OPINION
Between Trump’s Trumpet, Government Rhetorics and Christian Persecution
By Eze Okechukwu, Abuja
With all sense of modesty and responsibility, to say that Nigeria accounts for a disproportionately high percentage of Christians killed globally for their faith, with tens of thousands of deaths recorded since 2009 is an absolute fact of life.According to an April 2023 report by the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law, at least 52,250 persecuted Christians have been killed in the past fourteen years, simply for the crime of being Christian.
In the past five years, violence has spread southwards to the middle belt of Nigeria, with radicalized fulani herdsmen killing Christians to steal their land.Boko Haram, joined by the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), and the Fulani herdsmen all seek the eradication of Christianity from the northern states and the violence has resulted in refugees now numbering over four million, mostly Christian farmers. The government, clearly unable to tame the tide only engages in rhetorics and blame games, leaving the vulnerable indigenous people to die, flee or be captured and indoctrinated into the Islamic fold.In the twelve muslim-majority northern states where in 1999, Sharia law was implemented, Christians often face discrimination in education and public sector jobs and are treated as second-class citizens. Individuals, including both Christians and minority Muslims, under its blasphemy laws face long prison sentences or even the death penalty under strict state-level blasphemy laws, which can trigger mob violence.The violence has resulted in millions of people, mostly Christian farmers, being displaced from their homes, many living in precarious internal displacement camps. The Nigerian government has faced international criticism for its perceived failure to protect Christian communities and prosecute perpetrators. While Abuja has countered claims of a targeted “Christian genocide”, the United States President, Donald Trump relying on documented evidence, recently designated Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” for severe religious freedom violations. In the wake of Trump’s reaction, the fierce Republican ordered his military Chiefs to prepare for action in Nigeria with a view to tackling Islamist militant groups, accusing the government of failing to protect Christians.Trump wrote in a social media post on Saturday that he had instructed the US Department of War to prepare for “possible action”. The next day, he reiterated that his country could deploy troops to Nigeria or carry out airstrikes to stop the alleged killings.”They’re killing record numbers of Christians in Nigeria. They’re killing the Christians and killing them in very large numbers. We’re not going to allow that to happen,” the US President said.In Saturday’s post he warned that he might send the military into Nigeria “guns-a-blazing” unless the Nigerian government intervened, and said that all aid to what he called “the now disgraced country” would be cut.Trump had said: “If we attack, it will be fast, vicious, and sweet, just like the terrorist thugs attack our Cherished Christians!” US Defence Secretary, Pete Hegseth then replied to the post by writing: “Yes sir.”The Department of War is preparing for action. Either the Nigerian Government protects Christians, or we will kill the Islamic Terrorists who are committing these horrible atrocities.”Trump’s threat triggered alarm across Nigeria. Many on social media urged the government to step up its fight against Islamist groups to avert a situation where foreign troops are sent into the country.Trump earlier announced that he had declared Nigeria a “Country of Particular Concern” because of the “existential threat” posed to its Christian population. He said “thousands” had been killed, without providing any evidence.Following Trump’s announcement, Tinubu said his government was committed to working with the US and the international community to protect communities of all faiths.”The characterisation of Nigeria as religiously intolerant does not reflect our national reality,” the Nigerian leader said in a statement.The Nigerian leader was indeed being cunning and diplomatic in his response rather than being outrightly frank. Lagos, where he resides though populated by Christians and Muslims hardly have such religious intolerance and skirmishes, so how would he comprehend the gravity of the situation? Political and communal leaders in the North Central zone who describe the killings in their region as “genocidal”, often also emphasize that the killings are motivated by ethnic or material considerations, rather. For instance, the Tiv ethnic group’s supreme traditional chief, James Ortese Ayaste, told Tinubu in June that: “What we are dealing with here in Benue is a calculated, well-planned, full-scale genocidal invasion and land-grabbing campaign by herder terrorists and bandits”. In July, the governor of neighbouring Plateau state, Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang, said the recurring attacks were carried out by terrorist groups “targeting our people” because their “land … is very fertile – rich in food produce and mineral deposits”, and that in parts of the state, the marauders were “living conveniently on lands they pushed people away to occupy”.Be that as it may, the high level of insecurity across the country has left many religious communities, including Christians, at risk, due to deficits of political will in the government and operational capacity in the military and other security services. The failure to hold perpetrators of violence to account has also created both a sense of impunity among those who would carry out attacks and a sense of grievance in the affected communities. Some political, community, and religious leaders, most notably a former army chief and defence minister, Theophilus Danjuma once charged individuals to defend themselves, stressing that federal forces are “colluding” with the armed groups that are attacking predominantly Christian farmers in the North Central zone in an effort to seize their property.Angered by the laxity of the federal government, some Nigerians, at home and in the diaspora, have fed the U.S. Republican Party’s powerful evangelical base reports of alleged widespread persecution of Christians in Nigeria. Many Christian clerics in the Middle Belt, where Christians have suffered numerous mass killings, have called out for help from fellow Christians in Western countries, including the U.S.In February 2024, Open Doors, an organisation that tracks Christian persecution, claimed that “every two hours, a Nigerian Christian is killed for their faith”, that 82 per cent of Christians killed around the world from October 2022 to September 2023 died in Nigeria and that Nigeria had become “the deadliest place in the world for followers of Jesus”.However, narrating the daily persecutions of Christians in Plateau State, Mr Sunday Michael, from Marish axis of Bokkos municipality who now lives in an Internally Displaced Persons Camp (IDP) said that Mr. Osasona Emmanuel Femi, an Anglican priest lost his pregnant wife, Dr. Osasona Nambam Gloria with advanced pregnancy in 2020, following an attack by fulani herdsmen in marish town where they lived. The wife, a Veterinary Doctor passed on from the shock of bullet sounds, with its attendant flashes of light. Mr. Michael recounted how Mr Femi disappeared in the heat of the attack and has never been seen since the attack.”Nobody knows his exact whereabouts nor if he’s still alive or not. Though there’s rumours that he escaped to France, even if that’s true, who does he know in France, what’s he eating there? Femi’s fate and ordeal is a classic example of the lives of our people. Femi may have been massacred, I sincerely don’t believe he’s alive. They feast on killing people,so Femi wouldn’t be an exception unless they didn’t catch him. However,if he’s alive I pray he doesn’t return here else they will kill him”, he said amidst tears.As he was speaking, another woman, Regina Yakubu from Southern Gombe and living in the camp said that she had built a peaceful life with her husband and two children in 2014. Then came the stories of a group called Boko Haram moving village to village, delivering ultimatums: convert to their extreme version of Islam or die. The threats materialized one day as Regina and her husband worked their field. “I used to think Boko Haram were just animals living in the bush,” she recalled. “I never believed a human being could kill another human being.” When militants emerged from the bush, her husband fled through the river. She never saw him again. She was captured by the militias and the occupation that followed revealed horrors she never imagined possible. Boko Haram fighters moved into the village, targeting Christians with calculated brutality. They murdered the village pastor as he sat in his chair one afternoon. “After that, they started gathering men who were seated under trees,” Regina recounted. “Those who tried to escape were shot. Those who were caught were tied to their motorcycles, taken to the outskirts, and slaughtered. They separated their heads from their bodies. We had to dig holes and bury them at night.” In the terrifying quiet that followed, she recalled, “Not even the sounds of birds would you hear. You would only hear the sounds of Boko Haram.”However, while few prominent Nigerians support the idea of armed outside intervention without Abuja’s consent, some find some utility in the Trump administration’s new posture.The National Secretary of a network of opposition political parties, the Coalition of United Political Parties, Peter Ameh, said his organisation would welcome foreign assistance if the federal government fails to end armed group killings of Nigerians on its own, though he suggested that intervention would need to occur lawfully – implying it would require the Nigerian government’s go-ahead.Human rights lawyer Inibehe Effiong said: “If this is what it will take for the Nigerian government to wake up to its primary responsibility, so be it”. The chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria in the nineteen northern states, Reverend John Joseph Hayab similarly said Trump’s core message should be seen less as a vow to attack Nigeria, and more as a caution to the Nigerian government to take decisive action against terrorism.Meanwhile, in between Trump’s trumpet and the rhetorics of Abuja, there’s an existential record of devastation of the minority northern christians. And it’s only time and chance that would know what fate has in stock for all.FEATURES
Victor Okoli: The Young Nigerian Tech Founder Building Digital Bridge Between Africa and America
Victor Chukwunonso Okoli, founder of Vnox Technology Inc. (USA) and Vnox Limited (Nigeria), is steadily emerging as one of the most promising new voices in global travel-tech. His mission is clear: bridge the technological gap between Africa and the United States, redefine global travel systems, and empower a new generation of skilled youths through innovation-driven opportunities.
In a statement issued in Onitsha, Anambra State, by Vnox Limited (Nigeria), the company emphasized Okoli’s growing influence as a Nigerian international graduate student contributing meaningfully to U.
S. innovation. His rising travel-technology platform, FlyVnox, currently valued at an estimated $1.7 million, is positioning itself as a competitive player in the global travel ecosystem.Okoli explained that Vnox Technology was founded to “train, empower more youths, create global employment opportunities, and drive business growth through our coming B2B portal inside the FlyVnox app.” The platform’s new B2B system aims to support travel agencies, entrepreneurs, and businesses across Africa and the diaspora—giving them access to modern tools, previously inaccessible technologies, and global opportunities.
Several young men and women are already employed under the expanding Vnox group, with more expected to join as the brand grows internationally.
Born and raised in Eastern Nigeria, Okoli’s early life exposed him to the realities and frustrations faced by international travelers and diaspora communities. After moving to the United States for graduate studies, he transformed those experiences into a bold technological vision—building systems that connect continents and create seamless mobility for users worldwide.
At the center of that vision is the FlyVnox app, a modern airline-ticketing platform built with global users in mind. Combining American engineering precision with African mobility realities, FlyVnox offers international flight search, multi-currency support, secure payments, transparent pricing, and a clean, intuitive interface.
Beyond FlyVnox, Okoli has built a growing tech ecosystem under Vnox Technology Inc., which oversees several innovative ventures, including: Vnox TravelTech Solutions LLC (FlyVnox App), VnoxPay (fintech), VnoxShop / Zyrlia (e-commerce)
VnoxID / Nexora (digital identity and smart business card solutions)
Vnox Limited (Nigeria) anchors African operations, media services, and talent development—ensuring the brand remains rooted in its home continent even as it grows globally.
Okoli’s work has broad significance for both Africa and the United States. He represents the powerful impact of immigrant entrepreneurship on global competitiveness—creating new jobs, driving innovation, strengthening U.S.–Africa commercial ties, and contributing to the development of practical, scalable technologies.
The statement concludes that Vnox Technology is a brand to watch. As FlyVnox gains international traction and the Vnox group expands its footprint, Victor Okoli stands as a symbol of a rising generation: African-born, globally minded, and building technologies that connect and serve the world.
OPINION
Insecurity in Nigeria: Any Remedy?
By Sunday Ayami
Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and largest economy, in Africa continues to face complex security challenges. These issues threaten national stability, economic growth, and the wellbeing of its citizens. The security landscape is shaped by a combination of terrorism, banditry, separatist agitations, communal conflicts, and organized crime.
The Boko Haram insurgency, active since 2009, remains a significant threat, mainly in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states.
Although the group has suffered territorial losses, its splinter faction, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), remains potent. Frequent attacks target both civilians and security personnel. The humanitarian crisis continues, with millions displaced and persistent food insecurity.Armed bandit groups operate extensively in Zamfara, Kaduna, Katsina, Niger, and Sokoto states. These groups engage in mass abductions, cattle rustling, and extortion. Kidnappings for ransom have become commonplace, affecting schoolchildren, commuters, and even local officials. The government has launched multiple military operations, but violence persists.
Competition over land and water resources between sedentary farmers and nomadic herders has intensified, especially in Benue, Plateau, and Nasarawa states. These clashes often escalate along ethnic and religious lines, resulting in hundreds of deaths and displacement.
Although major militant activities in the Niger Delta have subsided since the 2016/17 resurgence, oil theft, pipeline vandalism, and environmental degradation continue to undermine the economy and fuel local grievances.
The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) continue to agitate for independence, often clashing with security forces. Their armed wing, the Eastern Security Network (ESN), has been implicated in attacks on government facilities and security checkpoints. The region continues to experience periodic unrest and enforced sit-at-home orders.
Urban centers grapple with armed robbery, cult violence, and organized crimes, while piracy and maritime crime remain concerns in the Gulf of Guinea, threatening maritime trade.
The Nigerian government has adopted a multi-pronged approach to tackle security issues, including: Multiple campaigns such as “Operation Hadin Kai” in the Northeast and “Operation Whirl Punch” in the North-central target insurgent and criminal groups. Attempts at police reform and increased funding for security agencies have been implemented with mixed results.Efforts to negotiate with some groups or offer amnesty, particularly in the Niger Delta. Partner within ECOWAS and with Western countries enhance intelligence sharing and maritime security operations.
Despite these efforts, challenges remain: underfunding, corruption, interagency rivalry, inadequate equipment, and low public trust hamper effectiveness.
Over 3 million internally displaced persons (IDP).
OPINION
When Does a Nation Die?
By Chidi Amuta
Recent trends in our national life have forced Nigerians to abandon the virtue of incurable optimism and unconditional hope in the nation as a perpetual reality. It used to be that in all circumstances, Nigerians would never believe that the nation is under any terminal threat.
But in recent times, the percentage of Nigerians awaiting the imminent collapse of the nation has now far outnumbered the minority still hoping that the country will survive its present travails. It seems that we are fast approaching that slippery joint where it is hard to find any believers in the survival and meaning of Nigeria. Instead, throughout the length and breadth of this vast land, a new and unhappy consensus has emerged: Nigeria is dying!The usual refrain of “God is in control” or “This, too, shall pass” in difficult times has given way to a silent indignation and resignation.
A silent poor woman who used to be a trader in trivia at the roadside has nothing left to sell and no money to buy what she needs. She raises her open palms skywards in speechless supplication as tears stream down her cheeks. She has become for me an embodiment of the tragedy of the times in which we now live.By a curious irony with a tinge of tragicomedy, the Tinubu government is trumpeting ‘hope’ as its most important offering. The regime has adopted what it calls “the Renewed Hope Agenda” as its mantra and unique caption of the -mandate of this presidency. In a note of tragic irony bordering on self -deprecation and mockery, each appearance of the President at a public forum (including gatherings of judges!), a new regime anthem titled “On Your Mandate, We shall stand” has become informally mandatory. It sometimes precedes the old resurrected National Anthem. It sounds more like a comic choir rented to laugh at a nation in the throes of death.
Suddenly, we seem to have arrived at this unhappy consensus: Nigeria is dying! This existential admission of the imminent death of our nation is the unfolding legacy of our endangered democracy. Our elections lack credibility or popular following. In recent elections in Ondo, Edo and Anambra states, the consistent average voter turnout has been below 35%. People register to vote but find nothing worth voting for. They are taking stock of previous years of this ritual of voting and find nothing cheery. They just stay home instead of being counted as part of the statistics of deceit and betrayal.
As it turns out, the greater percentage of this miserable recent turnout are even transactional votes. On the election days, partisan buyers and sellers of votes mount point of sale checkpoints at most polling booths. Your voters’ card entitles you to a miserable cash handout: N2000-N5000. T could be higher depending on the cash power of the contestants. The votes that show up at INEC’s voter machines represent the balance sheet of total sales and purchases made at all the polling stations at the election.
Other aspects of our democracy are equally in disarray. The party system is shattered. The ruling party has become a power monopoly intent on swallowing other parties. The major opposition party, the PDP, has a resident destabilizer with a single mandate: to kill the party and ensure that it is its carcass that walks into the next general election. The rest of the opposition platform has been frightened into disarray by sundry agents of the state and party in power. The various alliances and rumours of alliances are merely scare crows manipulated by agents of the ruling party.
In itself, the ruling party is saddled with hand -picked officials who make no distinction between the party as an institution of democracy and the government in power or indeed between the political party and the state. A democracy in which there is no distinction between the party in power and the party in government leads to a degrading usurpation of the state by the political elite of the ruling party. A factional elite cannot govern a state without wholly appropriating the machinery of the state to its individual and collective advantage. State capture is complete when the leading lights of the ruling hegemonic party become also the leading lights of the nation. The likes of Wike, Umahi and Akpabio become the faces of the nation. These constantly nattering Nabobs of current power negativity have been elevated to the status of arbiters of values for the nation. They brandish their wealth and false identities to frighten ordinary citizens.
In itself, the business of governance under Mr. Tinubu has become a humdrum ritual of boring reflexes. Great national happenings are marked by high school grade routine statements from the pinnacle of power. No actions are initiated. Once a presidential pronouncement is signed off, the leadership moves on to await the next tragic checkpoint. The life of the nation progresses from one tragedy as preparation for the next. No action plan follows the train of tragedies and failures. Just move on in the hope that tomorrow will be a better day, without bad news and disheartening occurrences. But bad news has become our new normal.
Whatever happens to the nation, one sector never sleeps. Politics of anyhow and anything remains in business. Politicians keep decamping from other parties or no parties to the ruling party in droves. No need to state why people are decamping. The parties they are coming from or the one they are migrating to stand for nothing. No ideology. No core beliefs. Nothing. And in any case, there are no consequences for changing parties like filthy underpants. So the beat goes on: breakfast in Labour Party. Lunch in PDP. Dinner in APC. Even those in the ruling party either as cabinet members or legislators do nothing in particular to justify their large charges on the public treasury. In return for doing practically nothing, a bunch of jobless politicians earn an entitlement to costly SUVs, free housing, large entourages of domestic and official minions and vast troves of cash in all currencies as kickbacks and contractors’ gift packs. There is delight in chasing off road users with limitless motorcades of official nonentities escorted by authorized state hooligans in uniform.
While politicians luxuriate in plenty, the daily life of our citizenry is mirred in want and penury. Recent policy measures have further eroded the living standards of the ordinary Nigerian. An endless litany of taxes, levies and tolls has rendered every item of living cost unaffordable. Prices of everything ranging from gasoline to cooking gas, school fees to transport fares, basic medication to hospital bills and building materials have shot through the roof. Even if these were elements of economic management, nothing has been put in place to indicate that the state has a compassionate aspect. Instead, there is an unhidden hand of cruelty in new policies. A few days ago, the government expressed an intention to impose a 15% surcharge on the already astronomical prices of gasoline. Only the fear of mass protests as in Kenya, Tanzania and Algeria frightened the government into pulling back on this tax on an existing tax regime on gasoline!
While the public keeps expecting the government of the day to alleviate mass suffering, the very essence of our national existence is eroded by the day. The most elementary obligation of the state, the protection of life and property, is everywhere in peril. People are now dying daily on an industrial scale. Terrorists, jihadists, bandits, gangsters, casual criminals compete with each other as to how many they kill, abduct, dispossess or cause to disappear.
Those paid by the state to protect the rest of us look on in indifference or manifest the most embarrassing incompetence in the discharge of the duties. At best, none performing or delinquent security officials are fired in droves with no explanations to the public. The other day, the DSS sacked over 100 officers with no public explanation. These hounds have been unleashed into the amorphous public space to heighten an insecurity that has defied decades of tepid government effort. These are officers who are trained in weapon handling and other skills that they will easily deploy to increase our insecurity.
A state that cannot guarantee basic security of life and limbs of citizens has of course failed to protect and guarantee its territorial integrity. Nigerians no longer know where Nigeria stops and bandit territory begins. Every other forest, savannah stretch and unoccupied building in Nigeria is now an ungoverned space literally owned and inhabited by non- state actors. The possession of arms and weapons of war used to be the exclusive preserve of the state. Guns and uniforms used to frighten ordinary people off government. Not anymore. Now, the most sophisticated weapons of war are in the hands of terrorists, bandits and sundry criminals. The most garish uniforms are now worn by non-state organized squads. Jihadists in rags now outgun our best kitted military units. Literally, the Nigerian state has been outgunned by the forces of those that do not wish us well and the government of the day looks on in sheepish incompetence. In some states, elected governors’ stage ‘peace’ meetings with bandit leaders and their armed cohorts while the police and military provide “security” in full view of television cameras. So, whose nation is this anyway?
Only recently, a symbolic drama was staged on the streets of Abuja. In a motor park -like encounter, FCT minister, Nyesom Wike was engaged by a mid -level Naval officer in an encounter over landed property. Instructively, the military high command sided unanimously with the naval officer. In this symbolic scuffle between the military and political wings of the ruling elite, the military asserted itself stiffly as a contender in the game of political supremacy. In an atmosphere where a rumoured coup is being investigated, wise politicians have since sided with the military in this land grab encounter. Wike, a noisy political jackal with scant common sense has been stripped naked and left sulking alone.
The justice system is not left out of the hopelessness. Even in cases where the law is challenged to defend and protect the rights of individuals or track and punish violators of the law, the Nigerian judiciary has been consistently wanting. Judges deliver judgments to fit their bills. Material appeasement of the highest echelons of the judiciary in the form of cash, automobiles, free houses and unaccounted vacations have blurred the boundaries between justice and injustice. The rights of citizens now have a price tag.
The agencies of public accountability only exist to hound those whom the state does not like. The police arrests and detains those it adjudges state adversaries while authorized criminals roam and wax freely. Public protest against misrule and injustice is rewarded with tear gas and bullets and prolonged incarceration without charges or trial. A nation in which the Accountant General can steal most of the funds in the treasury without setting off any audit alarm is at best a rogues’ piggy bank guarded by squads of pick pockets.
Our general perception in the world outside our borders has tumbled to an all-time low. From being the voice of African strength, we have degenerated to a sorry state. Our foreign policy exertions have sunk to a diplomacy of the beggarly. Imagine the recent Threat by Donald Trump in the days of Murtala Mohammed and Obasanjo either as military leader or elected president.
Against the foregoing backdrop, citizen loyalty and confidence in the state has dropped to near zero. The common man in the streets who used to be proud of his nation in spite of its faults has withdrawn to his or her tent. People are more concerned about surviving to the next day than bother about the niceties of national survival and community. At best, people are now cursing and abusing Nigeria. Many now wish they were never born here. Our passport and identity have become badges of shame abroad. Most significantly, a nation that used to believe that God will ultimately rescue the nation has lost that last anchor of hope in divine provenance and providence. Citizens have begun to doubt the efficacy of divine solution that will save the nation as it is today.
While a general disillusionment has eroded hope and confidence in the nation, the government of the day cannot find the courage to compare itself to any of its predecessors. But governments do not exist in isolation. They derive their credibility from fitting themselves into a historical spectrum provided by their predecessors.
It is not for us to pronounce judgment on the Tinubu government in terms of its record of performance. From the return of democracy in 1999 to the present, citizens can now pick and choose when they last had a good meal, affordable life or peace of mind from insecurity. We miss Obasanjo’s banking reforms and liberalization of the stock market. We miss his initiative in opening up the telecommunications market. We miss the introduction of debit and credit cards and cashless platforms in the economy. We miss the Jonathan era before he found himself in the midst of Boko Haram. Looking back now, who will not prefer the Naira at 175 to the dollar and multiple access to credit for consumption and business? Or a bag of cement at a little over N2,000? Even Buhari’s N400-N500 to the dollar cannot be compared to today’s hellish N1,500 to the dollar. Or gasoline at N185 a liter compared to today’s N1,000 average for a liter at the pump.
Obasanjo was feared as a strong willed warrior, respected as a nationalist elder statesman and accepted by all as a detribalized national leader. Yar’dua was admired as a man of Spartan discipline and honest patriotism. Jonathan never pretended to be what he is not. He said he would not make too many promises for fear of failing to deliver on any. Buhari was a patent ethnicist, religious fanatic and unrepentant autocrat but he would rather borrow to keep his rusty government going than impose further suffering on the ordinary people.
Against the record of his predecessors since 1999, Tinubu will bear the burden of self -assessment at the end of his remaining two years. Put simply, Tinubu will judge Tinubu. Whether his eventual assessment will be confirmed or repudiated by the electoral outcome of the 2027 election is a puzzle that Nigerian democracy will have to unravel in the years ahead.
The questions are simple: Will Nigerians renew the mandate of a leader who is subjecting them to such harrowing hardship? Will the majority of Nigerians vote again for a party that has been responsible for such ruinous misrule of the nation for over a decade?

