OPINION
Driving Africa’s Fair Energy Transition through Technology and Innovation
By Bart Nnaji
Africa’s energy journey is often portrayed as a stark choice between climate responsibility and development. In reality, the continent faces a more nuanced challenge: finding a fair, gradual energy transition that matches its unique needs and ambitions.
Technology and innovation can drive this change, helping secure affordable and sustainable energy for all.In the coming decades, Africa’s population is expected to soar to nearly 2.
5 billion. Cities will grow. Industries will expand. Digital connections will multiply. The demand for energy will increase significantly. Right now, expecting Africa to abandon fossil fuels overnight is neither realistic nor fair. In the near future, fossil fuels remain crucial for base power that is reliable, and affordable. In particular, natural gas is key transition fuel that will remain the base power solution for the next decade. Africa must not embrace renewable energy primarily when they have abundance of fossil fuel for their industrialization as other emerging and emerged nations have done. A just energy transition recognises these realities and seeks ways to build cleaner, more resilient systems over time.Technology as the Enabler of Africa’s Energy Future
Exciting new technologies are already reshaping Africa’s energy landscape:
Decentralised solutions, like mini-grids, off-grid solar, and batteries, bring electricity to places traditional grids can’t reach. By 2030, these distributed renewables could provide most new connections in underserved communities.
Smart grids and AI-driven management can reduce waste. They help utilities serve people better.
Modern batteries ensure that solar and wind energy can be delivered steadily, even when the sun isn’t shining or the wind isn’t blowing.
Decentralised approaches are essential to Africa’s path toward universal energy access. While technology is not a fix-all solution, it is a crucial enabler of efficiency, resilience, and affordability, shaping Africa’s energy future.
African entrepreneurs are leading much of this change. They’re developing solutions that meet local needs, such as pay-as-you-go solar, community-run mini-grids, and mobile payment platforms. These innovations don’t just bring power; they create jobs, build skills, and reap economic benefits for the continent.
But innovation alone isn’t enough. Investment is critical. According to the International Energy Agency, Africa needs about $90 billion annually to achieve a successful energy transition, but current funding falls short. Governments can help by setting clear, supportive policies that attract investment and make projects more affordable. Organisations like the African Development Bank say grid investment must rise dramatically, and clean energy spending should double by 2030 to keep up with growing demand.
From Energy Access to Economic and Human Impact
Reliable energy is more than just a technical necessity – it’s what fuels industrial growth. Picture the continent’s factories buzzing with activity, transport networks connecting people and goods, and data centres powering a vibrant digital economy.
Expanding decentralised solutions brings light to places that have been left in the dark for too long. It’s about giving children a place to study at night, helping clinics store vaccines safely, and empowering entrepreneurs to launch new businesses.
Of course, none of this works in isolation. Supportive policies, strong regulations, and partnerships between governments and private companies are essential. When African countries harmonise their rules and work together, they can create bigger markets. This draws even more investment and innovation.
Ultimately, Africa’s energy transition must be shaped by Africans themselves. The path forward is about collaboration, pragmatism, and investing in homegrown solutions. Africa’s mobile phone revolution showed the world how quickly the continent can leapfrog old systems. The same can happen with energy; by embracing flexible, tech-driven models that serve today’s and tomorrow’s needs.
Now is the time to come together to act boldly and invest in Africa’s energy future. By uniting efforts, we can turn potential into progress, ensuring resilient, inclusive, and sustainable energy for generations to come. Let’s power Africa’s future, together.
Prof. Bart O. Nnaji FAS, FA Eng. CON, NNOM – Founder/Chairman, Geometric Power Limited and former Nigerian Minister of Power
OPINION
Museveni’s Seventh Term and Africa’s Gerontocracy Debate
By Fortune Abang
Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, 81, sworn in for a seventh term after nearly four decades in power, has once again intensified debate over gerontocracy and political succession in Africa.
Museveni, who first assumed office in 1986, has now extended his rule into a fifth decade, making him one of the world’s longest-serving heads of state.
His latest mandate, expected to run until 2031, follows the January 2026 election in which he secured about 71.
65 per cent of the vote, according to official results, defeating opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine.His continued stay in power has been enabled by key constitutional changes over time, including the removal of presidential term limits in 2005 and the abolition of the presidential age ceiling in 2017, reforms that effectively removed legal restrictions on tenure.
Across Africa, analysts say Uganda reflects a broader governance pattern in which long-serving leaders consolidate authority over extended periods.
Comparable examples often cited include Cameroon’s Paul Biya, in power since 1982, and Congo-Brazzaville’s Denis Sassou Nguesso, who first assumed office in 1979, both of whom have also presided over decades of uninterrupted or repeatedly renewed rule.
While Museveni’s supporters argue that his leadership has provided continuity and relative stability in a region frequently affected by conflict, critics say prolonged incumbency has gradually narrowed political competition and weakened institutional independence.
Uganda has maintained a degree of internal stability and played active roles in regional diplomacy and security operations in East and Central Africa.
Supporters point to these outcomes as evidence that long-term leadership can deliver policy continuity and state cohesion.
However, opposition voices and analysts argue that stability has come at a democratic cost, pointing to declining electoral competitiveness, constrained civic space and increasing centralisation of power around the executive.
The debate intensified after the removal of presidential term limits in 2005, followed by the scrapping of the age ceiling in 2017, which together removed two major constitutional barriers to leadership rotation.
These changes have been widely cited by governance analysts as pivotal in reshaping Uganda’s democratic structure.
In the January 2026 election, Museveni again defeated Bobi Wine, who garnered roughly 24.7 per cent of the vote, amid allegations from the opposition of irregularities and political repression during the electoral process.
Supporters of Museveni argue that his long rule has enabled economic transformation, infrastructure development and strengthened Uganda’s role in regional diplomacy.
Some regional leaders, including Burundi’s President Évariste Ndayishimiye, have previously described him as a stabilising figure in East Africa, crediting Uganda with supporting peace processes and regional cooperation.
Yet, critics argue that prolonged rule risks institutional stagnation, where governance structures become overly dependent on individual leadership rather than strong, independent institutions.
Analysts warn that this can weaken succession systems and limit democratic renewal.
A foreign policy analyst, speaking anonymously, said prolonged leadership can normalise “institutional dependence on individuals rather than systems,” arguing that such conditions undermine long-term democratic consolidation.
“No nation can sustainably develop when power remains concentrated in the same hands for decades while institutions fail to mature independently,” he said.
Beyond Uganda, Africa continues to record some of the world’s longest-serving leaders, reinforcing concerns about generational turnover in governance.
In several of these systems, electoral competition remains limited and constitutional reforms have often coincided with extended presidential tenure.
Foreign affairs commentator Collins Nweke argues that the central issue is not age itself, but accountability and leadership renewal, noting that political systems weaken when succession is delayed or constrained.
Other analysts emphasise the importance of civic awareness and institutional safeguards, particularly term limits, which they describe as critical tools for preventing excessive concentration of power.
A diplomat, also speaking on condition of anonymity, called for stronger electoral transparency mechanisms, including credible voter registration systems, independent election management bodies, and robust domestic and international observation frameworks.
An academic, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said stronger civic awareness could help societies resist unconstitutional tenure elongation.
“When citizens are politically informed and organised, sit-tight ambitions lose legitimacy and public support,” he said.
Museveni’s seventh term therefore reflects a wider continental tension between political continuity and democratic renewal, raising questions about whether African democracies are evolving toward stronger institutions or settling into prolonged cycles of personalised rule.
For supporters, his leadership represents stability in a volatile region.
For critics, it signals the entrenchment of gerontocracy and weakening democratic competition.
Between these positions lies a structural challenge that extends beyond Uganda; whether institutions in African states are strong enough to outlast individuals and guarantee orderly political succession. (NAN)
OPINION
Finding and Selecting ‘A’ Players
By Omagbitse Barrow
I met with a CEO and HR Manager of a leading company in Nigeria to discuss this subject. I defined A Players and asked both to independently rate their team on a scale of 1-10 in terms of “A” Player quality. The HR Manager said 8, and the CEO said 2.
The CEO laughed and responded, “If our people are 8/10 as you claim then we will be surpassing our targets and very few managers would require significant input from me to achieve results”. The bigger revelation was that performance appraisals consistently showed that most people were exceeding their KPIs (the HR manager used this to defend her number) – KPIs that she didn’t realize were defective because they were based on business-as-usual activities, rather than strategic priorities. The people were busy, but their “busyness” was not translating to results. I experience a similar disparity in many conversations with CEOs and HR Managers, and it tells us something about not only the talent gaps that exist, but the gulf between the lens through which CEOs and HR leaders see their organizations.Organizations were created to achieve goals that individuals cannot easily accomplish alone. However, the ability of an organization to achieve those goals depends largely on the capabilities, attitudes, discipline, and alignment of its workforce. This is why one of the most important responsibilities of leadership and
HR is ensuring that the organization attracts and retains what are commonly described as “A Players” – a concept made popular by Bradford Smart in his critically acclaimed book – TopGrading.
Players are high-performing individuals who consistently deliver strong results while aligning with the culture and expectations of the organization. They require minimal supervision, take ownership of their responsibilities, and contribute positively to the performance of others around them. Beyond competence, they often demonstrate discipline, initiative, adaptability, and strong personal standards. In many cases, they also become magnets that attract and retain other high-performing individuals.
One of the biggest mistakes organizations make is rushing recruitment. Vacancies create pressure, managers become desperate to fill roles quickly, and hiring decisions are made with limited rigor. Unfortunately, the cost of hiring the wrong person is often far greater than the temporary inconvenience of waiting longer to find the right one. Poor hiring decisions affect productivity, culture, customer experience, and team morale, and in many cases, organizations spend years managing the consequences of a single weak recruitment decision.
Competency-based interviews are important, but they are often insufficient on their own. Candidates must also be assessed through practical demonstrations or auditions that reveal how they think and perform. Organizations should pay close attention not only to what candidates say, but also to evidence of execution, consistency, and growth throughout their careers.
Equally important is cultural and behavioral alignment. Some organizations hire individuals primarily because of technical skill while ignoring attitude, discipline, or alignment with organizational values. Over time, this creates toxic environments where competence exists without collaboration, accountability, or shared purpose.
The best organizations therefore assess both competence and behavioral expectations during the selection process.
Another important but often neglected concept is the realistic job preview.
Organizations frequently oversell roles during recruitment, presenting idealized versions of the work environment while hiding operational realities or performance expectations. While this may help secure quick acceptances, it often leads to disappointment, disengagement, and early turnover. Candidates should instead receive a realistic understanding of the expectations, pressures, opportunities, and culture of the organization. This improves alignment and reduces costly mismatches.
Reference checks and background investigations also remain important. In many organizations, these activities are treated as routine formalities rather than serious due diligence processes. Yet, patterns of behavior often leave clues across previous roles, career progression and professional relationships. Organizations that take these processes seriously significantly reduce the risk of poor hiring decisions.
However, building an organization of A Players goes beyond recruitment and selection. Organizations must also create systems that sustain high performance after employees are hired. This includes strong onboarding, continuous learning and development, effective performance management, and reward systems that reinforce excellence. Without these supporting systems, even strong employees can become disengaged over time. Perhaps most importantly, organizations must recognize that A Players are influenced by the environments in which they work.
High performers are more likely to thrive in organizations that value accountability, merit, discipline, and continuous improvement. Conversely, when weak performance is tolerated and excellence is ignored, A Players often become demotivated, leave entirely, or start picking up some wayward habits.
If soccer teams that win world cups and European Champions Leagues can attract and retain only “A” Players, then we too can do so. The first step is being brutally honest about the quality of your current players, setting a clear and high standard for what you want, and being relentlessly focused on bridging the gap. Great organizations are not built merely through strategy, technology, or structures. They are built by consistently attracting, selecting, developing, and retaining the right people. In the end, the quality of the organization rarely rises above the quality of the people within it.
Omagbitse Barrow is the chief executive of Efiko Management Consulting, and his firm supports organizations and leaders to translate their strategy to results.
OPINION
Xenophobia: Have Young South Africans Forgotten Pan-African Solidarity?
By Chijioke Okoronkwo
In late April, a new wave of violent anti-migrant protests erupted in South Africa, claiming lives and destroying property of African migrants.
The unhinged xenophobes marauding under the code name, Operation Dudula, are running amok in towns and cities, even schools and homes, looting foreign-owned shops, harassing and physically attacking foreign nationals.
Dudula is a Zulu word for force out or knock down.
The Dudula group has been issuing threats, warning African migrants to leave South Africa by June 30 or face the consequences.
The group consistently blames African immigrants for taking local jobs, driving up unemployment, and straining public resources.
Social media is chock-full of videos—though unverified—showing African migrants being gored, shot, trampled, and stripped naked, sometimes under the watch of law enforcement officers.
Following the latest surge in xenophobic attacks, two Nigerians–Amaramiro Emmanuel and Ekpenyong Andrew–have been killed in South Africa.
Ninikanwa Okey-Uche, Consul-General of Nigeria in Johannesburg, in a statement, said they were killed by personnel of South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in Port Elizabeth.
“On this, we are calling on South African authorities to thoroughly investigate the matter and bring the perpetrators of the gruesome act to justice.
“No one should take laws into their own hands under any circumstances. We hope to achieve the ultimate prosecution of the perpetrators,” she said.
Various African countries have reacted and invoked the necessary diplomatic measures, including the evacuation of their nationals living in South Africa.
In line with oversight of AU treaty obligations, Ghana recommended instituting a fact-finding mission to examine the root causes of xenophobia in South Africa.
While the Nigerian Government summoned South Africa’s Acting High Commissioner to Nigeria, Lesoli Machele, for urgent talks, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Ronald Lamola, pledged to work with Nigeria to ensure the safety of Nigerians.
As outrage spreads across the continent, perceptive stakeholders argue it is time to remind the Dudula group of the Mandela Tax and the Pan-African solidarity that ended the apartheid regime.
In hindsight, the Mandela Tax—a mix of compulsory salary deductions for Nigerian civil servants and voluntary citizen donations in the 1970s and 1980s—was used to support South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle and the Southern Africa Relief Fund (SARF).
Deserving no less attention is the Pan-African solidarity spearheaded by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union (AU), with support from regional powers like Nigeria and Tanzania.
Through such camaraderie, African states implemented sanctions, offered training and refuge to liberation movements, and diplomatically isolated the apartheid regime, culminating in the 1994 democratic election.
Nations like Tanzania, Zambia, Angola, Mozambique, and Botswana provided direct, high-risk support to liberation fighters by hosting bases and offices.
Weighing in on the vexatious development, Amb. Akinremi Bolaji, former Director of Economic, Trade, and Investment, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said there was a need for caution.
According to the diplomat, the question raises a sensitive but important issue that should be answered in a way that promotes dialogue, diplomacy, historical awareness, and African unity — not retaliation or hostility.
“Many African countries, especially Nigeria, made enormous sacrifices in support of South Africa’s liberation struggle.
“Nigeria contributed financially, diplomatically, politically, and morally through what many described as the “Mandela Tax,” where ordinary Nigerians voluntarily supported the anti-apartheid movement.”
He said that rather than responding with anger or division, several constructive steps could help remind younger generations of the shared history and strengthen African unity.
The former Nigeria’s High Commissioner to Singapore said that many young South Africans might not fully understand the extent of African solidarity during apartheid.
“African governments, universities, filmmakers, and media institutions should promote documentaries, school curricula, cultural exchanges, and public discussions about the anti-apartheid struggle and the role played by countries like Nigeria, Zambia, Tanzania, and others.”
The diplomat proffered student exchanges, African youth forums, AU-sponsored programmes, and cultural diplomacy which could foster direct people-to-people understanding.
Bolaji made a case for strong diplomatic engagement.
He said the governments of Nigeria and South Africa should continue bilateral dialogue on migration, business competition, labour issues, and citizen protection while avoiding inflammatory rhetoric.
At the AU level, Bolaji said that African Union institutions should more actively promote Pan-African citizenship, conflict prevention, and civic education around African brotherhood and integration under the AfCFTA vision.
He said there was a need to promote Mandela’s ideals as Mandela consistently spoke about reconciliation, Ubuntu, and African solidarity; his legacy should unite Africans, not divide them.
Recently and quite timely, the Hakeem Shitta Photo Archives and Cultural Centre (HSPACA) unveiled a documentary to commemorate Mandela’s 1990 Lagos visit.
Esther Oladimeji, Curator of the Hakeem Shitta Photo Archives and Cultural Centre, said the visit symbolised Nigeria’s unwavering solidarity with South Africa during the anti-apartheid struggle.
Oladimeji said Mandela’s visit came barely three months after his release from Victor Verster Prison in South Africa.
“Mandela did not just come on a diplomatic tour; he came home to Nigeria to say thank you for standing firmly with South Africa.
“The documentary revives the spirit of African brotherhood witnessed at Tafawa Balewa Square during the historic civic reception.
“It ensures younger Africans never forget the sacrifices Nigerians made for the liberation of South Africa.”
“Mandela himself acknowledged that Nigeria’s support for the anti-apartheid movement was second to none.
“He said Nigeria provided scholarships, financial support and diplomatic backing for ANC exiles during the struggle,” she said.
She said that Nigeria spent billions supporting liberation movements through SARF established in 1976.
The curator said ordinary Nigerian workers and students contributed financially to the struggle through what became known as the “Mandela Tax”.
She said Nigeria was a frontline state against apartheid in spite of having no direct border with South Africa.
It is worth noting that the Federal Government is ramping up diplomatic pressure on South Africa in the face of the current xenophobic monstrosity.
In a recent post on X, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Amb. Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, said the Federal Government was set to evacuate Nigerians who wished to return home from South Africa.
The minister said she had a phone conversation with her South African counterpart, Ronald Lamola.
She said Lamola expressed concern and misgivings concerning the Nigerian Government’s plans to evacuate its citizens desirous of leaving South Africa due to recent xenophobic attacks.
“I maintained that government cannot stand by and watch the systematic harassment and humiliation of our nationals resident in South Africa.
“More so, the extra-judicial killings of our people, and that the evacuation of our citizens who want to return home remains our government’s priority at this time.
“I also highlighted the need for their police and justice systems to take the cases on ground of extra-judicial killings of Nigerians in South Africa more seriously and there should be clear and immediate consequences for such acts.”
Odumegwu-Ojukwu said that Nigerians had exercised and continued to demonstrate commendable restraint in response to the crisis.
“Nigerian children and children born of both Nigerian, and South African parents referred to as ‘Sougerians’ are being wrongfully bullied in schools, and taunted to return to their country.
“This is reprehensible and capable of causing trauma to young minds, for whom such incidents may remain etched in memory,” she said.
She quoted Lamola as saying that the South African authorities recognised they had a responsibility to protect such innocent children, and they were so through education supervisory bodies.
Odumegwu-Ojukwu said it was worrisome that African migrants were being asked to leave South Africa.
“It appears to be targeted only towards black Africans, which makes one wonder whether what is happening should not be more accurately defined as ‘Afriphobia’ rather than xenophobia.
“President Bola Tinubu has directed the Nigerian Missions in South Africa to set up, with immediate effect, a crisis notifications unit for imperiled citizens, who have been advised to contact South Africa security authorities, whenever dangerous situations arise,” she said.
Nonetheless, amid allegations of complicity in the mayhem, the African National Congress-led South African Government had some strong words.
South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa cautioned that “opportunists” were exploiting legitimate grievances to orchestrate anti-immigrant attacks on foreigners.
“We must make it clear that there is no place in South Africa for xenophobia, ethnic mobilisation, intolerance or violence,” Ramaphosa said.
To counter protectionist narratives and Dudula perspectives, stakeholders suggest a structured awareness campaign to highlight the Mandela Tax and other weighty historical, financial, and physical sacrifices made by other African nations to dismantle the apartheid system.(NAN)


