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The Battle before the 2027 Ballots
By Dakuku Peterside
By the time Nigerians file into polling units in 2027, the most consequential battle for the nation’s democracy may already have been fought — and perhaps won or lost. Elections are merely democracy’s public ceremony, the visible culmination of political choices shaped long before the first ballot is cast.
The real test of democratic health lies elsewhere: in the independence of institutions, the conduct of political actors, the resilience of the rule of law, the protection of dissent, and the willingness of those entrusted with power to submit themselves to the same constitutional restraints they expect others to obey.
It is in these quiet, often-overlooked arenas — not on Election Day — that democracies either flourish or gradually unravel. This distinction is essential in the months ahead. Nigeria has every reason to take pride in sustaining uninterrupted civilian rule since 1999.
In a continent where constitutional disruptions and democratic reversals have become increasingly common, the country’s record of regular elections represents an achievement worthy of recognition. Governments have changed through the ballot box, opposition parties have occasionally defeated incumbents, and democratic institutions have matured with each electoral cycle. Yet, democratic longevity should never be mistaken for democratic consolidation.
Conducting elections repeatedly does not, by itself, guarantee the deepening of democracy. A nation may become increasingly proficient at organising elections, while simultaneously becoming less committed to the democratic principles that give those elections meaning.
Democracy is not measured simply by the regularity of voting; it is measured by the openness of political competition, the impartiality of institutions, the protection of fundamental freedoms, and the confidence of citizens that every political actor competes under the same constitutional rules. That distinction matters profoundly as Nigeria begins its long march towards another defining election, in which the health of democracy will be tested beyond the ballot box.
Across the political landscape, internal crises have become almost routine. Leadership disputes, factional struggles, and prolonged litigation have weakened several opposition parties, while internal disagreements have hardly been absent within the ruling party itself. Such tensions are not unique to Nigeria; political parties everywhere experience internal contestation.
What should concern every democrat, however, is the growing public perception that institutions established to arbitrate political disputes are increasingly viewed through partisan lenses. Whether that perception is entirely justified is, in many respects, secondary. Public confidence matters, even when the facts remain contested.
Democracy depends as much on public confidence as it does on constitutional procedure. Institutions derive legitimacy, not only from the powers vested in them by law but also from the trust citizens place in their neutrality.
When confidence in institutional independence erodes, democratic stability becomes increasingly fragile, even where formal constitutional processes remain intact. Trust, once diminished, is far more difficult to restore than to preserve.
History repeatedly teaches the same sobering lesson: democracies rarely collapse in dramatic fashion. They seldom disappear overnight through military intervention or constitutional abolition. More often, they weaken gradually through the slow erosion of institutional checks, the shrinking of the political space, the selective application of laws, the normalisation of unequal political competition, and the quiet acceptance of practices that would once have been considered unacceptable. That is why vigilance before elections is infinitely more valuable than regret after them, especially when warning signs appear gradually.
Equally troubling is the deterioration of political discourse itself. Increasingly, public debate rewards outrage over reason, suspicion over dialogue, and personal attacks over policy alternatives. Social media has amplified misinformation, deepened political polarisation, and accelerated the spread of narratives designed more to inflame emotions than illuminate facts.
Political opponents are too often portrayed not as legitimate competitors but as existential enemies whose very participation in national life is treated with hostility. Such a political culture impoverishes democracy, because pluralism is not democracy’s greatest weakness; it is its defining strength.
The freedom to disagree peacefully, to challenge authority, and to present alternative visions of national development is not a threat to constitutional order. It is the mechanism through which democracy renews itself. Nations do not become weaker because citizens disagree.
They become weaker when disagreement itself becomes unacceptable. The months ahead, therefore, demand a renewed commitment to democratic restraint, beginning with the use of public power.
Public resources must never become instruments of partisan advantage. The constitutional separation between the state and the governing party is one of democracy’s most important guardrails. In mature democracies such as the United Kingdom, the long-established “purdah” convention restricts governments from using official resources to secure electoral advantage during sensitive pre-election periods. The principle is straightforward: governments govern on behalf of all citizens, while political parties campaign on their own behalf.
Preserving that distinction protects both public trust and electoral legitimacy. Every naira appropriated through the national treasury belongs to the Nigerian people, not to any political party. Government property, public institutions, official communication platforms, and state infrastructure exist to serve the Republic, rather than those who temporarily administer it.
Power invariably tempts those who hold it to mistake temporary authority for permanent entitlement. Yet the greatness of democratic leadership lies not in the unfettered exercise of power but in the discipline to restrain it.
History remembers leaders not simply for the authority they wielded but for the constitutional limits they respected while wielding it. The responsibility for protecting democracy, however, does not rest exclusively with those in government; it also falls on the opposition, the media, civil society, and citizens.
Opposition parties cannot demand stronger democratic institutions while neglecting democracy within their own ranks. Persistent factionalism, opaque candidate selection, leadership instability, and organisational indiscipline undermine public confidence just as surely as institutional overreach.
Political parties serve as the training grounds of democratic leadership. When internal democracy collapses, national democracy is inevitably weakened.
Nor can the media and civil society abdicate their responsibilities. Journalism fulfils its highest calling when it subjects power to rigorous scrutiny, while remaining faithful to the facts, rather than to political preferences.
Civil society, likewise, must defend constitutional principles consistently, resisting the temptation to become selectively outraged, depending on which political interests are affected. Principles acquire moral authority only when they are applied impartially.
Ultimately, however, the destiny of Nigerian democracy rests with its citizens, whose choices shape every democratic outcome. The 2023 Nigerian general election itself underscored this responsibility. Beyond debates over technology, logistics and institutional performance, it revealed a politically engaged electorate that increasingly demanded transparency, accountability, and credible electoral processes.
That civic awakening remains one of the country’s greatest democratic assets. Institutions matter enormously, but informed and vigilant citizens remain democracy’s ultimate custodians. No electoral commission can compensate for an electorate that normalises vote-buying.
No constitutional amendment can eliminate ethnic or religious prejudice from political decision-making. No judicial pronouncement can replace civic responsibility.
Democracy reflects the political culture of its people. Citizens who reward competence, integrity and ideas strengthen democratic institutions. Those who elevate ethnicity, patronage, misinformation, or immediate material inducement above national interest weaken the very system upon which their own freedoms ultimately depend.
As 2027 approaches, Nigeria should resist the temptation to reduce political debate to a simple calculation of who will emerge victorious. The larger question is what kind of democracy will remain.
Every administration eventually leaves office. Every governing party eventually confronts the possibility of opposition. Every election eventually becomes history.
What endures are institutions, constitutional conventions and the democratic norms that outlive individual leaders and political movements. Those enduring foundations deserve greater protection than the temporary ambitions of any political generation.
Nigeria has repeatedly demonstrated extraordinary resilience, but this should never become an excuse for complacency. It has survived military dictatorship, constitutional crises, economic upheaval, and periods of profound national uncertainty.
Those experiences testify to the remarkable endurance of the Nigerian state. Democracy survives not because it is indestructible, but because every generation consciously chooses to defend it.
That choice confronts Nigeria once again. The months before the 2027 elections will reveal far more about the nation’s democratic maturity than election day itself, showing whether political actors value constitutional restraint above partisan expediency; whether institutions remain faithful to the Republic rather than to political interests; whether leadership is exercised with humility rather than entitlement; and whether citizens recognise that democracy is sustained not by perpetual victory but by the certainty that power can change hands peacefully, fairly and legitimately. Nigeria must pass this test.
The battle before the 2027 ballots is therefore not fundamentally between political parties, personalities or regions. It is a contest between principle and expediency, between institutional integrity and institutional capture, between democratic restraint and excess. Nigeria must choose which side of that contest it will stand on.
The election will last only a day. The character of Nigeria’s democracy will endure long after the final votes have been counted, and that enduring character will reveal whether the months before the election strengthened principle, restraint and public confidence.
What remains is whether Nigerians will defend it now, before the ballots are cast. History will remember not simply who won in 2027 but whether the nation preserved the democratic values that made victory worth having in the first place.
Dakuku Peterside is a renowned author of two bestselling books, Leading in a Storm and Beneath the Surface.
By Tochukwu Jimo Obi
Nigeria’s political environment is gradually heating up as preparations for the 2027 general elections gather momentum. While political competition is an essential component of democracy, the recent spate of inflammatory and threatening statements by some political actors is deeply disturbing.
Statements suggesting that citizens could be punished, intimidated or forced to support a particular political party represent a dangerous departure from the principles of democratic participation. If left unchecked, such rhetoric could create an atmosphere of fear ahead of an election in which every Nigerian must be free to exercise his or her franchise without intimidation.Of particular concern are the recent comments attributed to the Chairman of Kuje Area Council in the Federal Capital Territory, Samuel Danjuma Shekwolo. In a widely circulated video, the council chairman appeared to tell residents that they should support the All Progressives Congress or leave the area council. He linked his position to development projects attributed to the Federal Government and the FCT administration. Although Shekwolo subsequently denied that he intended to threaten or disenfranchise residents and argued that his comments had been taken out of context, the controversy itself should not be dismissed.
Even more disturbing are the recent comments attributed to Borno State Commissioner for Youth and Sports Development, Sainna Buba. Speaking at a political event in Maiduguri, Buba reportedly warned that those who refused to support the APC would be flogged and used language suggesting that opponents could have their fingers broken. Coming from a serving government official, such language is unacceptable in a democracy. Political persuasion is legitimate; threats of physical punishment are not. The comments have already attracted condemnation and calls for an investigation.
These incidents must also be viewed against the backdrop of the recent controversy involving Senator Francis Fadahunsi of Osun East. Fadahunsi was criticised over comments concerning members of the Accord Party ahead of the August 15 Osun governorship election. The remarks were interpreted by some as an incitement to violence, although the senator subsequently denied advocating physical violence, insisting that he meant his supporters should politically defeat the opposition through their votes. The Osun State Police Command subsequently invited him for questioning.
The pattern should concern every Nigerian, regardless of political affiliation. At a time when the National Peace Committee is making deliberate efforts to prevent violence and encourage issue based campaigns, some politicians and public officials appear determined to undermine that effort through reckless utterances. On August 18, presidential candidates and political parties signed the first National Peace Accord ahead of the 2027 elections, committing themselves to peaceful and issue based campaigns and rejecting violence, intimidation, hate speech and inflammatory rhetoric.
The National Peace Committee deserves commendation for its continuing intervention in Nigeria’s electoral process. Its stated objective is to promote peaceful, credible elections and ensure that citizens can participate freely in the democratic process. But peace accords cannot succeed merely because political leaders sign documents. They must be backed by responsible conduct and, where necessary, firm enforcement by state institutions.
This is where the security agencies must rise to the occasion. Threats against voters, political opponents or any group of citizens should not be treated as ordinary political rhetoric simply because they emanate from influential politicians or government officials. Every credible allegation should be investigated promptly, impartially and transparently. Where an investigation establishes criminal conduct, the appropriate legal consequences should follow. Selective enforcement will only deepen public suspicion and reinforce the perception that politically connected individuals are above the law.
Election is not a do or die affair. It is a contest in which candidates and parties seek the consent of the people. Nigerians have the constitutional and democratic right to support the APC, NDC, PDP, Labour Party, ADC or any other political platform of their choice. They equally have the right to reject every one of them. No politician owns a community, local government, state or constituency simply because he or she occupies public office. Government projects are funded with public resources and cannot legitimately be presented as a political debt that citizens must repay with their votes.
There is therefore a need for political leaders, particularly those holding public office, to understand the enormous influence of their words. The recent action of Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo over the controversial remarks of his aide, Apostle Kassy Chukwu, provides an important example of how political leadership should respond when an appointee crosses the line. Chukwu had warned that singer David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido, should not return to Edo State, prompting the state government to distance itself from the statement and subsequent reports that the governor terminated his appointment.
Other governors, ministers, lawmakers and political leaders should take note. Nigeria cannot afford another electoral season in which careless words become catalysts for violence. The security agencies must investigate threatening statements without fear or favour, while political parties must discipline members who endanger the peace. The responsibility for a peaceful 2027 election belongs to everyone, but those entrusted with public office bear an even greater responsibility. Democracy thrives when citizens are persuaded, not threatened; when opponents are challenged with ideas, not intimidation; and when every voter is allowed to walk into the polling booth and freely choose who should govern them.
Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra State.
By Idris Rufai
Big Brother Naija, popularly known as BBNaija, has become one of Nigeria’s most watched and discussed reality television programmes. Over the years, the show has attracted millions of viewers with its entertainment, competitions, relationships, parties and large cash prizes.
However, as the programme enters another season under the theme “Show Ya Sef”(Show Yourself), season 11, one question continues to bother me: What exactly are we showing ourselves, and more importantly, what are we showing the next generation?As a young Nigerian and a student of Mass Communication, I believe entertainment should not be separated completely from responsibility.
The media has enormous power to influence the way people think, behave and perceive society. Therefore, programmes with millions of viewers should be examined not only from the perspective of entertainment but also from the perspective of their possible influence on society.I first took time to watch BBNaija in 2020. When Olamilekan “Laycon” Agbeleshe emerged as the winner.At the time, I was curious about what attracted so many people to the programme. I initially expected a reality show that would combine entertainment with education, character development, talent discovery and positive contributions to society. However, after watching the programme on several occasions, I found myself asking what lasting values some aspects of the show were passing to viewers, particularly young people.
My concern is not that entertainment itself is wrong. People need entertainment, relaxation and programmes that allow them to escape from the pressures of everyday life. My concern is the type of entertainment being presented and the values that may be communicated through it.
One of the areas that raises concern for me is the manner in which some housemates present themselves during night and pool parties. Certain forms of dressing, dancing and other displays may be considered normal entertainment by some viewers, but others may see them as inconsistent with the moral and cultural standards expected in many Nigerian communities.
Nigeria is a country with diverse cultures, traditions and moral values. We are Africans, and our cultural heritage has historically placed importance on values such as dignity, respect, modesty and responsible behaviour. Therefore, while our media industry should evolve with changing times, it should also consider the cultural environment in which its programmes are being consumed.
The issue becomes even more important when we consider children and teenagers. Today, children can easily access smartphones, laptops and social media platforms from their homes. They do not necessarily need to sit in front of a television to encounter content from programmes such as BBNaija. Clips from reality shows can quickly circulate across social media platforms and reach children who may not even be old enough to understand the context surrounding what they are watching.
Young people are impressionable. What they repeatedly see can influence what they eventually consider normal, acceptable or desirable. This is why media regulatory bodies have a responsibility to consider the possible consequences of the content they put before the public.
Some viewers may argue that BBNaija is simply entertainment and that nobody is forced to watch it. That argument deserves consideration. Adults have the right to choose the programmes they watch. However, when a programme has such a large influence on popular culture, its producers should also recognise that its impact can extend beyond the individual viewer.
There is also the question of what happens after the show. The winner receives a substantial financial reward and other prizes, while contestants gain popularity and social media influence. But beyond the money, fame and entertainment, what positive legacy does the programme leave for society?
Could reality television in Nigeria do more to promote entrepreneurship, education, creativity, leadership, talent development, community service and responsible citizenship? Could contestants be challenged to develop businesses, solve community problems, promote Nigerian culture or participate in educational and social initiatives while still providing the entertainment audiences enjoy?
I believe it is possible.This is not a call for the complete cancellation of BBNaija or other reality television programmes. Rather, it is a call for responsible entertainment. The Nigerian entertainment industry is capable of producing programmes that are exciting and commercially successful while still promoting values that contribute positively to society.
Regulatory bodies also have an important role to play. They should continue to ensure that broadcast content complies with established broadcasting standards and protects vulnerable audiences, particularly children, also have a role in guiding children on what they watch and helping them understand the difference between entertainment and acceptable real life behaviour.
As we embrace modern entertainment, we should not allow the pursuit of ratings, popularity, money and fame to completely overshadow our cultural and moral responsibilities.
The theme “Show Yourself” therefore gives us an opportunity to ask a deeper question: What kind of self are we encouraging young Nigerians to show?
Are we showing creativity, intelligence, entrepreneurship, leadership, talent and cultural pride? Or are we increasingly celebrating behaviour simply because it attracts attention?
BBNaija has the platform and influence to do more. Its millions of viewers represent an enormous opportunity to entertain while also inspiring, educating and empowering young people.
We should not reject entertainment, but we should demand better entertainment.
We should not reject modern culture, but we should preserve the values that define us.
And above all, as we tell young people to “show yourself,” we must also ask them, and those who create the content they consume, what exactly are we showing the next generation?.
From one policy flip-flop to another, the Federal Government of Nigeria has scrapped the 6-3-3-4 system of education, which it introduced with fanfare over four decades ago. In its place is now a linear 12-year schooling from primary to the end of secondary education.
Under the old arrangement, six years were for primary schooling, three years for junior secondary school, another three years for senior secondary schooling, and a minimum of four years of university education.
The Minister of Education, Tunji Alausa, on 1 July, said the transition from JSS 3 to SSS 1 presented a quagmire to the country.
“We have 20 million dropouts from primary school to Junior Secondary School. Where are the students? We found out that we have 80,000 public primaries and about 15,000 Junior Secondary schools. That is a ratio of one-to-eight,” he stated.Education is a public asset, whose overhaul – when it becomes imperative – requires a broad and rigorous debate in the best interest of society. But the Nigerian government failed to do so; just as it recently did in the restructuring of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme, which sparked strong public criticism.
Education is still on the Concurrent Legislative List in the 1999 Constitution, as amended, depicting the shared responsibility of the federal and state governments for it. Besides, the private sector is heavily involved in all its levels.
The discarded 6-3-3-4 arrangement was introduced in 1982, following its formulation in 1977, after a serious national discourse. The school curriculum was changed and tailored to pre-career paths and labour demands. This was evident in the introduction of technical and business subjects like Technical Drawing, Computer Science, Fishery and Animal Husbandry.
Also, Marketing, Horticulture, Introductory Technology, Creative Arts, Entrepreneurship, Data Processing and Interior Decoration, which competed for students’ interests alongside the core subjects of Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Biology, Geography, Fine Arts, Agricultural science, Government, English language and English Literature.
In 2025, the Federal Ministry of Education and the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council (NERDC) sensed an overload of the classroom with subjects and decided on reducing them. Therefore, the JSS classes had their subjects reduced to 12, from 18; while subjects in the SSS classes were slashed from 20 to 9.
The idea behind Junior and Senior Secondary Schools was for the system to fish out pupils with less cognitive abilities in academics.
These set of pupils, unable to continue with senior secondary schooling, were to be guided through counselling towards the acquisition of vocational skills, according to their abilities. Passing the JSS level was a prerequisite for transiting to the SSS level.
For Mr Alausa to lay the blame for Nigeria’s 20 million out-of-school students at the feet of the failure of the 6-3-3-4 system is to be disingenuous and economical with the truth. The fact is that the high level of insecurity, especially in the northern part of the country, dearth of teachers, dilapidated school infrastructure, poverty and cultural practices that encourage the early marriages of girls before the age of 18, significantly contribute to and sustain the anomaly.
Data published by the ICIR recently showed that 26 schools were attacked by insurgents and kidnappers between April 2024 and May 2026, resulting in the kidnap of 2,416 students for ransom. Inside the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps in Borno, Benue, Plateau and other states, are children of school age. Some traumatised Chibok school girls, abducted in 2014, vowed after their rescue never to go back to school. Other victims with the same harrowing experience in other places, have developed a similar aversion to schooling mindset.
It is not surprising “that three out of four children at the basic education level cannot read or understand an age-appropriate text by the age of 10”, as the minister lamented. Many states in Nigeria also don’t accord education the priority it deserves.
This is evident in the ₦97.88 billion Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) funds laying idle, as of 18 March, 2026, as states refused to apply for them towards revamping their basic education systems. This would require the states to provide their own 50 per cent counterpart funding to qualify for the funds. Only 21 states have been able to access these funds till date.
As a result, UNESCO warns that “Nigeria risks a “generational catastrophe” if foundational investments are not made in education in the country. This is the core of the problem. Many state governments have refused to invest sufficiently in the educational sector.
The former Executive Secretary of UBEC, Hamid Bobboyi, during a 2024 workshop with the Private Sector Advisory Group, said that out of 694,078 teachers required, only 499,202 were available, thus leaving a deficit of 194,876 teachers in our basic schools across the country. To save the schools from total closure, Parents Teachers Association (PTA) in most host communities now resort to hiring and paying teachers.
In some cases, classes One and Two are merged for a teacher to handle. Many of the pupils try to learn sitting on the bare floor, while the teachers themselves have no writing tables. These absurdities are not acceptable, amid thousands of jobless NCE holders and graduates across the country.
According to a stakeholder, “Right now, the problem of primary and post-primary education in Nigeria is not restructuring, it is the provision of a better learning environment, laboratories, infrastructure, and qualified teachers, among others.”
The minister needs to be told in simple terms that the 6-3-3-4 system, in itself, did not fail. Only the government did with its inadequate financing and implementation of the system. With the absence of technical equipment, workshops, electricity, and trained teachers/other personnel required for its implementation, it could be argued that the system never really took off.
A policy somersault like this was why History was removed as a subject from the school curriculum, until recently when the public clamour for its return became impossible to ignore.
Also, the government almost fell into a considerable blunder with last week’s increase of WASC and NECO registration fees to ₦50,000, without consultations. Political expediency must have informed the quick retraction of that decision, at least for now.
All matters educational are apparently too sensitive to be left in the hands of politicians alone. Government should desist from policies that have not been properly thought through, which have the capacity to set the country back in a major way, particularly in terms of powering its future. In order to attain the desired outcomes, education requires serious, sustained investments, not cosmetic restructuring.
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