sanchez. The world’s third richest man planned to rent out historical landmarks, sail in on private yachts, and jam up Venice with celebrity guests and former U.S. Marines.The city was to become a backdrop for billionaire decadence. But the people said no.
From hanging protest banners across Venice’s canals to plastering the city with fake Bezos dollar bills, citizens organized, their message was clear: Venice is not for sale. And they won. The event was moved from the city center to a more remote location. The world’s elite retreated.
Compare this to Nigeria. If someone like Bezos were visiting Lagos or Abuja, we might declare a public holiday to welcome him. We just saw that happen. President Tinubu visited Benue State, where people were still reeling from a massacre, and the state declared a holiday, not to mourn the victims but to welcome a powerful man. This is what sycophancy looks like when it replaces sense.
We are quick to roll out red carpets for those with power, yet slow to resist those who abuse it. We silence our pain in favor of performance.
But what if, like the people of Venice, we pushed back?
In Nigeria, we are dealing with insecurity in Benue, oil spills in the Niger Delta, gentrification in Lagos, and crippling hardship from fuel subsidy removals. These aren’t random misfortunes. They are structural betrayals. Yet, we often act like we are powerless.
We are not .Organizing doesn’t always mean marching. It can mean: Forming community safety patrols when the state fails to protect.
Creating coalitions to monitor oil spill cleanup promises. Mobilizing digitally to resist land grabs.Voting as a bloc to unseat non-performing leaders.
The End SARS movement proved this. So did Bring Back Our Girls. Otoge in Kwara shifted political dynamics. The fuel subsidy protests, from Occupy Nigeria in 2012 to the current resistance against hardship, all show that organized voices can challenge the status quo.
But protest doesn’t need to trend on Twitter to be effective. It just needs to persist. As Tommaso Cacciari put it: “We are nobodies.” But they organized.
And they moved Bezos. The billionaires of this world may have yachts and security. But they are still afraid of one thing: the organized will of the people. Let’s be clear: protests should never be violent. In Nigeria, it seems the police are more equipped to suppress unarmed protesters than to fight armed robbers or bandits.
Still, we must not let the evil engineering of the system silence us. Whether it is digital advocacy, town hall meetings, school debates, or just one conversation that shifts someone’s thinking, do something.
Because the moment we stop trying, the system wins. In a world where the rich turn cities into playgrounds, organizing is how we take them back. It is how we remind ourselves that we are not furniture to be moved around for optics.
We are citizens. We are the city. An Igbo proverb says, Agbata obi eze adịghị mma, e kwu na ya bụ ihe mere eji agba egbe n’ogige eze. (The discomfort in the king’s neighbourhood is the reason the palace is never truly at peace.)A Yoruba saying reminds us: Pẹlẹbẹ ni ejò ńrin, àmọ̀ ìgbà tí ó fi ńrin mọ́kànjúà, ló ṣì jẹ́ kó di ẹ̀rù fún ara rẹ̀. (That snakes move alone is their undoing.)Let that be our moral guide.When we organise, we dignify ourselves. When we speak, we reclaim our future.
When we resist—with wisdom, unity, and courage—we change even billionaires’ plans.
Let Nigeria learn this. Let every citizen remember it. Because power still belongs to the people. If only we would use it. Mr Ukoh, an alumnus of the American University of Nigeria, Yola, and PhD student at Columbia University, writes from New York.
OPINION
Insecurity and Injustice: Major Threats to Nigeria’s Economic Growth

By Abdulazeez Toheeb Olawale
As Nigeria continues its journey toward economic reform and development, two major obstacles remain firmly in its path: insecurity and injustice. These twin challenges are not only costing lives and livelihoods,they are actively weakening the country’s economic foundation.
From insurgency in the Northeast to kidnappings in the Northwest and oil-related crimes in the South, insecurity has become a nationwide concern. Farmers abandon lands, companies shut down branches, and foreign investment is drying up in regions deemed unstable.According to reports, Nigeria lost billions of naira in agricultural output due to farmer-herder clashes alone. The ripple effect is clear: reduced food production, inflation, unemployment, and hunger. In the South, oil theft and pipeline vandalism continue to deter energy investment. No sector is truly safe. Insecurity is no longer a regional problem; it’s a national economic emergency.In Benue State, often referred to as the food basket of the nation, persistent attacks by armed groups have displaced thousands of farming families. Croplands lie fallow, and food insecurity has worsened. In Enugu, once considered a relatively safe part of the Southeast, gunmen recently stormed communities, leaving behind casualties, panic, and shattered livelihoods. These incidents are not isolated,they’re part of a growing trend that cuts across Nigeria.Economists estimate that insecurity contributes to significant losses in agriculture, trade, and tourism annually. In the Middle Belt alone, food production has drastically dropped. In the oil-rich Niger Delta, pipeline vandalism and oil theft continue to discourage energy investment. Combined, these crises deepen poverty, reduce national output, and swell unemployment numbers.Parallel to insecurity is a quieter but equally dangerous force: injustice. Corruption within public offices, law enforcement, and the legal system erodes public trust and creates a society where merit is replaced by manipulation. Many young Nigerians face systemic obstacles not because they lack ability,talent or drive, but because justice in Nigeria is often for sale,or simply unavailable.In addition,access to business support, land ownership, education, or employment is frequently dictated by connections rather than competence. As a result, brilliant ideas are buried, innovations die in infancy, and the informal economy remains clogged with untapped potential.When people believe that fairness is absent, motivation dwindles,and so does productivity. Systemic injustice continues to paralyze enterprise. From biased law enforcement to nepotistic access to public resources, young Nigerians with dreams and ideas face an uphill battle. Corruption in governance and a lack of accountability in the judiciary worsen public frustration. The result is a society where opportunity is skewed and innovation suffocated.Consider the story of Abubakar, a young entrepreneur from Sokoto who built a small tech hub to train local youth in digital skills. In his first year, he was robbed twice. Police reports led nowhere. When he applied for government grants, his file was ignored,others, less qualified but better connected, got the funding. Disheartened and broke, Abubakar shut down his hub. Another dream wasted. Another youth-driven initiative lost. Multiply this by thousands, and the national cost becomes immeasurable.Nigeria stands at a critical point. Policies alone won’t fix the economy. What the country needs is peace with justice,a secure environment where every citizen is protected and every ambition is judged fairly. Until insecurity is tackled and injustice rooted out, true economic growth will remain a mirage.If Nigeria must grow, peace and fairness must be prioritized. Economic reforms will have little effect unless citizens feel safe and believe the system is just. The call to action is clear: address insecurity and restore justice. Only then can Nigeria’s economy truly rise.We must ask ourselves: How many more dreams must be buried before we realize that the real infrastructure of progress is not just roads and power lines, but safety and fairness for all?God bless Nigeria!OPINION
The Mokwa Tragedy

By Zayd Ibn Isah
There are calamities so devastating that in their aftermath, they ought to bring a nation to a halt, inspiring somber moments that should pierce through the noise of our politics, our tribal squabbles, and our digital distractions.These are the sort of tragedies that should unite people in a collective sense of grief, shock and loss.
The recent flood in Mokwa, Niger State, where raging waters swept away hundreds of men, women, and children, is one such tragedy. Unfortunately, this is the second major disaster to hit Niger State this year. Earlier, a fuel-laden tanker overturned, and instead of fleeing from the highly flammable spill, nearby residents rushed to have a fair share of the liquid black gold.The inevitable explosion that followed is estimated to have killed nearly a hundred people. Just as the nation was still reeling from that terrible tragedy, Mokwa was plunged into even greater sorrow. According to recent statistics reported by Daily Trust, over 200 lives have been lost in the recent flood, and around 500 people remain missing.Beyond lives lost, this particular flooding has displaced thousands, destroyed properties and placed many in severe financial ruin.Sadly, disasters like this are not new to us. From the Ogunpa flood in Ibadan in 1980 that claimed more than 200 lives, to the catastrophic floods of 2012 that affected 30 of Nigeria’s 36 states and displaced over two million people, to the recent floods in Borno, where waters from the Dam left destruction in their wake, a clearly predictable pattern seems to constantly emerge, especially when the rainy season comes.Nigeria has become painfully familiar with the sight of submerged communities, displaced families, and dreams washed away. What makes these disasters particularly heartbreaking is not just their frequency, but how preventable they often are.Yes, climate change is real. Rainfall patterns are shifting, and rivers are swelling beyond their historical bounds. But we must also confront an uncomfortable truth: we are not entirely innocent victims of nature’s fury.Across Nigeria, it is disturbingly common to see houses, shops, and even schools built on floodplains and natural waterways. Rivers are choked by illegal settlements, often constructed without proper approval or in blatant disregard of environmental laws.Yet, when government agencies move to demolish these structures, we cry foul. We accuse them of ethnic bias, political witch-hunts, or insensitivity. We shout “persecution,” when the real culprit is our collective refusal to listen to reason.Mokwa is a painful reminder of what happens when planning is ignored and nature is provoked. Urban planning in Nigeria is in crisis, not merely because government agencies fail to enforce regulations, but because we, the people, treat these rules with contempt.We bribe our way through approvals, circumvent safety protocols, and then feign surprise when disaster strikes. But floods don’t negotiate. They also certainly don’t recognise tribe, religion, or political affiliation. They simply follow the laws of nature. And if we insist on living in their path, the consequences, however tragic, are entirely avoidable.We must recognise that lives are at stake and that for survivors, the process of trying to rebuild or relocate while dealing with grief and loss, is often a difficult experience. This is why we must begin to change the way we talk about demolition and enforcement. The government is not your enemy when it clears structures built on waterways.On the contrary, such actions, when carried out transparently and justly, are lifesaving. We must stop romanticising illegal construction as a symbol of resilience. More often than not, it is a death sentence in disguise.That said, this is not the time to trade blame. It is the time to chart a new course. Flooding is not just a Nigerian problem. It is a global emergency. In recent months, Germany and Belgium were overwhelmed by deadly flash floods that claimed hundreds of lives. Brazil witnessed entire communities buried under mudslides triggered by torrential rains.In Bangladesh and India, millions were displaced after rivers burst their banks. Even the United States, despite its infrastructure, has seen cities like Houston and New York struggle to cope with overwhelming rainfall.In many of these countries, governments responded decisively; issuing timely evacuation orders, mobilizing rescue operations, and, crucially, relocating people from high-risk zones.In Japan and the Philippines, public education on disaster preparedness is rigorous and widely embraced. In the Netherlands, the government has invested heavily in flood defenses like levees, water plazas, and adaptive urban design.But here in Nigeria, even when relevant government agencies issue warnings, or evacuation is proposed, people resist. Sometimes it’s the deep emotional bond we have with our ancestral land. Other times, it’s the justified fear that relocation means abandonment, that once we leave, no one will remember us. And often, it’s simply that we have nowhere else to go.Yet we must acknowledge a timeless truth: prevention is better than cure. A stitch in time saves nine. As such, we need long-term solutions: proper drainage systems, enforced building codes, updated flood risk maps, and continuous public education on environmental responsibility.But beyond all that, we need a cultural shift, a collective understanding that human life is more valuable than temporary shelter, and that following the law is not a punishment, but a protection.The tragedy in Mokwa must not become just another headline. It must be a turning point. We should not just fall back on “thoughts and prayers”, lamentations, and vague promises to offer relief to victims. Rather, this should spur us all to insist on strict environmental and infrastructural maintenance, as well as effective measures for disaster preparedness, particularly when imminent disasters are as a result of climate change.We need to plan the development of our cities better, especially when it comes to constructing and maintaining proper drainage channels, managing waste disposal and ensuring that waterways are not impeded by illegal structures. We also need to be united in ensuring this becomes a national moment of reckoning, especially one where we begin to rethink how we live with our environment, and with one another.If we continue to build on water, water will continue to subject us to the terrifying laws of nature.Zayd Ibn Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.com