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OPINION

Senate Minority Leader: Abaribe’s Chances.

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Senate Minority Leader: Enyinaya Abaribe’s Chances
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By: Ogele Obingwa

Enyinnaya Abaribe described by followers as the lion of the tribe of Igbo Land is regarded as Nma Agha Ndi Igbo Nke di Nko, as a seasoned political icon and a grassroots leader.

Born on March 1, 1955, Abaribe was elected to the Abia-South Senatorial District of Abia State in the Senate of Nigeria in April 2007.

 

Earlier, he became Abia State’s Deputy Governor to Orji Uzor Kalu’s after the 1999 election.

 

The state’s House of Assembly attempted to impeach him as the Deputy Governor twice in 2000 and on a third time in 2003; as he was facing his third impeachment attempt, he resigned on March 7, 2003.

But the House of Assembly formally voted him out of office several days later, in a move Abaribe described as; “medicine after death.

Abaribe ran for the Governorship on the platform of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in 2003, but lost to his boss, Governor Orji Uzor Kalu who instead was re-elected in a campaign regarded as the most urbane and issue driven called the Otuonu struggle which was for the emancipation of the Ukwa Ngwa race a region of Abia State that had not produced any military or civilian governor prior to that time. 

In 2007, he was elected to the Senate on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Haven been elected in 2007 as a senator he was nominated in the Senate as Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Inter-Parliamentary Affairs to deputize Senator Abdulaziz Usman of Jigawa-North East who was Chairman. He was also appointed into the membership of the Committees on the Independent National Electoral Commission, Senate Services, and Works.

In October 2007, the freedom fighter in him became manifest again as Ralph Uwazuruike, leader of the banned secessionist organization Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), was on trial for treason, Abaribe and six other southeastern senators protested at the Federal High Court in Lagos to demand his release.

Abaribe was again re-elected for as senator for Abia South in the April 2011 election and was assigned the role of managing the image of the Senate where he chaired the Senate Committee on Media and Publicity.

Ranked as a distinguished legislator and beloved by his constituents he was re-elected to the 8th senate on the platform of the PDP in 2015. He is currently serving as Chairman Senate Committee on Power, Steel Development and Metallurgy. His leadership skills has seen him leading the PDP South East Senate Caucus and being the spokesman for the PDP in the 8th National Assembly where he has vociferously engaged the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and its Federal Government over alleged anti- people policy.

Abaribe earned his WASSCE from Government College Umuahia in 1974. Trained at University of Benin as an Economist, he received his Bachelor of Science Degree in 1979 and a Master’s Degree in Economics in 1982. 

The cerebral lawmaker lectured at the Edo State University (now Ambrose Ali University) in Ekpoma from 1982 to 1985. From 1985 until 1991, he was SCOA Nigeria’s Area Manager for Southern Nigeria. He was employed as Nicon’s Senior Manager for Investment and served from 1991 to 1992. In 1993 he became the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Integrated Mortgage Co and was there until 1995.

On June 22, 2018, Abaribe was arrested by the Department of State Security Services (DSS) at his barber shop located at Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja for his alleged links with the Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB) being one of the sureties to the IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu, he was taken to his house for a search and was later taken to the DSS detention in Abuja. He was released the next Tuesday, 26th June, 2018 on bail. 

Married to Florence Nwamaka Abaribe (nee Morris) in a union blessed with three children and three grand children, Abaribe is viewed as a patriotic Nigerian who stands up against injustice and is reputed as a man of integrity.

He won his fourth election into the 9th Senate after a runoff election held to overwhelm his lead over his closest rival Chris Nkwonta of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in 2019. 

Abaribe is seen by his colleagues as having a natural edge and the carriage to lead the PDP’s minority in the 9th Senate given his avalanche of experience, exposure, reach and contact as detribalized Nigerian who wants the best for the country.  

His chances are more revealed by his competence and ability to coordinate the affairs of the Party in the legislature and ensure obedience to party directives through popular consultation and census building mechanism a disposition that has endeared him to the leadership of the PDP as a loyal party man and to his colleagues and members of the opposition as a trusted ally.

Abaribe during the gray days of the Yar’Adua presidency in league with Senator Bala Mohammed and other faithful members of the 7th National Assembly coined the ” the doctrine of necessity ” that gave rise to the Jonathan presidency. In times of adversity and Legislative /Executive face off Abaribe has always brought his knowledge of history and workings of the senate to bear on topical issues of national importance. Fearless, firm and fierce he will always speak in the interest of the people, content and satisfied by his modest stewardship records in public service and governance Abaribe believes in God as the only determiner of the fate of mankind and therefore struggles not to fight the will of God.

It is reported that the PDP may have picked Abaribe, Dogara as Senate and House Minority Leaders haven foreclosed the contest for Senate President and the Speaker of House of Representatives by PDP Legislators.

It was gathered that leaders of the party have resolved to tell members of the party elected into the 9th National Assembly not to drag the presiding officer positions with any of the APC members. 

There are also indications that the leaders of the PDP may have foreclosed the chance of any of its members contesting for the post of Senate president or speaker of the House of Representatives in the next National Assembly.

It was gathered that leaders of the party have also resolved to tell members of the party elected into the ninth Senate and House of Representatives not to drag the presiding officer positions with any of the APC members. The source said that the party analyzed its take on the 2015 to 2019 National Assembly and then resolved to change its strategy.

“It was good enough that we foisted a sort of hybrid Senate on the National Assembly in 2015 and then we also ensured that our loyalists in the person of the speaker of the House, Honourable Yakubu Dogara got elected in 2015. “It served as a morale booster that equally helped to galvanize our members in the two chambers. But going forward, it has been adopted that none of our members would drag the presiding officer positions with the APC in June. 

The idea is to make impact without necessarily dragging positions,” the source said. 

Another source stated that the PDP has resolved to allow the APC run its government so that the main opposition party can face the role of opposition between 2019 and 2023.

“During the 2019 electioneering, the APC went about blaming its failure on the hostile National Assembly being led by the opposition. 

Right now, we are of the view that the idea has served its purpose. From now, we won’t give further room for unfounded excuses by the APC,” the source stated. 

It was also learnt that Dogara has been chosen as the Minority Leader of the 9th House of Representatives. 

In picking the duo, it was gathered that the party is gunning for consistency and loyalty, while also appreciating Dogara for his firm grip on members in the House.

OPINION

The David Mark and Atiku Abubakar ADC Protest: A Recycling of Bourgeoisie Metamorphosis

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By Uji Wilfred

Right from the foundations of the Independence struggle that led to self-rule, political party formations in Nigeria were crafted majorly for the capture of political power through periodic elections.

Political Parties never had ideological foundations that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

Political parties in their formation, leadership structure and ownership, belonged more to the ruling oligarchs than the people or the masses.

In the First Republic, political parties had little ideological bent, framed along regional and ethnic sentiments, but little of rallying the entire nation along in a unified polity.

In the general elections of 1954 – 1956, each of the ruling political party, the Northern People’s Congress, the Action Group and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens emerged as regional parties in terms of the demographic voting pattern as well as the control of political seats.

The First Republic suffered from a contradiction of centripetal and centrifugal forces within the framework of the tripartite system which eventually led to the collapse of that republic.

Political parties as well as the leadership recruitment reflected a regional and ethnic bias more than the need for the national integration of Nigeria.

Decamping across political lines, irrespective of ideological leanings, were the basic norms of the First Republic with political parties splitting out from the major political party. Formation of new political parties to fragment the dominant hold of ruling political parties were common political vices of the political class at that time. For example, Chief Akintola, despite the ideological soundness of the Action Group, splitted up the party with the formation of a new political party.

Chief Akintola’s desire was fired more by ambition than the issues of ideology and national interest.

In Northern Nigeria, the ruling Northern People’s Congress waged a war of suppression and dominance against other minority political parties with strong ideological bent that inspired minority ethnic nationalism.

The NPC through its slogan of One North, One Destiny, suppressed minority political parties such as the United Middle Belt Congress led by Joseph Tarkaa.

The point is that Nigeria from her foundations inherited a political culture where political parties have weak ideological roots as well as party and leadership recruitment.

Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed the recycling of bourgeoisie Political Party Formation and leadership recruitment through a process of metamorphosis that defiles ideological lines and national interest.

Political participation and leadership recruitment has been centered on the urgent need to capture power at the center using political parties owned by a few powerful oligarchs.

The People’s Democratic Party in its formation and foundation was a fraternity of past and serving military generals and their civilian equivalent.

The PDP since its inception has been led by past military officers like David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, the civilian equivalent of the military.

The dream of the PDP led by these retired military generals under the leadership of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was the enthronement of Africa’s biggest political party that was to last for a century.

As good as the dream of the party was, the PDP, like the experience of the First and Second Republics lacked deep ideological roots that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

The triumph of the People’s Democratic Party forced the rival All People’s Party and the Action Congress of Nigeria into a state of collapse and submission leading up to the bourgeoisie metamorphosis that resulted to the formation of the All Progressive Congress on the eve of 2015 with the sole objective to unseat President Good luck Jonathan.

The APC was a metamorphosis and amalgamation of opposition parties including some dissenting faction of the PDP to reclaim the so called birth right of the far right North in Nigeria to produce the President of Nigeria.

Political recruitment and leadership struggle in Nigeria has never been defined by ideological needs to salvage or emancipate Nigeria as a nation. Political struggle has always been a recycling of that section of the bourgeoisie, through a process of metamorphosis, whose objective is to capture political power at the center.

The present protest and political struggle by the African Democratic Congress, the faction led by David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, is a recycling of bourgeoisie metamorphosis not too different from the experience of 2015.

At best, the David Mark and Atiku Abubakar led protest represents that desperate struggle entrenched in the thinking of the Far Right of Far Northern Nigeria, that political leadership resides in the ancestral birth right of the aristocratic ruling political class of the North.

David Mark and Atiku Abubakar perhaps are suffering from a dementia that has made them forget that they were the agents that destroyed the foundations of democracy in Nigeria through the sacking of former President Good luck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party.

These men formed the All Progressive Congress and wrestled power from a democratic government exploiting the dynamics of national security and developmental challenges.

In 2015, Nigerians believed their opinions and through the ballot removed Good luck Jonathan.

However, since then, has Nigeria fared better under the APC that was enthroned by oligarchs leading in the present protest under the auspices of the ADC.

Perhaps, David Mark and Atiku Abubakar may assume that Nigeria suffers from a collective dementia that has forgotten the past so soon.

There is an adage that says, he who comes to justice and equity must come with clean hands. The same forces that enthroned bad governance in Nigeria factored in the APC, through a metamorphosis, want to rebirth another Nigeria through the ADC.

In ideological terms, this does not make sense, the ADC Protest is the same old thing of old wine in a new wine bottle.

If Nigeria must experience a change, let it come through some revolutionary medium that will not exploit the people’s trust and betray them once in power.

Over the past decades, the betrayal of public trust, exploiting the innocence of the people, perhaps the naivety of the people, is what we have seen and experienced through the circles of bourgeoisie metamorphosis and political leadership recruitment.

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OPINION

Where the Politicians Got it Wrong

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By Raphael Atuu

Benue State, fondly referred to as the “Food Basket of the Nation,” was created on February 3, 1976, by the military administration, carved out of the old Plateau State. From its inception, the state was administered by a succession of military administrators, followed by civilian governors in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape.

Over the decades, leadership passed through several hands each leaving varying degrees of impact on the state’s trajectory.

In its early years, Benue was widely regarded as a peaceful and united society. Communities coexisted in harmony, bound by shared values, cultural pride, and a strong sense of collective identity.

The economy was largely driven by agriculture, with fertile lands producing yams, rice, cassava, and other staple crops. Institutions like the Benue Cement Company also contributed to economic activity and employment.

In those days, the government was distant from the daily struggle of the average citizen. Few people concerned themselves with the affairs of Government House. Wealth and dignity were derived from hard work, farming, trading, and craftsmanship not political patronage.

The people spoke with one voice, celebrated their traditions with pride, and upheld communal respect as a guiding principle.

However, the return of democracy in 1999 marked a significant turning point, one that would reshape the state’s social and political fabric in ways few anticipated.

With democratic governance came new opportunities, but also new challenges. Politics gradually became the most attractive path to wealth and influence.

For many, Government House transformed from a symbol of public service into a gateway to personal enrichment.

The perception of politics shifted from service to self-interest.

As political competition intensified, unity began to erode. Divisions along ethnic, local government, and party lines deepened. The once cohesive voice of the Benue people became fragmented, often drowned in partisan conflicts and power struggles.

Perhaps more troubling was the subtle transformation in societal values.

 The Benue man, once admired for courage, resilience, and industry, began though not universally to exhibit tendencies toward dependency and political loyalty over merit.

Sycophancy started to replace integrity, and the dignity of labor was gradually overshadowed by the allure of quick gains through political connections.

Elected officials rose to positions of authority and influence, becoming key decision-makers in society.

 Yet, for many citizens, the dividends of democracy remained elusive. Infrastructure development lagged, agricultural potential remained underutilized, and poverty persisted despite abundant natural resources.

The irony is striking: a state so richly endowed, yet struggling to translate its potential into tangible progress.

Beyond economics, insecurity and communal clashes in recent years have further strained the social fabric.

 The peace that once defined Benue has been challenged, forcing many communities to confront displacement and uncertainty.

While these issues are complex and multifaceted, the role of political leadership in addressing or failing to address them cannot be ignored.

So, where did the politicians get it wrong?

They lost sight of the essence of leadership service to the people. Governance became more about control than development, more about personal gain than collective good.

 Long term planning gave way to short term political calculations. Investments in agriculture, which should have remained the backbone of the state’s economy, were neglected in favor of less sustainable ventures.

Moreover, the failure to foster unity and inclusive governance widened the gap between leaders and the led. Politics became a tool for division rather than a platform for progress.

Yet, all hope is not lost.

Benue still possesses immense potential, fertile land, vibrant culture, and resilient people, what is needed is a return to the values that once defined the state: hard work, unity, integrity, and community driven development.

 Leadership must be reimagined, not as an avenue for wealth, but as a responsibility to uplift the people.

The story of Benue State is not just one of decline it is also one of possibility.

 With the right vision, commitment, and collective will, the state can reclaim its place as a model of peace, productivity, and progress.

The question remains: will its leaders and its people rise to the occasion?

If you want, I can.

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OPINION

Nigeria Not Collapsing, Recalibrating Unsustainable System

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By Tanimu Yakubu

Nigeria is not collapsing; it is confronting long-avoided economic realities. The current hardship, though undeniable, reflects a deliberate process of correcting structural imbalances that have persisted for years. Distress is evident, but it must not be mistaken for systemic failure.

Countries in true economic collapse do not unify exchange rates, rebuild external reserves, regain access to international capital markets, or improve fiscal performance.

Nigeria, despite significant pressures, is making measurable progress across these indicators.

Ending a Distorted Economic Order

For years, Nigeria operated under an economic framework that projected stability while masking deep inefficiencies.

Artificially suppressed fuel prices, multiple exchange rate windows, and expansionary fiscal practices incentivized arbitrage over productivity.

These distortions disproportionately benefited a narrow segment of the population while imposing hidden costs on the broader economy.

Their removal has revealed the true cost structure of the system. While this transition has triggered inflationary pressures, it has also restored policy transparency and enhanced the credibility of economic management.

Strengthening the Fiscal Base

Recent fiscal data indicates a strengthening foundation. Distributable revenues to the Federation Account have risen by over 40 percent following subsidy removal, reflecting improved remittance discipline and reduced leakages.

Nigeria’s public debt remains below 30 percent of GDP, a relatively moderate level compared to peer emerging markets, according to the International Monetary Fund. Meanwhile, external reserves have surpassed $40 billion, based on figures from the Central Bank of Nigeria.

At the subnational level, increased fiscal inflows are enabling more consistent salary payments, with some states introducing inflation adjustments, an indication of gradually expanding fiscal space.

Inflation: A Transitional Challenge

Inflation remains the most immediate and visible consequence of ongoing reforms. It is being driven by exchange rate adjustments, energy price corrections, and longstanding supply-side constraints.

Global experience suggests that such inflationary spikes are often temporary when reforms are sustained. The greater risk lies not in reform itself, but in policy inconsistency or reversal.

Interpreting the Present Moment

Public frustration is both expected and understandable. Nigerians are justified in demanding tangible improvements in living standards. However, it is important to distinguish between short-term hardship and systemic collapse.

Nigeria’s institutional framework remains intact, fiscal capacity is improving, and macroeconomic reforms are actively progressing. This phase represents adjustment, not disintegration.

From Stabilisation to Impact

The next phase of reform must translate macroeconomic gains into measurable improvements in citizens’ welfare.

Strategic investments in healthcare, education, and targeted social protection will be essential to sustaining public confidence.

Ultimately, the credibility of these reforms will be judged not by policy intent, but by their impact on everyday life.

Conclusion: The Imperative of Consistency

Nigeria has long recognised its economic challenges; what has often been lacking is sustained policy execution. The greatest threat at this juncture is not reform fatigue, but reform reversal.

Abandoning the current course would erode credibility, deter investment, and reintroduce the very distortions that hindered growth.

This moment demands patience, discipline, and resolve. Nigeria is not collapsing, it is undertaking a necessary correction and laying the foundation for a more resilient economic future.

Tanimu Yakubu is DG, Budget Office of the Federation.

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