OPINION
Between Trump’s Trumpet, Government Rhetorics and Christian Persecution
By Eze Okechukwu, Abuja
With all sense of modesty and responsibility, to say that Nigeria accounts for a disproportionately high percentage of Christians killed globally for their faith, with tens of thousands of deaths recorded since 2009 is an absolute fact of life.According to an April 2023 report by the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law, at least 52,250 persecuted Christians have been killed in the past fourteen years, simply for the crime of being Christian.
In the past five years, violence has spread southwards to the middle belt of Nigeria, with radicalized fulani herdsmen killing Christians to steal their land.Boko Haram, joined by the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), and the Fulani herdsmen all seek the eradication of Christianity from the northern states and the violence has resulted in refugees now numbering over four million, mostly Christian farmers. The government, clearly unable to tame the tide only engages in rhetorics and blame games, leaving the vulnerable indigenous people to die, flee or be captured and indoctrinated into the Islamic fold.In the twelve muslim-majority northern states where in 1999, Sharia law was implemented, Christians often face discrimination in education and public sector jobs and are treated as second-class citizens. Individuals, including both Christians and minority Muslims, under its blasphemy laws face long prison sentences or even the death penalty under strict state-level blasphemy laws, which can trigger mob violence.The violence has resulted in millions of people, mostly Christian farmers, being displaced from their homes, many living in precarious internal displacement camps. The Nigerian government has faced international criticism for its perceived failure to protect Christian communities and prosecute perpetrators. While Abuja has countered claims of a targeted “Christian genocide”, the United States President, Donald Trump relying on documented evidence, recently designated Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” for severe religious freedom violations. In the wake of Trump’s reaction, the fierce Republican ordered his military Chiefs to prepare for action in Nigeria with a view to tackling Islamist militant groups, accusing the government of failing to protect Christians.Trump wrote in a social media post on Saturday that he had instructed the US Department of War to prepare for “possible action”. The next day, he reiterated that his country could deploy troops to Nigeria or carry out airstrikes to stop the alleged killings.”They’re killing record numbers of Christians in Nigeria. They’re killing the Christians and killing them in very large numbers. We’re not going to allow that to happen,” the US President said.In Saturday’s post he warned that he might send the military into Nigeria “guns-a-blazing” unless the Nigerian government intervened, and said that all aid to what he called “the now disgraced country” would be cut.Trump had said: “If we attack, it will be fast, vicious, and sweet, just like the terrorist thugs attack our Cherished Christians!” US Defence Secretary, Pete Hegseth then replied to the post by writing: “Yes sir.”The Department of War is preparing for action. Either the Nigerian Government protects Christians, or we will kill the Islamic Terrorists who are committing these horrible atrocities.”Trump’s threat triggered alarm across Nigeria. Many on social media urged the government to step up its fight against Islamist groups to avert a situation where foreign troops are sent into the country.Trump earlier announced that he had declared Nigeria a “Country of Particular Concern” because of the “existential threat” posed to its Christian population. He said “thousands” had been killed, without providing any evidence.Following Trump’s announcement, Tinubu said his government was committed to working with the US and the international community to protect communities of all faiths.”The characterisation of Nigeria as religiously intolerant does not reflect our national reality,” the Nigerian leader said in a statement.The Nigerian leader was indeed being cunning and diplomatic in his response rather than being outrightly frank. Lagos, where he resides though populated by Christians and Muslims hardly have such religious intolerance and skirmishes, so how would he comprehend the gravity of the situation? Political and communal leaders in the North Central zone who describe the killings in their region as “genocidal”, often also emphasize that the killings are motivated by ethnic or material considerations, rather. For instance, the Tiv ethnic group’s supreme traditional chief, James Ortese Ayaste, told Tinubu in June that: “What we are dealing with here in Benue is a calculated, well-planned, full-scale genocidal invasion and land-grabbing campaign by herder terrorists and bandits”. In July, the governor of neighbouring Plateau state, Caleb Manasseh Mutfwang, said the recurring attacks were carried out by terrorist groups “targeting our people” because their “land … is very fertile – rich in food produce and mineral deposits”, and that in parts of the state, the marauders were “living conveniently on lands they pushed people away to occupy”.Be that as it may, the high level of insecurity across the country has left many religious communities, including Christians, at risk, due to deficits of political will in the government and operational capacity in the military and other security services. The failure to hold perpetrators of violence to account has also created both a sense of impunity among those who would carry out attacks and a sense of grievance in the affected communities. Some political, community, and religious leaders, most notably a former army chief and defence minister, Theophilus Danjuma once charged individuals to defend themselves, stressing that federal forces are “colluding” with the armed groups that are attacking predominantly Christian farmers in the North Central zone in an effort to seize their property.Angered by the laxity of the federal government, some Nigerians, at home and in the diaspora, have fed the U.S. Republican Party’s powerful evangelical base reports of alleged widespread persecution of Christians in Nigeria. Many Christian clerics in the Middle Belt, where Christians have suffered numerous mass killings, have called out for help from fellow Christians in Western countries, including the U.S.In February 2024, Open Doors, an organisation that tracks Christian persecution, claimed that “every two hours, a Nigerian Christian is killed for their faith”, that 82 per cent of Christians killed around the world from October 2022 to September 2023 died in Nigeria and that Nigeria had become “the deadliest place in the world for followers of Jesus”.However, narrating the daily persecutions of Christians in Plateau State, Mr Sunday Michael, from Marish axis of Bokkos municipality who now lives in an Internally Displaced Persons Camp (IDP) said that Mr. Osasona Emmanuel Femi, an Anglican priest lost his pregnant wife, Dr. Osasona Nambam Gloria with advanced pregnancy in 2020, following an attack by fulani herdsmen in marish town where they lived. The wife, a Veterinary Doctor passed on from the shock of bullet sounds, with its attendant flashes of light. Mr. Michael recounted how Mr Femi disappeared in the heat of the attack and has never been seen since the attack.”Nobody knows his exact whereabouts nor if he’s still alive or not. Though there’s rumours that he escaped to France, even if that’s true, who does he know in France, what’s he eating there? Femi’s fate and ordeal is a classic example of the lives of our people. Femi may have been massacred, I sincerely don’t believe he’s alive. They feast on killing people,so Femi wouldn’t be an exception unless they didn’t catch him. However,if he’s alive I pray he doesn’t return here else they will kill him”, he said amidst tears.As he was speaking, another woman, Regina Yakubu from Southern Gombe and living in the camp said that she had built a peaceful life with her husband and two children in 2014. Then came the stories of a group called Boko Haram moving village to village, delivering ultimatums: convert to their extreme version of Islam or die. The threats materialized one day as Regina and her husband worked their field. “I used to think Boko Haram were just animals living in the bush,” she recalled. “I never believed a human being could kill another human being.” When militants emerged from the bush, her husband fled through the river. She never saw him again. She was captured by the militias and the occupation that followed revealed horrors she never imagined possible. Boko Haram fighters moved into the village, targeting Christians with calculated brutality. They murdered the village pastor as he sat in his chair one afternoon. “After that, they started gathering men who were seated under trees,” Regina recounted. “Those who tried to escape were shot. Those who were caught were tied to their motorcycles, taken to the outskirts, and slaughtered. They separated their heads from their bodies. We had to dig holes and bury them at night.” In the terrifying quiet that followed, she recalled, “Not even the sounds of birds would you hear. You would only hear the sounds of Boko Haram.”However, while few prominent Nigerians support the idea of armed outside intervention without Abuja’s consent, some find some utility in the Trump administration’s new posture.The National Secretary of a network of opposition political parties, the Coalition of United Political Parties, Peter Ameh, said his organisation would welcome foreign assistance if the federal government fails to end armed group killings of Nigerians on its own, though he suggested that intervention would need to occur lawfully – implying it would require the Nigerian government’s go-ahead.Human rights lawyer Inibehe Effiong said: “If this is what it will take for the Nigerian government to wake up to its primary responsibility, so be it”. The chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria in the nineteen northern states, Reverend John Joseph Hayab similarly said Trump’s core message should be seen less as a vow to attack Nigeria, and more as a caution to the Nigerian government to take decisive action against terrorism.Meanwhile, in between Trump’s trumpet and the rhetorics of Abuja, there’s an existential record of devastation of the minority northern christians. And it’s only time and chance that would know what fate has in stock for all.OPINION
Coup in Guinea-Bissau and the Dilemma of ECOWAS
By Hakeem Jamiu
In his seminal work, Political Order in Changing Societies (1968), Professor Samuel P Huntington argues that political order is essential for societal development. He emphasises that strong, adaptable political institutions are necessary to manage conflicts and meet growing societal demands during periods of rapid change.
Huntington warns that failure to adapt swiftly to societal shifts often results in political decline and instability.
These insights offer a valuable perspective for analysing the recent palace coup in Guinea-Bissau, a country on the verge of greater unrest.Between 24 and 26 September, I was in Guinea-Bissau for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) pre-summit as the lead facilitator nominated by the Amandla Institute for Policy and Leadership Advancement (AIPLA).
During this time, I predicted that political upheaval was imminent. It was no surprise, therefore, when, on 26 November, a palace coup took place, leading to the forced evacuation of former President Goodluck Jonathan, head of the West African Elders Forum Election Observation Mission.
He described it as a “ceremonial coup,” an unusual act in which President Umaro Embaló himself announced the coup, despite claiming to be under arrest. This move was clearly staged to prevent the announcement of election results, ultimately undermining democracy in the country.
Embalo’s strategy to consolidate power began long before the coup. He had previously excluded his main challenger, PAIGC’s Domingos Simões Pereira from the electoral process, through judicial manipulation by the Supreme Court, which barred Pereira from contesting the election.
Pereira, a former prime minister, had supported the independent candidacy of lawyer Fernando Dias. Despite his official term ending on 27 February, Embaló remained in office, citing a different inauguration date.
His controversial decision to seek re-election, despite initial promises not to, prompted public protests, which were suppressed by force, with activists arrested and opposition movements restricted.
The road to Bissau, however, was not just fraught with political instability but also physical danger. As I journeyed from Zinguinchor to Bissau, a typically two-hour trip extended to eight hours due to the dilapidated roads, squeezed between rising rivers. The road was perilous, especially when we learnt of the armed insurgents operating along the route.
The driver, having initially misled us about the condition of the road, almost abandoned us at the Senegalese border. Fortunately, immigration officials ensured that we continued. Later, it was revealed that the road’s poor condition has been intentionally kept so as to prevent insurgents from reaching the capital easily.
The coup, led by General Horta Inta-A, just a day before the announcement of presidential election results, claimed that it was necessary in order to prevent “narcotics traffickers” from manipulating the election.
Both President Embaló and opposition candidate Fernando Dias claimed victory, with Dias seeking asylum in the Nigerian embassy, due to credible threats to his life. The people’s resolve for change had been underestimated by Embaló, who believed he could easily eliminate the opposition.
Despite the country’s dire economic situation, with deteriorated infrastructure and widespread poverty, the people of Bissau maintained a remarkable sense of joy.
Young men and women danced in the streets at 3 a.m., while others gathered at the hotel we stayed in, socialising late into the night. These youthful social gatherings reflect a society aware of global trends, including political unrest, despite being influenced by their leader’s poverty politics.
The summit, held at the Royal Hotel in Bissau from 24 to 26 September, focused on the future of ECOWAS, in its 50th anniversary. The theme, “Political Stability, Peace, and Security in West Africa,” seemed ironically prescient.
The dialogue, involving the civil society, youths, and security experts, examined the challenges facing ECOWAS, particularly Unconstitutional Changes of Government (UCG).
My prediction that Guinea-Bissau would soon face political turmoil was echoed by ECOWAS’ General Ojabo, who remarked that his troops were primarily tasked with “guard duties at the homes of politicians,” reflecting the mistrust between Guinea-Bissau’s political class and its military. “The minute ECOWAS pulls out of GB, there will be chaos,” he warned, a grim foreshadowing of what was to come.
The coup, led by General Horta Inta-A, just a day before the announcement of presidential election results, claimed that it was necessary in order to prevent “narcotics traffickers” from manipulating the election. Both President Embaló and opposition candidate Fernando Dias claimed victory, with Dias seeking asylum in the Nigerian embassy, due to credible threats to his life. The people’s resolve for change had been underestimated by Embaló, who believed he could easily eliminate the opposition.
This turned out to be a grave miscalculation, and the coup was a direct result of the president’s failure to meet the people’s expectations. As Huntington’s theory suggests, political instability often arises when rising societal expectations are unmet, leading to frustration and disorder.
The African Union (AU) has also suspended Guinea-Bissau from its activities, calling for respect for the electoral process. The United Nations has urged restraint and respect for the rule of law. The coup in Guinea-Bissau presents another challenge to ECOWAS’s credibility, especially as the region has seen an alarming rise in military takeovers. The coup belt, stretching across West Africa, is increasingly a source of concern.
ECOWAS, having strongly condemned the coup, has suspended Guinea-Bissau from its decision-making bodies and is advocating for the restoration of constitutional order in the country. Meanwhile, the African Union (AU) has also suspended Guinea-Bissau from its activities, calling for respect for the electoral process.
The United Nations has urged restraint and respect for the rule of law. The coup in Guinea-Bissau presents another challenge to ECOWAS’s credibility, especially as the region has seen an alarming rise in military takeovers. The coup belt, stretching across West Africa, is increasingly a source of concern.
Guinea-Bissau, with its fragile political and economic situation, faces considerable instability. With a population of only two million and a per capita GDP of $670, the country ranks among the poorest in the world. Around 70 per cent of the people live below the poverty line, with limited access to essential services such as healthcare, roads, education, and sanitation. As the political crisis deepens, there are concerns that drug trafficking could intensify, further destabilising the region.
For ECOWAS, the challenge is clear: it must persist in applying diplomatic pressure on the coup leaders to restore constitutional order. Military force alone is insufficient; what is needed is a sustained diplomatic strategy supported by respected statesmen.
ECOWAS needs to rediscover its role as a facilitator of West African peace, rather than as an end in itself. The organisation must act consistently and enhance its operational capabilities to tackle the root causes of instability. Unconstitutional changes of government are not merely political anomalies but symptoms of systemic governance failures that must be addressed to prevent further crises across the region. The time for action is now.
Hakeem Jamiu, an ECOWAS facilitator, writes from Ado-Ekiti.
OPINION
A silent Emergency: Soaring Costs of Diabetes Care Spark Alarm
By Folasade Akpan
For Mrs Schola Effiong, a 58-year-old confidential secretary in Calabar, managing diabetes in today’s economy feels like “climbing a hill that only gets steeper”.
Diagnosed in 2009, she said her monthly expenditure on insulin, tablets, laboratory tests and monitoring supplies now exceeds ₦150,000.
“You cannot stop taking the drugs, yet the cost keeps going up.
“Sometimes I do not have the money to buy some of them at the same time,” she said.
Her struggle mirrors the experiences of thousands of Nigerians at a time when experts warn that diabetes is becoming a major public health concern.
According to a 2018 national meta-analysis by Uloko et al.
, titled “Prevalence and Risk Factors for Diabetes Mellitus in Nigeria: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis”, Nigeria’s diabetes prevalence stands at 5.7 per cent, representing 11.2 million adults.The authors defined diabetes mellitus as a metabolic disorder of chronic hyperglycaemia caused by absolute or relative insulin deficiency and associated with disturbances in carbohydrate, protein and fat metabolism.
The study, which pooled data from numerous research works across the country, revealed wide regional disparities.
The prevalence rate was 3.0 per cent in the North-West, 5.9 per cent in the North-East, and 3.8 per cent in the North-Central, respectively.
The rates were higher in the southern part of the country: 5.5 per cent in the South-West, 4.6 per cent in the South-East, and 9.8 per cent in the South-South.
Experts say these patterns reflect changing lifestyles, rapid urbanisation and limited access to routine screening.
However, for many patients, statistics tell only a fraction of the real story.
Mr Offum Akung, a 57-year-old teacher in Cross River, said he had to ration his drugs because prices kept rising faster than his salary.
“I spend over ₦40,000 a month and still cannot buy everything on my prescription.
“I rely mostly on Glucophage now; when money allows, I add Neurovite Forte; diabetes management has become more difficult than the disease itself,” he said.
He appealed for government intervention, saying many patients were already “giving up”.
The Second Vice-President of the Diabetes Association of Nigeria, Mr Bernard Enyia, said the economic situation had pushed many Nigerians with diabetes into dangerous coping methods.
He said that he once managed his condition with about ₦70,000 monthly, but currently spends more than ₦180,000.
“Insulin has become something you pray for, while some people are sharing doses or skipping injections.
“Once you break treatment, the complications come quickly.”
Enyia, who lost his job as a health worker in 2017 due to frequent hospital visits, described the emotional toll as immense.
“It affects your finances, your social life, your marriage — everything. Many Nigerians with diabetes are quietly drowning,” he said.
Globally, concerns are also rising.
The World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates that more than 24 million adults in Africa are living with diabetes, a figure projected to rise to 60 million by 2050.
Marking World Diabetes Day 2025, WHO Regional Director for Africa, Prof. Mohamed Janabi, warned that rising obesity, lifestyle changes and weak health systems were fueling an “unprecedented wave of diabetes” across the continent.
He urged governments to prioritise access to affordable insulin, diagnostics and long-term care.
More so, pharmacists say they are witnessing the crisis firsthand.
The Senior Vice-President, Advantage Health Africa, Mr Adewale Oladigbolu, said many patients were no longer able to maintain regular medication schedules.
“People buy drugs today and skip them tomorrow because they do not have money.
“With non-adherence, they never reach therapeutic goals.”
Oladigbolu, a Fellow of the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria, said that locally manufactured metformin remained in high demand due to affordability, but insulin-dependent patients faced the harshest burden.
He stressed that diabetes care extended far beyond drugs.
“You need glucometers, strips, blood pressure monitors and regular tests.
“In countries where insurance work, patients do not think about the cost; in Nigeria, they pay for everything out of pocket,” he said.
He called for diabetes care to be covered under health insurance to reduce the financial burden on patients.
President of the Diabetes Association of Nigeria, Prof. Ejiofor Ugwu, described the rising cost of treatment as “a national crisis hiding in plain sight.
He said insulin, which sold for about ₦3,500 four years ago, presently costs ₦18,000 to ₦22,000 per vial.
“Test strips that were ₦2,000 now sell for ₦14,000, while glucometers have risen from ₦5,000 to over ₦25,000.
“On average, a patient now needs between ₦100,000 and ₦120,000 every month. Imagine earning ₦50,000 and being asked to spend twice that on one illness.”
He warned that between half and two-thirds of Nigerians with diabetes remain undiagnosed.
“We are seeing more kidney failure, more limb amputations, more blindness.
“These are late presentations caused by delayed or inconsistent treatment.”
Ugwu urged the Federal Government to urgently subsidise essential anti-diabetic medications and remove taxes on their importation.
“Most of these drugs are produced outside the country.
“Once you add import duties and other charges, prices become unbearable; subsidies and tax waivers could drop costs by at least 30 per cent,” he said.
He also called for expansion of the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) to cover a wider range of anti-diabetic medicines, glucose meters and strips — none of which are currently covered.
For many Nigerians, however, the struggle continues daily.
Across households, clinics and pharmacies, the message is the same: as Nigeria’s diabetes prevalence rises and treatment costs soar, more patients are slipping through the cracks — some silently, others painfully — while waiting for meaningful intervention.
In all, stakeholders say diabetes is a national emergency; people are dying quietly because they cannot afford medicine; hence the urgent need for relevant authorities to make anti-diabetic medications accessible and affordable.(NAN)
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OPINION
Is Community Parenting Still Relevant?
By Dorcas Jonah
In the Nigerian culture, extended families and communities play a crucial role in care-giving, instilling values, and supporting the development of children.
This cultural heritage of community parenting emphasises shared responsibility in raising children.
But in contemporary Nigeria, this age-long practice is facing enormous challenges due to modernisation.
In scrutinising this trend, some parents are of the view that community parenting helps in instilling morals and curbing social vices among children and youths, while others believe it is outdated.
Some parents are of the belief that their children are their responsibility; so they do not tolerate others correcting their children.
By contrast, others say that community parenting, when done with good intentions, can help raise a better society.
Mr Peterson Bangyi, a community leader in Dutse Makaranta, said that community parenting was the bedrock of raising a child.
He said the adage: “it takes a village to raise a child”, remained a powerful principle in contemporary society.
According to him, by Nigeria’s cultural norms and values, a child is owned by everyone; therefore, the grandparents, aunts, uncles, and neighbours actively contribute to raising children.
“This approach fosters a sense of belonging and ensures children grow up with diverse role models.”
Bangyi said that the extended families practiced by more communities were the backbone of parenting.
“But modernisation has taken away this practice as most families do not want people to come close to their children,’’ he said.
Mrs Monica Umeh, a mother of two, emphasising on the importance of community parenting, said that it played significant role in shaping her upbringing as a child and young adult.
Umeh advised that when correcting other people’s children, it is essential to do so with love and good intentions, without any form of bitterness.
“I am a strong advocate of community parenting as long as it is done with love and good intentions.
“I believe no parent can single-handedly raise a child without the support of others,’’ he said.
Mr Temitope Awoyemi, a lecturer, said that community parenting was crucial and could not be over-emphasised.
He said that community parenting helped society in inculcating strong moral values in children and youths, adding that modern life could be isolating for parents.
Awoyemi said that strong community support networks had been shown to lower parental stress levels and promote a more optimistic approach to raising children.
“It also ensures that a child receives guidance and correction from various adults, providing a broader, more consistent moral and social baseline that might be missed by parents who are busy with work.
“Community parenting encourages collaborative, interdisciplinary support from various community members and agencies in addressing a child’s developmental needs comprehensively.
“It focuses on prevention of long-term problems and celebrating individual strengths,’’ he said.
Awoyemi said that as the society continued to evolve, community parenting could adapt to ensure children benefitted from both cultural roots and contemporary innovations.
Mr Fortune Ubong, a cultural enthusiast, attributed the increasing crime rate in Nigeria to lack of community parenting that had extended to schools, and government institutions.
According to him, community parenting remains the foundation of every child’s moral upbringing.
“Most parents are now focused on earning a living and improving their lifestyle, in the process abandoning their primary duty of molding and guiding their children; this is where community parenting plays a greater role,” he said.
However, Mrs Joy Okezia, a businesswoman, said that given the recent developments in the country, correcting a child should be the sole responsibility of their parents.
Okezia said that she preferred to correct her children herself as she knew them better than anyone else.
She also noted that with the rising insecurity in the country, intervening to correct a child could pose a significant risk to the person.
Mrs Ijeoma Osita, a civil servant, also shared Okezia’s view, saying that a child’s behaviour was shaped by their family upbringing.
She said that if a child was not taught to love and respect others at home, an outsider would have little impact in correcting such a child.
Osita emphasised that parents should in still in their children the values of love and respect regardless of their status or background.
According to her, a child brought up with good values is less likely to misbehave well.
She cited the Holy Bible, saying, that says: “Train up a child in the way they should go, and when they are old, they will not depart from it’’.
Osita said that community parenting remained a vital aspect of Nigerian culture, promoting shared responsibility and resilience among families.
He opined that while modernisation posed challenges, blending traditional practices with modern strategies offered a promising path forward.
Observers say robust community connections are linked to better social-emotional development, academic achievement, and overall well-being for children.
They say that in modern society, amidst the digital world, economic instability, and busy work schedules, parents face pressures, making community support systems fundamental.
All in all, stakeholders are of the view that combining traditional community parenting with modern childcare – integrating technology, play-based learning, and skill acquisition – will produce well-rounded children.(NAN)

