OPINION
Quest For Enduring Democracy in Nigeria
By Ehidiamen Isibor
The term “Democracy” is derived from two Greek words “demo” (people) and “kratos” (rule). Meaning, democracy is a form of Government where everybody has the right to take up representative role in positions of authority in a society.
This form of government is preferable globally because of the advantages that are inherent in it which includes: decent standard of living, housing, healthcare, education, equality of persons, freedom of expression and other fundamental rights associated with the concept.The beginning of democracy in Nigeria can be traced to the early years of independent Nigeria, particularly, the first republic.
Even though Nigeria acquired Republican status in 1963, the first republic in Nigeria began on the 1st of October, 1960 and came to an end on the 15th of January, 1966. Before the commencement of the first republic, structures had been put in place in the course of the late 1950s which ensured that Nigeria adopted the “Westminster” model of parliamentary democracy. Elections were held in December 1959 which ushered in the first republic in which the NPC and NCNC formed a coalition which led to the emergence of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa as Prime minister and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe as governor general and later on, as President. From the second year of Nigeria’s independence, there was massive instability and unrest that lasted till the 13th of January 1966 when a military coup led by Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu toppled and overthrew the democratically elected government and thus, ending the first republic of Nigeria.Nigeria was sitting on thin ice, characterized by religious divisions and polarized by governing coalitions that drew their power either from the Christian south of the Muslim north; it was a matter of time that a civil war ripped the country apart from 1967 until 1970. Then, in the ensuing years, civil war turned into failed government after failed government. A few privileged took advantage of the situation, Nigeria was country rich for exploit, with oil profits to pad many pockets. However, such corruption fueled many coups and led to even more unrest. As a result, Nigeria was far from democratic for the first four decades of its existence. Not many thought that the vicious cycle could ever end until October 1979 when Democracy was, once again, restored, thus, announcing the second republic.
The general elections held in August 1979 were won by the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) consequent upon which Alhaji Shehu Shagari became the president. Soon enough, corruption allegations were in constant increase against the government and thus producing tension and unrest in the country until finally the democratically elected government was again overthrown by a military coup which ensured that Major General Muhammadu Buhari became the military leader in on the 31st of December, 1983.
The third republic which was fraught with some bit of drama, was aborted prematurely. The elections which held on the 12th of June, 1993 was won by Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, known as MKO Abiola. However, Democracy was not allowed to have its way as Ibrahim Babangida, the then incumbent military leader annulled the elections, hence aborting the Third Republic.
Democracy took a completely different turn in Nigeria from 1999 till date. After the death of the military dictator, General Sani Abacha in 1998, General Abdusalami Abubakar who took over governance from him is known to have worked out Nigeria’s return to Democracy or Democratic rule. The election that was conducted in April 1999 ensured that the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) won as a result of which former military leader, Olusegun Obasanjo was sworn in as the President and Commander in Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in May 1999. Obasanjo also won the April 13th, 2003 elections and ruled for another term as provided by the constitution. In the 21st, April 2007 elections, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua of the People’s Democratic Party was elected and sworn in. However, things took a little bit of a different turn when Yar’Adua died on the 5th of May 2010 and Goodluck Jonathan was sworn in, in his place. Jonathan completed Yar’Adua’s term and also won the 16th of April 2011 elections with 22,495187 votes. Powers, however, changed hands in Nigeria’s Democratic rule in the 28, March 2015 elections which when the All Progressives Congress (APC) won the elections and thus, former military leader, Muhammadu Buhari was sworn in.
In the annals of democratic evolution in Nigeria, June 12 has been a recurring decimal in the debate on how best to remember the struggle which led to the return of democracy on May 29, 1999 and the roles played by the democracy icons and activists, the most prominent being the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO)
June 12 1993 is believed to be a watershed in Nigeria’s history. Some leaders, which came to power after the botched June 12, 1993 presidential election, which was won by the late Chief Moshood Abiola, popularly known as MKO, had tried to wish away that date, but the date has survived political suppression over the years. The June 12 presidential poll was adjudged the freest and the fairest in the history of elections in the country.
However, 25 years later, precisely June 8, 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari took a bold step by proposing to recognise June 12 as the nation’s Democracy Day as against the May 29 date that had been celebrated since 1999.
Following Buhari’s pronouncement, the Senate, on May 16, 2019, passed the Public Holiday Act Amendment Bill to recognise June 12 as the new Democracy Day. This enactment is symbolic and instructive.
The June 12 struggle started in 1993 immediately after the presidential poll won by MKO was annulled by the Gen Ibrahim Babangida-led military junta. The annulment of the election immediately precipitated political crisis, which was driven by mass protests organised and coordinated by the pro-democracy activists whose goals were to end military dictatorship and to ensure a thorough democratisation of the polity and all aspects of the national life.
MKO Abiola, who was the flag bearer for Social Democratic Party, had defeated Bashir Tofar, who was the presidential candidate of the National Republican Convention, to the chagrin of some vested interest in and out of government. The result of the election was annulled by the military junta and the battle to actualise the mandate kicked off but not without its attendant human carnage and wanton destruction of property.
Tried as they could, democrats and political activists, who led mass revolt struggles to reverse the annulment during the brief Interim National Government of Chief Ernest Shonekan between August and November 1993, did not succeed. The late dictator, Gen Sani Abacha, who eased out Shonekan and inherited the June 12 campaign sustained the junta’s resolve not to reverse the annulment.
The Abacha five-year junta, was the high point of the struggle as some activists, including the symbol of the June 12 struggle, MKO Abiola, ended up being imprisoned , while others were either assassinated or forced to go on exile through what was then known as the ‘NADECO Route’.
Abacha’s regime ended abruptly in 1998 due to the dictator’s controversial and sudden death which paved the way for AbdulSalam Abubakar who handed over power to Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999.
After 20 years of uninterrupted democratic governance, Muhammadu Buhari takes oath of office for a second four-year term as president of Nigeria following his victory as flag bearer of the All Peoples Congress (APC) over Atiku Abubarka of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in the February, 23rd 2919 presidential election.
However, beyond the celebration, we need to reflect on some factors bedeviling the evolution of true and enduring democracy in Nigeria. Some of these factors include but not limited to high level of corruption, poverty, decay infrastructure, unemployment, insecurity and other irregularities.
ELECTORAL UNPIRES AND ELECTIONS:
Elections allow the participation of citizens to choose among contestants in various political parties for political offices. Nigeria elections are conducted by the Electoral Commission that lacks institutional and administrative autonomy as fund is being released by the Federal Government. This led to the power Ibrahim Babangida had to annul June 12 presidential election in 1993. However, since 1999, the Independent National Electoral Commission cannot be said to be independent due to weak institutionalisation, and political interference.
Since 1999, INEC is composed by/with the Federal Government appointment. This makes manipulation very easy by the Presidency and makes their removal possible base on flimsy excuses which was what happened to Humphrey Nwosu in 1993 following the Babangida’s decision to annul June 12 election but was contrary to the commission’s position. This makes the capability of the electoral body so constrain. Since the Federal Government appoints those persons at their will, it further makes the commission filled with people without professional competence to lead the body. Maurice Iwu, the former Chairman of INEC who was removed by Goodluck Ebele Jonathan in April 2010 after irregularities in 2007 election had no professional experience in electoral management.
Also, most ad hoc staff use by INEC yearly are often trained a day about what conducting election entails and after failed electoral processes, the body blames the temporary workers instead of accepting their irregularities. Over the years, INEC has failed to organise an election that every Nigerians will applaud its credibility. The INEC has been able to hold five consecutive elections without military intervention in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. The results of 1999 presidential election which brought Olusegun Obasanjo over Olu Falae where the former had 62.78% over the later who had 37.22% were challenged and even local and international observers including the Transition Monitoring Group, the International Republican Institute and the EU attested to the incredibility. Notwithstanding, Abubakar handed over to Obasanjo.
POLITICS AND CORRUPTION:
Since 1998/1999, there had been men who always want to have their personal interests met through briefcases and they disappear from their constituents and constituency after elections. True, democracy has been buried in the last 20 years of democratic governance as there was/is no difference between the PDP, APC and every other political parties. The players of the game prioritise their survival and aim of remaining relevant when things are not going fine. A typical example is Olusegun Obasanjo; an emergency activist whose recent love is open letters to government in power. Meanwhile, the statesman had forgotten that he had all he could to perfect change as a military ruler and again, as a civilian president. Despite, countless number of political parties in the country, only two or three of the parties are dominating the political atmosphere. In fact, with several parties merging together every year and it is becoming clearer to the people that Nigeria is heading towards a two-party system; the rulling party and a strong opposition.
NATIONAL INSECURITY:
The level of insurgence in Nigeria over the years is disheartening despite the huge budgetary amount on security yearly. Nigeria has become a country with kidnapping and terrorism as norms. While the militants continue to burst oil pipes and kidnap in the south east, the Boko Haram have become owners of various territory in the northern part and the herdsmen continue to butcher farmers in every part of the nation. While parents of Chibok Girls are still mourning, Dapchi Girls menace follows. All these have become disaster and pose major difficulties to democratic governance.
WEAK POLITICAL WILL
Since 1999, hardly we find the government implementing the recommendations of probe panel. It is puzzling that public funds be spent on probe panel whose recommendations will not be put into implementation. Even with all conditions for enduring democracy are met if the government of the day lacks the much needed political muscle to muzzle evil and bad political practices militating against good governance and democracy, the country will continue to falter and perpetuate in democracy remedial as a relapsing giant. This is not my prayer for Nigeria.
OPINION
Tinubu’s Many Travels and the Critics
By Reuben Abati
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu returned to Nigeria on Saturday after a state visit to Turkey, during which Nigeria and Turkey signed a total of nine agreements covering defence, energy, military training, intelligence sharing, health, education and a shared target of trade investment valued at about $5 billion.
It is not enough to sign bilateral agreements, it is what follows after, the accruing benefits and advantages that matter.
Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, successive governments must have signed so many agreements of understanding, or cooperation, or collaboration, bilateral, multilateral and whatever such, that any storage room we may have for these would be filled to the brim, due in part to the absence of institutional memory or lack of capacity to clothe agreements with action in the overall best interest of the nation.Too often, the Nigerian government enjoys the ceremonies and rituals of diplomacy, and the tourism on the sidelines, without the seriousness that the commitments require. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has focused heavily on economic diplomacy, and he has sustained the tradition, even with greater determination, of selling Nigeria to the world as a most preferred destination for foreign investment. It is good to see this.
Tinubu is an apostle of optimism, and a strong believer in the Nigerian potential. What is not clear is how much advantage the country has gained from his many trips abroad, beyond presence and voice.
Curiously, the country has consistently held the shortest end of the stick in international partnerships. Turkey is a strategic country, even if it is not yet a member of the European Union, but it is a strategically located, transnational country: the gateway between Europe and Asia; its capital, Istanbul, being the only city in the world that is in two continents; a melting point of history, cultures and civilisations.
Turkey may have high inflation, but it is a global powerhouse, a major manufacturing hub defined by productivity on a high, transformative scale, and a leading tourist destination. Without President Recep Erdogan’s human rights record, Nigeria indeed has a lot to learn from Turkey, a country with which it established diplomatic relations in 1960, and shares the membership of the Organisation of Islamic Countries and the D-8. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Nigeria on 19 October, 2017, when President Buhari was Nigeria’s head of state. President Tinubu has also now visited Turkey in further pursuance of strong relations between both countries.
Under President Goodluck Jonathan, there were at least three visits between both countries. Sunday Dare, special adviser to the President on Media and Public Communication, in an article entitled “Nigeria: Why Turkiye?” (ThisDay, 27 January) has already made a strong argument for Nigeria-Turkey relations. But the big question as always is: What is in it for Nigeria? The Turkish have businesses in Nigeria, including the Turkish Eye and Specialist Hospital, Turkish Airlines, and about 48 other companies in manufacturing, energy, and road construction. How many Nigerian companies are doing business in Turkey? How can Nigerian businesses benefit more from the Nigeria-Turkey Business Council, and the additional agreements that have been signed? Nigeria has an obligation to draw the best possible benefits from the partnership agreements it signs with other countries.
Useful and worthy as Nigeria-Turkey bilateral relations may be, rhetoric is not enough. It would be sad if what comes out of this is just Turkish companies getting more contracts from the Nigerian government, and a minority group of ten per centers smiling at our expense!
Unfortunately, the conversation about President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to Turkey has been coloured more, not by the substance of the trip, but sheer mockery and partisanship. In the view of the cynics, the Turkey trip would be remembered more for the story about President Tinubu’s stumble during the welcome ceremony.
The snide and silly comments that this has generated should be deprecated. We are all human. We are not a nation of sadists and we should not keep projecting ourselves to the outside world as a people who are losing a sense of how to be human. The president places a foot wrong, stumbles, and that becomes an occasion for derisive commentary? How sad. But I blame the President’s protocol team. They did not do their home-work well enough, and that was glaring enough.
For a Nigerian president or any president at all going abroad for a visit, there are basic steps: accepting the invitation, preparing for the trip, which would entail an agreement with the host country on every detail of the programme, and then a careful review of the trip – a session during which the President will go over every speech that he has to make, talking points if necessary, and specific briefings by departments and state officials relevant to the trip, with proper liaison with the Nigerian Mission in the other country.
Everything is done to prepare the President. Every detail is worked out. Then an advance team comprising security, liaison officers, state house media, protocol officers, chefs and medical personnel is sent ahead to await the President’s arrival.
A major part of the trip is the arrival ceremony. The format differs from one country to another. In some countries, there is no saluting dais, as in the recent case in Turkey. When the visiting President arrives, diplomatic courtesy requires him to bow to the host country’s flag and pay respect. In the recent visit to Turkey, President Tinubu’s protocol dropped the ball. How come he did not know about showing respect to the flag, until his host directed him to where the flag was? We saw President Erdogan almost physically turning our President towards the Turkish flag. Where was Nigeria’s State Chief of Protocol? His advance team would ordinarily be on ground and they would have briefed him.
The other part of the receiving ceremony is the greeting line. The State Chief of Protocol goes in front and guides the President. It is unacceptable for the President to miss any name. And then when the greetings are done, and the President moves to the next venue, the State Chief of Protocol still goes in front leading the President and he himself is guided by the Protocol Liaison Officer (PLO) who would have been part of the RECCE team.
If the Protocol team were alive to their duty, either the PLO or the SCOP would have noticed if there was a bump ahead, or any rumpled carpet, and they would have guided the principal accordingly all the way to his seat. President Tinubu was left alone, and he tripped. This is a serious matter. Now that the President is back home, there must be an in-house review of what happened in
Turkey. Persons who travel with the President must realise they are on duty as Nigerian representatives, not as spectators. It all depends though on how confident the SCOP is.
The other fallout from the Turkey trip is the widespread complaint spear-headed by opposition party chieftains of the Action Democratic Congress (ADC), and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who last Sunday alerted Nigerians to the fact that President Tinubu spent 23 days out of 31 days in January away from the country. Daily Trust newspaper put the tally at 22 days in January.
The days of absence could even have been longer if President Tinubu had added the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland to his itinerary. He went to Europe (which later turned out to be France) for 10 days, and from there to the United Arab Emirates (to attend the Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week Summit) for seven days. He returned to Nigeria briefly and then off he went to Turkey on a state visit for six days. In 2025, the President travelled to 10 countries.
The publishers of Sahara Reporters newspaper report that President Tinubu has spent ₦1. 5 billion on foreign trips in the last six months, and that he and his Vice President intend to spend ₦7.4 billion on foreign trips in 2026. The PUNCH newspaper says the Presidency has actually spent ₦34 billion on foreign trips in two years, with the bulk of that spent on foreign exchange purchases.
In a country where the middle class is having a serious mid-life crisis and the poor are already overburdened by government-enabled afflictions, to hear that a group of privileged persons spend billions to travel around the world, at the people’s expense can be disturbing.
In 2025, the Federal Capital Development Agency (FCDA) spent ₦39 billion to renovate the International Conference Centre in Abuja. Nigerians wonder what could have been achieved with ₦34 billion in terms of infrastructure in the last two years and they shudder.
Hence, Mr Peter Obi of the ADC complains that President Tinubu prioritises foreign trips and when he returns, it is to welcome defectors to his ruling APC at a time the country is passing through a distressing phase: killings, kidnappings, national grid collapses, closure of schools.
Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, national publicity secretary of the ADC says the challenges in Nigeria “do not allow for a visiting President.” Others share the view that the President is now a visiting President. The spokesperson of the PDP, Ini Ememobong asks that the President should pay more attention to his work at home because his frequent trips are “not helpful.”
The ruling party has since fought back in like measure. Professor Nentawe Yiltwada, chairman of the APC insists that the President is making a sacrifice for us all, in “the national interest” and so does not deserve to be treated in an unfair manner by the opposition and the media. Ambassador-designate Femi Fani-Kayode, an APC chieftain, has also pushed back against those he calls “The Enemy Within” in a robust piece in ThisDay newspaper (Sunday, 1 February on pages 14 -15).
There is no doubt that the President is the chief image maker of the country, and so his various trips abroad align with the foreign policy functions of his office. But to the extent that domestic policy drives foreign policy, he must also be seen to be attentive to the needs of his people. He has promised Nigerians a renewal of hope in a season of consolidation.
The best way he can work hard on that task of consolidation is to be seen actively improving the people’s condition at home.
Frequent travels abroad convey a different impression. Nigerians are becoming uncomfortable with his trips to France in particular. Ini Ememobong of the PDP says “Nigerians deserve to know the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.” While that is important in the spirit of transparency and accountability, politicians must also moderate their tone.
Nigeria must survive for all to realise their ambitions, not by taking political advantage of every situation. When the country faces critical challenges, all Nigerians must come together, irrespective of our differences. Ten years ago, when the extremist group, Al Shabab attacked the Westgate Shopping Mall in Nairobi, Kenya killing 71 persons, with 200 injured, the whole of Kenya came together, including opposition party leaders to support their country. One of the major problems in Nigeria is that politics is now so much in the way, everything has become political and conditional. The ruling elite must learn to work towards a basic consensus when national interest is involved.
Now that he is back, President Tinubu must prove that he means well, and he listens. There are urgent issues that he needs to deal with. The security situation is getting worse. We don’t need to depend solely on external intervention. Money spent on travels can be spent on security.
There is a lingering crisis in Osun State: the seizure of local government funds, and the disregard for court decisions by the APC in Osun State, backed by police rascality. As Governor in Lagos, President Tinubu fought for the separation of powers and the rights of local councils.
His sincerity is on trial in Osun. Fela, the Afro-beat legend has just been honoured at the Grammy Awards in Los Angeles, United States with a Lifetime Achievement Award. Fela is the prophet who was rejected at home but received honour abroad.
The Nigerian state owes him an apology and an act of atonement. He deserves a posthumous award in the category of a Grand Commander of the Niger (GCON). It is also time for Tinubu to rejig his cabinet and send politicians out of the cabinet, so they can go back home to do politics.
Tinubu needs a cabinet of technocrats at this time, so that the political ministers will stop dividing their time between work and endless trips to the village, while the urgent task of rebuilding Nigeria suffers.
Reuben Abati, a former presidential spokesperson, writes from Lagos.
OPINION
How Government Policy Inconsistencies and Denials Erode Public Trust
Public confidence in government is the bedrock of a functioning democracy. When citizens trust their leaders, they are more inclined to support policies, participate in civic activities, and feel invested in national progress. However, government policy inconsistencies, summersaults and denials can significantly undermine this trust, leading to widespread disillusionment and erosion of public confidence.
Inconsistencies and denials, either by governments (national or sub-nationals) are strong pillars of distrust.
It is expected that government policies will shape public perception of governance. As such, when policies are inconsistent, wrong signals emerge that the government is unpredictable or unreliable.Nigeria’s frequent policy reversals on many key policy decisions have led to public skepticism about the government’s commitment to reforms. As a result, citizens no longer trust but question every motivation behind policy decisions, suspecting that they serve special interests rather than the public good.
In fact, denials fuel more suspicion. Arising from past experiences, once the government denies or downplay any issue, it fuels public suspicion. Denials of corruption allegations often ring hollow when evidence on ground suggests otherwise. Some notable instances where initial denials by the Nigerian government were later found to be true by the public include:
Tax Reform Laws. The government initially denied tampering with the tax reform laws passed by the National Assembly, but later admitted to “typographical errors” in the gazetted versions.
Ambassadorial nominations: Government had initially denied smuggling the name of a dead person into the ambassadorial nomination list, but later acknowledged an “administrative mix-up.”
Maryam Sanda Pardon: Government initially defended the pardon of Maryam Sanda, convicted of murder, but later reversed the decision amid public outcry.
Third Term Agenda: former President Obasanjo’s attempt to extend his term in office was widely criticized and ultimately unsuccessful. Though evidence abound of inducement and bribery, he has continued to deny any wrongdoing and even boasted “If he wanted, 3rd Term, he could have gotten it.”
The recent abduction of church worshipers in Kaduna state is a deeply troubling incident. On January 18, 2026, armed men attacked Kurmin Wali village in Kajuru Local Government Area, abducting around 177 worshipers from ECWA and Cherubim and Seraphim Churches. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) immediately raised the alarm of the abductions, the Kaduna State government and the police initially denied the incident but later conceded.
A few out of many of those instances have contributed to public skepticism about government denials and fueled demands for greater transparency and accountability.
The erosion of public confidence has far-reaching consequences, which include; decreased civic engagement and participation, increased cynicism and apathy towards governance. The cumulative result is reduced compliance with laws and regulations, leading to increased social unrest and protests. It will take so much for this government to rebuild public confidence, considering decades of mistrust.
DAILY ASSET believes rebuilding public confidence will involve; accountability, transparency, clearly communicating policy decisions and rationale. And, where there are doubts, spokespersons of government should not be flippant by hastily dismissing any information sought. In this era of information superhighway, they must move quickly to ascertain the veracity and true position of things before responding to enquiries from the public.
It is also important for the government to immediately initiate thorough and mandatory training of senior government officials and spokespersons, including those of the military and paramilitary on public communications. The training should be undertaken by the Nigeria Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) and other organisations with expertise in public and media relations. By acquiring the relevant knowledge and practical skills, senior persons in government and spokespersons can demonstrate their commitment to serving the public interest and rebuild trust with citizens.
At present, public confidence and trust in government is fragile. Therefore, the government should move fast to ensure accountability and transparency through clear and concise communication to foster a more stable and prosperous society.
OPINION
Remembering Shehu Musa Yar’adua
By Zayd Ibn Isah
I have visited the magnificent architectural edifice that is the Shehu Musa Yar’adua Centre on several occasions, and only a few of those visits were for events rather than courtesy calls on my elder brother and mentor, Olusegun Adeniyi. Curiously, despite my frequent visits, he never took me to the Shehu Musa Yar’adua Museum, until the day I came with my wife.
It was almost as if he had been waiting for me to get married before granting me the privilege of a peep into the life of Yar’adua.
When I complained that all the while I had been coming there he had never given me a tour of this historical monument, Mr. Adeniyi jokingly replied that he did not know me. Na so my elder brother take deny me o.I must admit that I never even knew there was a museum inside the Centre. In all honesty, it was my wife’s curiosity, about the Centre, how it came about, who owns it, and whether it belongs to the government or the Yar’adua family that eventually led us there.
At the museum, Mr. Adeniyi told the curator to give my wife a tour of the place; he specifically mentioned my wife. That was when I knew that na only me waka come, as we say in pidgin. The curator welcomed us to the Shehu Musa Yar’adua Museum and began by explaining the early life of the late sage: the primary school he attended, his early military career, his foray into politics, his imprisonment, and his eventual death in custody. Indeed, the museum is an encapsulation of Shehu Yar’adua’s remarkable life. I was struck by an epiphanous sense of what a good writer could write merely by visiting the place: an inspired biography.
Here’s a bit of national history to ponder on. Shehu Musa Yar’adua was incarcerated alongside former President Olusegun Obasanjo by the then military ruler, General Sani Abacha, over alleged coup fears. There was immense pressure from the international community on Abacha to release them. Several local and international bodies wrote letters of solidarity urging their freedom. One letter that stood out for me was Yar’adua’s letter of appreciation to former United States President Jimmy Carter, who made tireless efforts to secure their release.
From that letter, one could clearly see that Shehu Musa Yar’adua was more concerned about Nigeria’s freedom from bad governance than his own personal liberty. I would like to quote the last paragraph verbatim:
“Mr. President, my country is today in the grip of a very greedy and inept dictatorship. The once viable economy is in tatters, but even worse, its institutions are being destroyed. In the face of all this, one’s personal problems appear inconsequential. In short, Mr. President, much more than Gen. Obasanjo and myself, Nigeria needs saving. Please help save my country.”
Reading this paragraph at the museum nearly brought tears to my eyes, tears that still well up even as I write this article. After reading that letter, one need not ever question Shehu Musa Yar’adua’s love for his country. Anyone who has ever been to prison, not the VIP kind, understands the value of freedom. Yet for Shehu Musa Yar’adua, Nigeria’s freedom mattered more than his own, even if it meant dying in captivity.
Not only children in schools, but all Nigerians should read that letter. It ought to be translated into both major and minor languages across the country, so that every citizen, young and old, may learn, or relearn, the true meaning of patriotism: how to love one’s country, to put nation above self, and to serve without expecting anything in return. As citizens, we will never experience true freedom until our country itself is free from the shackles of self-serving leadership and corruption.
As we were about leaving the museum, we saw a portrait of Shehu Musa Yar’adua’s younger brother, Umaru Musa Yar’adua, the late President for whom Olusegun Adeniyi served as official spokesperson during his tenure. He stood still, staring at his late boss. “My oga,” he muttered. I wondered what was going through his mind at that moment; perhaps I will ask him someday.
Umaru Musa Yar’adua may not have completed his first tenure in office, but many Nigerians still regard him as one of the best Presidents the country has ever had. He governed with patriotism and altruism. Sadly, we did not fully appreciate him until he was gone, a classic case of not knowing what we had until we lost it. I truly understood the depth of the nation’s loss when Mr. Adeniyi once told me that, as presidential spokesperson, President Yar’adua did not provide him with an official vehicle. It took the intervention of the current UN Deputy Secretary-General, Amina J. Mohammed, for him to get a Prado Jeep. He governed by the principle of austerity, and that discipline helped steady the ship of state within the short period he ruled. Truly, Nigeria owes the Yar’adua family a deep debt of gratitude for their sacrifices and love for country.
From the museum, my elder brother took us to the unfinished bridge within the Centre, a structure I had never noticed despite my numerous visits. Once again, he had never thought it necessary to show me until I came with my wife. Perhaps there really are privileges attached to marriage, and I say this half-jokingly to single men: if you can afford it, please marry. There are certain blessings and favourable benefits, it seems, that only married men can enjoy. Such is the power of a woman.
But I digress. Back to the unfinished bridge. As Mr. Adeniyi explained, the bridge symbolises Shehu Musa Yar’adua’s life and struggle, a journey interrupted, a vision left unrealised. It stands as a silent reminder of what Nigeria lost: a man whose commitment to justice, democracy, and national renewal was cut short. The bridge does not lead anywhere, yet it speaks volumes and gives cause for serious contemplation.
Ultimately, it reminds us that the work Shehu Musa Yar’adua started remains unfinished, and that the responsibility of completing it now rests on all of us. Not too long ago, the Shehu Musa Yar’adua Foundation publicly launched an anthology themed “Letters to the Union We Hope to Become”. This anthology drew beautiful writing from a range of Nigerians who, like the icon which it honours, overlooked present circumstances and dared to believe in Nigeria.
And by Almighty God, if we were to all show as much love for this country as the Yar’aduas once did and still do, the Nigerian Dream will surely come to fruition in our lifetimes.
Zayd Ibn Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.com


