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The Country that Lost its Testicles

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By Chidi Odinkalu

In the currency of public policy and political communication in Nigeria, one word occupies the Platinum standard all by itself – “virile”. No major speech by a Nigerian ruler is complete without it. Soon after assuming office in his first term, Nigeria’s president, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, proudly informed the European Parliament that his ambition was to have Nigeria “be counted among the most stable, strong and virile democracies in Africa”.

His European audience must have been forgiven for wondering why this African president appeared to be distracted by an anatomical part closely associated with change.
Buhari’s Vice-President, Yemi Osinbajo, a law professor, desires to see Nigeria build “a virile sanitation economy”.

Another of Buhari’s would-be successors and current governor of Ekiti State, Kayode Fayemi, aspires to “rebuild a strong, united and virile nation”, suggesting, unlike Buhari, that stable and strong do not necessarily virile make.


Nigeria’s rulers are not the only people detained by aspirations to virility. It is, indeed, the mission of every sector in the country. Nigeria’s media has, for instance, been described as “the biggest and most virile press community in Africa”. Broadcasters in the country aspire to be “virile”, ostensibly to ensure that they inseminate the public with a rich dose of information.
In one of the more unsettling turns of the word, the country apparently even seeks to establish a “virile chemical industry”. Hopefully, this has nothing to do with whether or not Nigerian men habitually need chemical assistance to achieve virility.


No one has been able to fully explain when Nigeria’s fixation with virility began. I have tried unsuccessfully to search for it in the lexicon of the early rulers of post-colonial Nigeria. They were all men but, discountenancing the assertion by Cameroon’s Achille Mbembe that “post-colony is a world of anxious virility”, their language did not appear to be much beholden to the testicularities of virility.


That appears to have changed after the soldiers took over power in 1966. In announcing the creation of 12 states on May 27, 1967, Nigeria’s second military ruler, Yakubu Gowon, then a Major-General and dashing model of virility in the army, declared the desire of the country under his leadership to “march manfully together to alter the course of this nation once again for all”. This was an early indication of how the military was about to vigorously impregnate power and the public space in Nigeria with martial masculinity.
Gowon’s usurpers would take this a notch higher. When he announced the takeover of government on July 29, 1975, Gowon’s successor both as Head Boy of Barewa College and as military Head of State, the very masculine General Murtala Mohammed, declared in his inaugural broadcast that he was inspired by his desire “to build a strong, united and virile nation”.
Shehu Shagari, the ascetic civilian who succeeded the military as president in 1979, did not exactly campaign on his claims to virility.

By contrast, in announcing his first coming as Nigeria’s military Head of State on January 1, 1984, Muhammadu Buhari, then a Major-General, teased the country with the prospect of ”building a virile and viable economy”.


This narrative of virility is not merely a statement of future aspiration, it is also used to explain the under-development of Africa. Addressing the world in New York at the end of 1990, Nigeria’s then ruler and Buhari’s military successor, Ibrahim Babangida, an army General, argued that “before the coming of the slave trade and the capture of ‘young, virile Africans’ who would have helped build the continent, Africa and Europe were almost equal in levels of development”.


By the time military rule officially ended in 1999, the civilians had become somewhat converted to the rampantly reproductive vocabulary of the soldiers. While the return to civil rule civilianised the soldiers; therefore, the civilian politicians who arguably felt diminished in their manhood in comparison to the soldiers, decided to upgrade by enhancing the masculinity of their repertoire of military metaphors.


Thus, we are told that the political trajectory of the leading presidential aspirant and former Lagos State Governor, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is “driven by the need to build a virile opposition”. His acolyte and former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir David Lawal, has made a preoccupation with the task of “building a cohesive and virile political party”.
In Nigeria’s leading oil-producing state, Rivers, Dakuku Peterside of the All Progressives Congress, APC, promises to “provide a virile opposition”. Not to be outdone, we are told that the ambition of former Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, for the presidency on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, “holds prospect (sic) for a united and virile Nigeria”.


In an acknowledgement of the narrative force of testicular power in Nigeria’s political imagination, Festus Adedayo has taken to addressing senior executive office holders by the appellation “sexellencies”.
The appeal of virility reflects more than merely the masculinisation of power and its insecurities. If the reproductive role is seen as guaranteeing sustenance of the race, virility underpins this role. It is also a uniquely male fixation in much the same way that fertility applies to the female of the species. It is not at all an accident, therefore, that the resort to virility as the cure-all metaphor for Nigeria’s public life and aspirations associated with nation-building coincided with the abduction of the country by the masculine vocation of the military.


The physical representation of virility in the popular imagination is found in the testicles, a set of two nuts contained in a sack tucked into a usually concealed part of the male anatomy. In addition to masculine strength, this metaphor contains and conveys a potent subliminally about the pervasively penetrating potentialities of political power.


In wider imagination, of course, a promise to reduce a male figure to something less than a man is usually conveyed in the form of a threat to their testicles or to the sack that envelopes them. It’s called castration. When a man suffers this fate, whether surgically or chemically, his virility suffers irreparable decapitation. So, as a physical representation, Nigeria’s preoccupation with virility finds residence fittingly in the testicles.


The discursive tendency to clothe the Nigerian sovereign in the garments of manhood is rather unfortunate at this time for, in the face of existential threats, the country appears to have found a most inauspicious time to lose its sovereign testicles. Far from conveying strength, Nigeria’s narrative of sovereign virility right now is very much a tale of masculinity decapitated.


A galloping population may be proof of literal virility but an inability to feed, clothe or educate its youth or provide them with pathways to gainful employment suggests virility is misplaced.
Beset on all sides by an invasion of murderous terrorists – foreign and local -Nigeria’s security services and political leadership appear to be short of both ideas for a fightback or reassurance in rallying the country. A country that scorns its best, leaving her to slow, painful death in the face of terror or, which abandons a talented singer to death in violent instalments at the hands of a murderous husband, can hardly lay claims to virility or masculinity.


Surely, a country whose rulers lack the testicular fortitude to protect its best and most vulnerable cannot claim or aspire to be mistaken for virile.
When they should be doing their best to lead the country against a toxic mix of bandits, arms, drugs and terrorism which endanger the country, Nigeria’s politicians are instead embarking on a misbegotten electoral rat-race in a country in which many communities have been sacked by terror and a lot more live under terminal uncertainties inflicted by leadership that long ago lost its manhood.


When General Gowon asked the country to “march manfully together” 55 years ago, Nigeria’s current ruler, Muhammadu Buhari, was an established office in the Nigerian Army. On the day Murtala Mohammed promised to build a virile country eight years later, he also announced Buhari as one of his principal acolytes in that task in the capacity of military governor of what was then the largest state in Nigeria.


As happy an exponent of the narrative of a virile polity himself as any that has existed, Buhari would go on to rule Nigeria, not once but twice. The one certainty about Nigeria’s 2023 elections is that whoever is declared Buhari’s successor will be a fully paid-up apostle of the political metaphor of virility. The other certainty is that they will be taking over from a soldier who will best be remembered as the ruler under whom the country found a way to lose its sovereign testicles.


If there is any silver lining in this story, it is the hope that a country shorn of its manhood in this way may yet see a compelling need to invent a more inclusive narrative for its national project.


*A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu

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South Eastern Governors Are Collaborating to End Sit-at-home, Soludo Says

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By Prosper Okoye, Abuja

The Anambra State Governor, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, has said that the governors in the South Eastern states are collaborating to put an end to the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra’s Sit-at-home order.

“Once we put in place the vigilante in the community, we are going to focus on opening up Anambra and ending the sit-at-home once and for all.

Because what had happened is that there are seven people pursuing a cow, but there are eight people chasing after those pursuing the cow, but now I think the reverse is becoming the case,” Soludo added in an Igbo proverb during a recent town hall meeting in Abuja.

The Sit-at-home order is enforced throughout the southeastern states on Mondays, the 30th of May every year, and every other day that the leader of the IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu, is taken to court.

“Even though there are no killings in my area in Anambra, the news of the killings in other parts of the east makes people comply with the Monday sit-at-home order. People don’t open their shops in the big markets, and on the express, people don’t move freely. But in the inside areas, shops open, and people move about watching their backs,” a resident in Anambra, Ada, told DAILY ASSET.

Although the leader of the outlawed group, Emma Powerful, has denied IPOB’s role in enforcing the Monday’s sit-at-home order, and other violence in a recent media statement, the unknown gunmen still enforcing the order are tied to the group’s fighting arm, the Eastern Security Network.

However, DAILY ASSET learned that the “Unknown gunmen” are allegedly led by Asari Dokubo.

“Under former President Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria’s Southeast region, once the most peaceful, suddenly exploded in a wave of inexplicable violence. Prisons, police stations, court houses, electoral commission offices, and random public establishments were attacked and razed by armed gangs. Individuals were kidnapped, hacked to death, or gunned down in broad daylight by hooded men who escaped without a trace. Dr. Chike Akunyili, husband of Late Prof Dora Akunyili, one-time Minister of Information and DG of NAFDAC, was gruesomely murdered by these men in an attack with no obvious aim other than to instill public fear. Many went missing and were never found, and gloom descended on the peoples of five states best known for their industry and enterprise.

“For years, not a single one of those crimes was solved, and not a single culprit was successfully apprehended and prosecuted by law enforcement operatives. Officially, fingers were promptly pointed at IPOB, the Biafra separatist organization, for every incident – sometimes even before investigations formally opened. IPOB vehemently denied these accusations, but government propaganda was too strong. Many soon believed the government and joined in demonizing IPOB for mindlessly turning the region into a war front. Gradually, though, everyone began to realize that there was something fishy in the official position.

“Federal and state authorities had all the means to nab the gangsters but preferred to issue increasingly sterile press statements instead. It soon became clear that the armed forces, police, and other official security agencies were either in cahoots with the criminals or consciously turning a blind eye to their activities. In villages across the Southeast and North Central regions, locals began to notice that whenever the Army and Police showed up for patrols, Unknown Gunmen or armed “herdsmen” followed shortly afterwards. It was as if the patrols were surveillance missions for the bad guys. So, villagers took the hint and scampered for safety whenever those who were supposed to protect them reported for duty. It was even law enforcement officials who coined the moniker, “Unknown Gunmen” (UGM) to describe criminal elements they were paid to hunt down.

“People with experience in security matters soon concluded that Nigeria was dealing with “false flag operations” – crimes deliberately committed (in this instance by secret agents of the state) to incriminate an innocent party to achieve some dark political objectives. The problem was: There was no concrete evidence or proof to show the world. Those who were supposed to gather evidence were busy covering the tracks of the criminals.

“Well, that mystery lasted until Asari Dokubo, the voluptuous and loquacious Niger Delta warlord, visited the Presidential Villa in Abuja as a guest of the new Nigerian leader, Bola Tinubu, only two weeks after the latter’s inauguration. At the end of his visit, Dokubo addressed a press conference from one of the chambers of the villa, a rare privilege accorded only to close allies of an administration.

“Unable to control his impulses whenever in front of cameras and microphones, Asari said several things that have since become subjects of controversy. One of the few which almost evaded public scrutiny holds the key to the mystery of the Unknown Gunmen. He said he was “in charge of security in six states of the federation,” and his boys were responsible for some of the successes in the security situation of the country for which the Armed forces often get credit.

“To add color to this sketchy claim, he recounted an actual operational experience in these words: “… my men and I discovered a camp in Imo with hundreds of vehicles. Where are the owners? If you want me to show you pictures, I will show you. We discovered their camp, kicked their asses, and sent them to where they belong.”

“For the avoidance of doubt, Dokubo boasted: “I am a participant in this war. I fight on the side of the government of the Nigerian state; in Plateau, in Niger, in Anambra, in Imo, in Abia, and in Rivers state and in Abuja. Today you’re traveling to Kaduna on this road, it’s not the army that makes it possible for you to travel to Abuja, or travel to Kaduna, vice versa. It is my men, employed by the government of the Nigerian state, stationed in Niger.”

“In those words, Asari Dokubo blew his own cover. He owned up to working in an undercover capacity or as a non-state actor in a sector which belongs exclusively to the Federal Government. He owned up to extra-judicial killings. He mentioned specific theaters of operation – Imo State and the Abuja-Kaduna highway. He named those who hired and paid him – “the government of the Nigerian state.” It was like a painter framing his masterpiece.

“Three of those states named by Asari Dokubo (Anambra, Imo & Abia) are in the Southeast. Two others and the Federal Capital Territory (Niger, Plateau, and Abuja) are in the Middle Belt. Another state (Rivers) is in the South-South. All named territories have one thing in common in the last few years – random, unsolved killings and attacks on members of the opposition, rural farming communities, and government facilities. Anambra, Imo, and Abia were the epicenter of unknown gunmen activities in the period leading up to the last elections. Niger and Plateau were the main theaters of operation for the so-called “Fulani herdsmen.” Kuje Prison within the FCT was attacked, and inmates set free.

“So, what exactly was Asari Dokubo’s “security brief” in a region (the Southeast) where Army and Police checkpoints adorn nearly every hundred meters of the highway? What was he doing in a state (Imo) where a special military task force was assigned to “crush” separatist agitations? What was he paid to do for a country that boasts about a dozen security agencies with hefty yearly federal appropriations? More still, what “contract” is Asari desperately lobbying to retain with the new administration of President Bola Tinubu, for which reason he broke all protocols of civility to support the Tinubu candidacy and gain his attention before and during the last elections? Why has he been so vociferous with his anti-Igbo rhetoric in courting the Tinubu camp – knowing that Igbophobia is one of the favorite weapons of the APC in its struggle to retain power after the failed Buhari years?

“If you read between the lines and fill in the blank spaces, all the fingers point in one direction – Asari Dokubo is the man behind the mask of Unknown Gunmen. He was recruited and paid by the Buhari Administration, working closely with the Imo State Governor (Hope Uzodimma), to help deal with the threat of Biafra in Southeast Nigeria by unconventional means. Asari Dokubo, in turn, recruited, coordinated, and paid the men who carried out all those killings and criminal activities to blackmail IPOB and ESN. Plus, at least some of the mysterious attacks on villagers and facilities in the Middle Belt region.

“That’s what he meant when he boldly said, “I am a participant in this war.”

The trouble with people who talk too much is that they ultimately talk themselves into trouble. Asari Dokubo has now talked himself into deep trouble – beyond being broke. Not only has he antagonized the armed forces, which he was recruited to “help,” he has also given away the identity of the evil masquerade terrorizing the neighborhood.

“In trying so hard to corner the next “security contract” after squandering what he was earlier paid for hatchet jobs under President Buhari, Melford Asari Dokubo Goodhead has given away his own secret position. He is like a drunken and unprofessional sniper who uses his weapon indiscriminately. His enemies can see clearly where the deadly shots are coming from. His position in the bushes is no longer a mystery. The sniper himself is now a sitting duck. It’s only a matter of time before he too is sniped. That’s the way the cookie crumbles,” the source noted.

Meanwhile, the Enugu State governor, Peter Mbah, has been making efforts to stop the sit-at-home order enforced in the state. This includes the threat to sanction business owners that comply with the order by closing down their businesses and calls to arrest Emma powerful.

Military Victories:

Furthermore, the military has recently announced that some IPOB fighters were killed in Delta state, while others were arrested, and arms were recovered. This announcement sparked numerous comments on social media, with most questioning the truthfulness of the report, including a tweet by Emma Powerful dismissing the report as mere propaganda against the IPOB.

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Empowering Nigeria’s Tech-savvy Entrepreneurs

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The growing global demand for Information Communication and Technology (ICT) services has emboldened tech-savvy entrepreneurs to grab the opportunities inherent in the multi billion dollar sector to propel the world to new heights in various areas of human endeavours.

The global demand for ICT was heightened during the COVID-19 pandemic as people relied on technology to stay connected, work remotely and access essential goods and services.

When Nigeria set up the Ministry of Communication and Digital Economy in 2019, the aim is to fully exploit the opportunities in the sector, create new businesses and jobs, enhance security and transparency and diversify the country’s economy.

The country also launched the Digital Nigeria Programme on March 19, 2020, a key initiative to empower innovators and entrepreneurs with skills required to thrive in the emerging digital economy.

This was followed by digital training for Nigerians at a time the world stayed home to combat the spread of ‪COVID-19.

The Federal Ministry of Communications and Digital Economy partnered a number of institutions to enable Nigerians acquire cutting edge digital skills within the comfort of their homes.

Within the period, the Ministry provided Nigerians with over 280+ hours of free learning and 85+ courses on key emerging technologies like Blockchain, Artificial Intelligence, Big Data, Cloud Computing.

This is in line with the Ministry’s commitment to developing the capacity of Nigerians to use technology to solve problems. Thus, the Digital Nigeria programme helped to empower Nigerians to develop skills and build innovative solutions to tackle challenges affecting communities.

This aim is being largely achieved, because as at the second quarter of 2022, ICT had contributed 18.44 per cent to Nigeria’s GDP, making it the fastest revenue generator in the Nigerian economy

Digital and high tech savvy Nigerians had grabbed the opportunity and delved into the multi billion dollar industry, setting up businesses to drive the sector. Today, out of the seven Unicorns from Africa valued at 11.45 billion dollars , four of the unicorns, valued over 1 billion dollars each, originated from Nigeria.

According to the Minister of Communication and Digital Economy, Prof. Isa Pantami, the revolution in Nigeria’s digital economy, which began under President Muhammadu Buhari, has been remarkable.

‘‘All these unicorns in Nigeria attained this position during this administration. The first was in 2019, while the second, third and fourth attained this position in 2021.

‘‘57.14 per cent of the entire African unicorns originated from Nigeria while the market value of seven of them combined as at February 2023 is $11.45 billion, with the four from Nigeria contributing $7.5 billion,’’ Pantami said.

For clarity, Unicorn companies are those that reach a valuation of $1 billion without being listed on the stock market. It is the dream of any tech startup.

To push the boundaries of inclusiveness in the tech ecosystem, the Nigeria Startup Act was signed into law by President Buhari in October 2022. It is a bold step to institutionalise funding support for tech-savvy Nigerians.

“Today in the Act, there is a provision of supporting them financially. The government will set aside a minimum of N10 billion yearly in addition to other sources of funding that have been captured in the law,” Pantami said.

The law has also made clear provisions for tax breaks for Startups, ease of doing business, intellectual property protection and participation in public procurement, among others.

Nigeria has also raised broadband penetration now to 100 per cent following the deployment of SpaceX’s Starlink satellite Internet service. This will invariably spur more investment in ICT and its generative residue in the tech ecosystem.

However, in spite of these interventions towards making Nigeria a global talent factory in the digital space, the country’s startup ecosystem still faces significant challenges, such as access to funding, appropriate support infrastructure and skilled manpower.

‘‘These remain major barriers to the growth of the ecosystem, particularly for early-stage startups,” President Buhari acknowledged when he inaugurated a council to drive the implementation of the Startup Act.

He however said ‘‘the provisions of the Nigeria Startup Act 2022 represent an important step towards addressing these challenges and promoting the growth of a more vibrant and inclusive startup ecosystem in Nigeria.

‘‘Furthermore, implementation of the Act will lead to consolidation and further development of the gains recorded by Nigeria’s digital economy in the last four years, in the areas of contribution to GDP and increased revenue generation, among others.’’

To ensure the implementation of the Act, Buhari on April 5, 2023, inaugurated a 14-member National Council for Digital Innovation and Entrepreneurship to be chaired by the President, while the Vice President will serve as the council’s vice chairman.

The Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, will however preside over the Council in the absence of the President and Vice President.

Other members of the council are Ministers of Finance, Budget and National Planning; Industry, Trade and Investment; Science, Technology and Innovation, and the Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria.

Also on the council are four representatives of the Startup Consultative Forum, one representative each of Nigeria Computer Society and the Computer Professionals, as well as Director-General, NITDA, as Secretary.

The inauguration of the council is significant to Nigeria’s determination to remain in the forefront of the remarkable growth of startups in Africa, having already raised up to over 4 billion dollars in Startups between 2019 and 2022.

Buhari said at the inauguration that Nigeria was enticed to join the race for a slice in the sector by the remarkable growth of startups worldwide, where over 400 billion dollars of venture funding was accessed in 2022.

‘‘This growth was fuelled by a surge in demand for digital services as people worldwide turned to technology to stay connected, work remotely, and access essential goods and services largely due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

‘‘In Africa, the startup ecosystem has also been growing at a remarkable pace. In 2022, African startups raised a record of 5.4 billion dollars in funding,’’ he noted.

In this respect, Nigeria’s target has been to fully harness its youth talents, lift the country’s economy to new heights, and propel its vision and commitment towards ramping the potential of its young and innovative population in the tech ecosystem.

According to the President, the Council will also serve as a critical governance structure in the implementation of the Startup Act.

It will ensure that government agencies, entrepreneurs, investors and support organisations collaborate with the startup ecosystem to achieve the goals of promoting the growth of a vibrant and sustainable startup ecosystem in the country.

‘‘I had earlier directed the Secretariat, the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) to commence the execution of the implementation plan it developed.

‘‘One of the important aspects of the implementation plan is the development of the Startup Portal, which will serve as a platform that will drive the implementation of the NSA 2022 and collaboration between all stakeholders,’’ Buhari said.

No doubt, digital innovation and entrepreneurship are prerequisites to building an indigenous digital economy, as such the Council should consolidate the gains and achievements recorded in the Nigerian digital economy sector.

According to Pantami, the Buhari administration has set three unprecedented records of ICT contributions to GDP which should be surpassed.

“For example in the first quarter of 2020, ICT alone contributed 14.07 per cent to the country’s GDP. In the second quarter of 2021, ICT alone, without digital services, contributed 17.92 per cent to GDP while in the second quarter of 2022, ICT contributed 18.44 per cent.

‘‘Annually, this administration has been setting new records when it comes to ICT contributions to GDP,’’ the minister said.

Mr Gbenga Adebayo, Chairman of the Association of Licensed Telecommunication Companies in Nigeria, said the digital economy sector has done very well.

“Today we are one of the largest contributors to the GDP, we are also one of the largest in terms of employment generation. The industry has become a driver of many other sectors of the economy.

“From the number of policies formulated by the Buhari administration, we have quantum leap in the development of the sector. We have seen rapid development of the industry,” Adebayo said.

He advised that the incoming administration should maintain and sustain the achievements in the sector, while also addressing local problems such as high energy cost, to further propel the gains in the ICT and digital economy. (NAN)

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The Agony of Ikarama Community

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FROM TAYESE Mike, Yenagoa

Ikarama is a Community under Okordia Clan in Yenagoa Local Government Area of Bayelsa State which is also blessed with crude oil in large quantity that have brought untold hardship and penury to them. The oil that suppose to be a blessing is more or less a curse as a community with less than hundred thousand people cannot feel the impact of their God given resources.

What a sad and pathetic situation and the agony Ikarama people are facing might not be too different from other oil and gas producing communities across the Niger Delta.

Why Ikarama case is so peculiar is because the community has witnessed the highest frequency of oil spill since 1991 and till date  not much has been done to clean up the environment and proper remediation carried out within and around  the community and its environment.

The peaceful Ikarama Community that have been enjoying agrarian life in time past started their problem when oil was discovered in 1964 and from that time till date every valuable things to the Community have virtually been eroded due to the activities of the multinationals. Shell Petroleum Development Company started operation of oil exploration in Ikarama community and also Exxon Mobil since that same 1964 but nothing to show forth as an oil producing community.

The constant oil spills in the community has caused so much environmental pollution as the people can no longer farm while fishing activities has completely come to a halt since fish cannot survive in an Hydrocarbon polluted areas, most of the economy trees have gone into extinction while so much sickness and diseases have ravaged the community. Diseases like cancer, skin disease, infertility especially in men, blood disorder, asthma, still birth and other horrible disease due to the activities of the Oil Companies.

The Community cannot boast of a good health center, clean water and other social amenities that make life more meaningful despite the fact that every part of the community is blessed with crude oil. The recent incident that took Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) to the Ikarama Community was the case of a young man who was trying to make a living for himself and his family hired an excavator last year to excavate the ground for fish pond but surprisingly oil was oozing out of the ground and the same experience this year after spending so much resources only to end in futility.

Visiting the community is the Director of HOMEF and his team in company of Morris Alagoa an environmental Activist to see the extent of oil pollution in the community. Dr. Nnimmo Bassey described Ikarama Community as the capital of oil spill incident in the whole of Niger Delta because Ikarama community has the highest frequency of oil spill. It’s really shocking to see the level of pollution in this community. Meanwhile we heard that shell has come severally to take samples of the soil at various depths but till date, nothing has been heard about the result been released.

Nnimmo said what really brought HOMEF to the community was to see for themselves the sad situations of a community youth who have invested so much by trying to excavate the ground for fish pond last year and this year and surprising oil was coming out of the ground. He said, they want to make sure the result of various samples shell have collected so far is been released for proper action.

Not just NOSDRA only should involved in it but Ministry of Environment at both the state and federal level should get involved in the process of ascertaining the level of contamination, not just in one location but the entire community soil because oil pipeline transverses the length and breath of the Community and in fact other Niger Delta Community “we are very disturbed by what we are seeing that plants will remain stunted for a over a year. It says a lot about what the people have to contend with and it is a sad thing that government will just be carrying on as if nothing is happening, as if Niger Delta is just a place to be exploited, this is totally unacceptable.

He described the health challenge of the people as pathetic because anywhere there is activities of oil and gas activities, oil spill, gas flair and other unwholesome activities will follow like exposing them to hydrocarbon. They will definitely have serious health challenges like skin disease blood disorder, cancer, still birth infertility especially in men amongst the rest. So the critical thing is to clean up the environment, carry out heath audit across the Ikarama Community and the rest of the Niger Delta, take measure to remove the sickness and diseases hiding in the body of the people or already manifesting and they should make sure they stop completely the oil spill and the gas flares.

Shell and other oil companies must need to carry out thorough remediation in the community. The HOMEF Director said what is going on in Ikarama and the Niger Delta can be called environmental racism and they won’t do this in their country. So we are calling for enough clean up.

As the oil companies are planning to sell of their Assets and move to deep waters, obviously they are running away from responsibility and accountability and before they move to the deep waters operation they should consult with the communities that they are leaving and must be ready to clean up the environment they have polluted over the years and carry out proper remediation and make sure adequate compensation are paid.

Seeing the pathetic situation of the people and the community environment is Mr Alagoa Morris, an environmentalist, who said  monitoring the environment demanded factual and evidence-based data collection, recording and reporting. Alagoa who had written over seventy (70) reports on Ikarama oil spills called on Shell and other oil companies to be proactive when such happens for the safety of the rural dwellers, and the aquatic lives that the people depend on. 

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ShareFrom Godwin Okeh, Abakaliki The Ebonyi State Government on Monday announced the subsidization of flight fares to ease stress faced...

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