OPINION
Time for INEC Chairman, Mahmud Yakubu, to Resign
By Femi Aribisala
Having been caught in lies upon lies, Mahmood Yakubu should do the honourable thing for a change. It is not realistic to insist that President Buhari should fire him. That is unlikely to happen since he is working to protect the president’s interests. But there is one road still open to Yakubu. He should resign without further delay. He has done enough damage already.
The logic is simple. The 2019 presidential election in Nigeria cannot be, by all accounts, the worst election in the history of Nigeria without the corresponding chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) being, at the same time, the worst INEC chairman in the history of Nigeria.
INEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, presided over an atrocious and fraudulent election that is now being fiercely contested in the courts. He can no longer remain as INEC chairman.INEC is supposed to be an impartial umpire in elections in Nigeria. However, it is now obvious that Mahmood Yakubu’s INEC operated essentially as an arm of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The evidence is overwhelming that Yakubu’s INEC massively rigged the election in favour of the government. If integrity and impartiality is to be restored to INEC, Yakubu must leave immediately. If the confidence of Nigerians is to be restored in INEC, then the country deserves a complete overhaul of the organisation.
INEC Shenanigans
INEC, under Mahmood Yakubu, has lost all credibility. It is now practically impossible to believe anything that comes from the organization. The election results it declared defied commonsense. The figures did not add up. The election was not even rigged intelligently. It was rigged on the presumption of impunity.
In many cases, no voters were accredited, nevertheless fictitious returns were made. In others, total votes cast far exceeded the registered voters. In Borno, for example, only 372,347 votes were cast. However, 919,786 votes were declared; an inflation of 547,439 votes. The printing of election materials was contracted to the company of a member of the APC, who was also one of the party’s senatorial candidates.
Before the election, the use of card readers was declared to be mandatory. It was affirmed that the vote would be declared null and void where the card reader was not used. Nevertheless, in most areas of the North, the card reader was not used. The votes were simply inflated and deflated at INEC’s discretion.
In areas of the opposition People Democratic Party (PDP)’s strength, elections were strategically cancelled and supplementary elections scheduled. This ultimately enabled INEC to declare losers as winner and to convert winners into losers; as it happened, for example, in Kano.
But what has proved to be the most indicting of INEC has been the question of the central server. Having somehow obtained the result posted on the INEC central server, Atiku has demonstrated that it is completely different from the result INEC declared publicly. On the INEC server, Atiku prevailed over Buhari by a plurality of 1.6 million votes, while INEC publicly declared that Buhari won the election by nearly four million votes.
Atiku Must Be Stopped
When the APC discovered, to its dismay, that Atiku had access to the INEC central server and had somehow obtained the real and authentic results of the 2019 presidential election, it went into panic mode. The party’s first knee-jerk response was to petition the police to arrest Atiku for hacking into the INEC server. But if Atiku did in fact hack into the server, what does that mean for the results he found there? The afterthought was to insist that Atiku posted fake results into the server.
However, APC kingpins realized there would be trouble ahead if Atiku went public with his findings. The man had to be stopped; otherwise the victory they were celebrating would be in jeopardy. Therefore, they opted for the anomaly whereby, although Buhari himself lost the presidential election of three previous occasions and took the matter to court every time, they became determined that Atiku must be dissuaded from taking the matter to court.
Emissaries, friends, some members of the National Peace Committee, some Northern elites and powers close to Atiku were sent to dissuade him from challenging the election at the Tribunal, fearful that Buhari’s pyrrhic victory would be scuttled if he did so. When that did not work, Lai Mohammed accused Atiku of treasonable felony and conspiracy against the federal government. So doing, it was felt that Atiku would be forced to plea bargain and part of the deal would be that his petition be cancelled.
It has now come to light that hundreds of fake Facebook pages were created to sell propaganda against Atiku. These were discovered and Facebook has already closed them. They were designed to sell the lie that Atiku is corrupt and that he is a wanted felon in the United States. But all that collapsed when Atiku visited the United States in 2018, demonstrating once and for all that the insinuations that he could not go there without being arrested were all lies.
The same APC pretending to be holier-than-thou has ended up electing Femi Gbajabiamila as the new speaker of the House of Representatives, in spite of the fact that it is on record that he was convicted for professional misconduct by the Supreme Court of Georgia, U.S.A. for defrauding a client. It has also elected Ovie Omo Agege as deputy Senate president, despite the fact that he was also convicted of a felony while practicing law in the United States.
Servers Don’t Exist
Against all their pleas and arm-twisting, the shoe finally dropped when Atiku filed his petition. He posted for all to see that the result on the INEC server shows he won the election; and he authenticated this by quoting the serial numbers unique to the INEC server.
On this issue, the word from INEC has turned out to be lies upon lies. INEC’s first gambit was to declare to an incredulous public that it has no central electronic servers. Only God knows how it expected to get away with this lie. INEC officials had spent the better part of the campaign season boasting that their central server would make rigging elections obsolete in Nigeria. That, they had set up servers in each of the 36 states of Nigeria and in Abuja.
So, how could INEC now say it does not have a server? Where are the data of the 80 million registered voters stored if not in an electronic server? How does the card reader authenticate a voter’s PVC card without an electronic server? INEC conveniently forgot that it admitted publicly that it used its servers to collate results in the previous Ekiti and Osun elections. So, how did these servers suddenly disappear?
Servers Were Not Used
It soon became apparent that the lie that there are no servers could not be sustained, so INEC tried another gambit. It then said an INEC central server actually exists, but it was not used for the election. It was only used for rehearsals and dummy runs.
So, how are we to explain the situation where INEC collected over N1 billion to upgrade the existing server against the 2019 elections, only to now shamelessly tell Nigerians that it only used it for experiments? What then was the point of the upgrade? Did rehearsals not already take place during the Ekiti and Osun elections.
Why did Mahmood Yakubu boast before the election that: “we are pioneering and deploying in 2019 general elections, a new platform for the electronic collation and transmission of results.”
Clearly, another better lie became necessary again. So INEC tried this one for size. It said it could not have engaged in electronic collation of results because the Electoral Act intended to validate the process was not signed into law by the president. But this is simply not going to wash because INEC does not need the president’s permission in order to engage in the electronic collation of results.
Section 160 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution states categorically that: “in the case of the Independent National Electoral Commission, its powers to make its own rules or otherwise regulate its own procedure shall not be subject to the approval or control of the president”.
Servers Were Used
But now the matter has been taken out of INEC’s hands. INEC has turned on itself. No less than 20 officials deployed during the election as electoral officers have now come forward to say that they transmitted results electronically to a central server, using their smart card readers during the 2019 presidential election. In effect, the cat is now out of the bag. INEC and Mahmood Yakubu need to go back to their factory and manufacture other lies about the server.
The question now is how did INEC think it could get away with all these lies, with so many people involved? Why was it necessary for INEC to tell all these lies? It can only be because it was fraudulent with the election. It can only be because it is trying to hide the truth that the result it declared to Nigerians claiming Buhari won the election is a lie. The true result must be the one in its server, which it is trying to say does not exist.
Servers Out of Bounds
So, INEC had to change its line of defence yet again. Atiku wants the court to give him permission to inspect the INEC server. Even if the results posted there have been deleted, they can still be retrieved by forensic experts. What is INEC’s response to this? It does not want Atiku to see its non-existent server that has now resurrected from the dead. It does not want its server released to Atiku, in spite of saying it was not used to collate the result. If it was not used, why not confidently submit it for inspection, knowing nothing would be found there?
The long and short of this is that Mahmood Yakubu’s INEC can no longer be believed. By the earlier denial of not owning any servers, INEC is already guilty of evidence tampering, whether or not the servers contain the results as claimed by Atiku. Not wanting to release the server for inspection shows INEC has something to hide. It shows there is information in the server which it does not want to reveal to Atiku’s legal team and Nigerians.
What all this conveys is that Atiku actually won the election, but INEC manipulated the results against him.
Having been caught in lies upon lies, Mahmood Yakubu should do the honourable thing for a change. It is not realistic to insist that President Buhari should fire him. That is unlikely to happen since he is working to protect the president’s interests. But there is one road still open to Yakubu. He should resign without further delay. He has done enough damage already.
With regard to the presidency, this is no longer a question of nullifying the election. The only option left is to declare Atiku Abubakar as the elected president of Nigeria outrightly.
OPINION
Mothers and Nigeria’s Fight to End Polio
By Abiemwense Moru
As the morning sun rose over Kuje in Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory, mothers cradled their babies, queuing patiently at the Primary Health Centre.
Laughter and the soft cries of infants filled the air, punctuated by the reassuring voice of health workers administering the life-saving polio vaccine.
It was the 2025 World Polio Day, a global reminder that the war against one of humanity’s most crippling diseases is not yet over.
For Rotary International District 9141 Governor, Anthony Woghiren, it was not just another commemoration; it was a call to action.
Standing before a crowd of mothers, he issued a rallying cry that resonated beyond the small community of Kuje:
“I have instructed mothers to be our ambassadors.
“Tell your friends and every pregnant woman that every child must receive immunisation to prevent any form of polio.”
Rotary International has been at the forefront of the global fight to eradicate polio for nearly four decades.
With support from the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNICEF and national governments, the campaign has achieved an astounding 99.9 per cent reduction in polio cases worldwide.
Only Afghanistan and Pakistan still record cases of wild poliovirus, a reminder that while victory is close; the battle is not yet won.
For Nigeria, the journey has been one of perseverance and partnership.
The country was officially certified wild poliovirus-free in 2020, but maintaining that status has required vigilance.
According to Woghiren, Rotary’s goal remains clear, to achieve total eradication of polio before 2030.
“We cannot do it alone; we appeal to well-spirited individuals to contribute to the Rotary Polio Fund. Every naira donated helps us procure vaccines and support the health workers on the frontlines,” he said.
These health workers, many of them women, have become the unsung heroes of Nigeria’s immunisation story.
Armed with coolers of vaccines and sheer determination, they traverse rivers, mountains, and conflict-prone areas to ensure every child, no matter how remote, is protected.
In Birnin Kebbi, the capital of Kebbi, the Emir of Gwandu, Alhaji Muhammad Ilyasu-Bashar, added a royal voice to the national chorus for eradication.
Addressing the state’s polio team, he hailed the collective commitment of the Kebbi Government, development partners, and traditional rulers in keeping the state polio-free.
“All hands must be on deck for us to completely eradicate the scourge of polio from resurfacing.
“We thank the state government, traditional rulers, and the Ministry of Women Affairs for their unrelenting efforts in ensuring that polio is eradicated in the entire state,’’ ” the Emir declared through his representative, Alhaji Muhammad Sambo-Aliyu.
Reports from local government areas across Kebbi showed impressive coverage, a testament to community cooperation and trust built through traditional institutions.
Traditional leaders have long been critical allies in public health campaigns.
Their endorsement carries the weight of culture, faith, and authority, essential in communities where misinformation and mistrust can derail vaccination drives.
As Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, District Head of Diggi, observed, “Traditional institutions in the state have been instrumental in building trust and dispelling misconceptions about vaccination.”
Further north, in Zamfara, the 2025 World Polio Day was a celebration of progress in spite of adversity.
The event, held at the Emir of Gusau’s Palace, gathered government officials, WHO and UNICEF representatives, and even polio survivors–living reminders of why the campaign must not relent.
Dr Husaini Yakubu, Executive Secretary of the Zamfara Primary Healthcare Board, reaffirmed the state’s unwavering commitment.
In spite of insecurity and logistical challenges, Zamfara has maintained its polio-free status through collaboration and innovation.
“In spite of the challenges of insecurity, the state has maintained its polio-free status.
“We will continue to collaborate with partners to ensure children are protected from killer diseases,” Yakubu said.
That collaboration has yielded tangible results.
According to Dr Murtala Salahudeen, Incident Manager of the Zamfara Polio Emergency Operations Centre, more than 1.8 million children under five have been vaccinated against polio, and more than 2 million have received measles and rubella vaccines.
“These achievements were possible through strong partnerships between the state government, WHO, UNICEF, and local organisations.
“Even nomadic communities were reached through the joint efforts of health teams and security agencies,” Salahudeen explained.
Zamfara’s story illustrates a powerful lesson: with political will, community engagement, and technical support, even insecurity cannot stop progress.
Among those attending the Gusau event was Aisha Musa, a 32-year-old polio survivor from Kaura Namoda.
Sitting in her wheelchair, Aisha radiated optimism. “I was only three when I was struck by polio.
“My parents didn’t know about vaccination then. I don’t want any other child to go through what I did.”
Aisha now works as a volunteer with UNICEF, helping raise awareness in rural communities. Her story, like many others, embodies resilience and transformation.
“When mothers see me, they understand what polio can do; I tell them, ‘You can prevent this; vaccinate your child,’” she said.
Her voice, both literal and symbolic, emphasises Woghiren’s call for mothers to become ambassadors.
Observers say these living testimonies bridge the gap between statistics and real lives, between policy and impact.
In Enugu State, the fight against polio is being waged with science, structure, and strategic partnerships.
At the 2025 World Polio Day commemoration themed “End Polio: Every Child, Every Vaccine, Everywhere,” the State Commissioner for Health, Prof. George Ugwu, reaffirmed the government’s commitment to immunisation as a pillar of primary healthcare.
Through targeted vaccination outreach, enhanced surveillance, and massive investment in healthcare infrastructure, Enugu is making strides.
In April and June alone, more than 2.38 million children aged 0–59 months received the novel oral polio vaccine (nOPV).
Ugwu credited these achievements to strong collaboration with WHO, UNICEF, and local NGOs.
He also highlighted the construction of 260 Type-2 Primary Healthcare Centres across the state, one in each ward, as part of Gov. Peter Mbah’s vision to deliver accessible healthcare for all.
Still, challenges persist.
“Vaccine hesitancy, misinformation, insecurity, and infrastructure gaps remain real threats.
“But we are intensifying community engagement, strengthening surveillance, and promoting risk communication,” the commissioner said.
WHO’s State Coordinator for Enugu, Dr Adaeze Ugwu, emphasised this optimism: “Let us keep pushing forward, making new innovations, and advocating for every child to receive this life-changing polio vaccine.
“Together, we can make history.”
In Yobe, the story is one of determination amid daunting odds.
Marking World Polio Day in Damaturu, the State Commissioner for Health, Dr Mohammad Gana, lauded Nigeria’s collective progress but cautioned against complacency.
“Now is not the time to step back.
“The final steps toward polio eradication are the most critical and challenging; any complacency could reverse decades of progress,” he warned.
Gana outlined the strategies driving Yobe’s success, strong political commitment, community engagement, and innovative outreach campaigns targeting hard-to-reach populations.
According to him, vaccination teams employ “hit-and-run” campaigns in conflict-prone zones, use cross-border checkpoints for migrant vaccination, and collaborate with nomadic leaders to ensure no child is missed.
He attributed the state’s achievements to Gov. Mai Mala Buni’s leadership and the resource mobilisation efforts of his deputy, Alhaji Idi Gubana, who chairs the State Taskforce on Immunisation.
From Kuje to Kebbi, Zamfara to Enugu, and Yobe, one message resounds: polio eradication requires everyone, mothers, fathers, traditional rulers, health workers, and political leaders alike.
Each region’s experience offers a piece of the national puzzle; in the South, infrastructure and awareness lead the charge.
In the North, resilience, tradition, and collaboration drive success.
The unifying thread is Nigeria’s collective determination to ensure that no child ever suffers from a preventable disease again.
As Nigeria marks yet another World Polio Day, it stands at a historic crossroads.
With 99.9 per cent of the world already free from wild poliovirus, the country’s role is no longer just national, it is global.
Every vaccination campaign, every advocacy effort, and every mother who chooses to immunise her child brings the world one step closer to eradication.
Experts say the fight against polio is not just about science; it is about solidarity; it is about communities believing in the power of prevention, leaders using their influence for good, and survivors transforming their pain into purpose.(NAN)
OPINION
Examining World Bank’s AgriConnect to Transform Global Agriculture
By Kadiri Abdulrahman
At the recently concluded Annual Meetings of the IMF and World Bank Group in Washington D.C., the World Bank unveiled its flagship agricultural initiative, “AgriConnect”.
The President of the World Bank Group, Ajay Banga, explained that the flagship initiative is designed to boost global agricultural productivity and enable smallholder farmers to move from subsistence to commercial production.
According to Banga, AgriConnect was conceived to transform smallholder farming into a viable engine of economic growth, job creation, food security, and value-chain development in developing countries.
In particular, it seeks to support 500 million smallholder farmers who produce the majority of the world’s food but still operate largely at subsistence levels.
Furthermore, the initiative aims to double the World Bank’s annual investment in agribusiness to nine billion dollars by 2030, while also mobilising an additional five billion dollars from development partners.
Banga noted that the initiative was building an ecosystem around cooperatives to integrate financing for farmers and SMEs, link producers to markets, and harness digital tools such as “small AI”.
This, he added, is underpinned by a pledge to double agricultural financing and attract further resources through strategic partnerships.
He stressed that agriculture had always been central to development.
“Today, the challenge is not only to grow more food, but also to turn that growth into a business that delivers higher incomes for smallholder farmers and creates opportunities across entire economies,” he said.
Banga further observed that over the next 10 to 15 years, about 1.2 billion young people in developing countries would come of age, yet only 400 million jobs were projected to be created.
“Hundreds of millions will either power the global economy or spill over into unrest and migration. That is why the World Bank Group has made job creation our central mission,” he explained.
He noted that although jobs ultimately come from the private sector, they do not all start there.
“Countries move along a continuum: early on, the public sector drives job creation; over time, private capital and entrepreneurship take the lead.
“Our three-pillar strategy reflects that arc of building infrastructure and skills; creating predictable regulations and a business-friendly environment; and supporting investors with risk tools that crowd in capital,” he added.
According to Banga, the World Bank sees potential in five priority sectors of infrastructure, agribusiness, healthcare, tourism, and value-added manufacturing.
However, he noted that agribusiness remains central to both job creation and meeting the projected 50 per cent rise in global food demand over the coming decades.
Moreover, he highlighted that Africa holds 60 per cent of the world’s uncultivated arable land and could significantly boost yields on already cultivated land.
“Latin America already produces enough food for well over a billion people, but faces infrastructural challenges.
“Across Asia, smallholder farmers manage most farmland; an enormous base that can be lifted with better technology, finance, and market access,” he said.
Banga noted that globally, 500 million smallholder farmers produce 80 per cent of the world’s food, yet many remain trapped in subsistence due to inadequate electricity, storage, training, and access to markets.
Similarly, Pakistan’s Finance Minister, Muhammad Aurangzeb, shared insights on his country’s Agri-Finance and Climate Resilience Reforms.
He underscored the crucial role of agriculture in Pakistan’s economy, which contributes nearly one-fourth of GDP and supports millions of small farmers.
He reaffirmed the government’s policy shift from control to facilitation and empowerment, enabling the private sector to drive agricultural growth.
Ongoing initiatives, he said, aim to enhance productivity, access to finance, and value-chain development from production and storage to exports.
“When the full value chain is considered, agriculture contributes nearly 40 per cent to Pakistan’s GDP,” he added.
In the same vein, Guinea’s Minister of Agriculture, Mariama Cire Sylla, emphasised the need for financing and infrastructure reform to empower smallholder farmers and attract investment in alignment with AgriConnect’s goals.
Earlier in 2025, the World Bank published a Guinea Economic Update highlighting the nation’s economic progress.
The report commended Guinea’s fiscal discipline and economic performance, which helped it secure a B+ credit rating from Standard & Poor’s in September 2025.
However, it noted that while growth was encouraging, it had not yet translated into significant poverty reduction, stressing that domestic resource mobilisation remained critical for long-term development.
Meanwhile, the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) pledged to transform the lives of at least 70 million small-scale farmers through the AgriConnect initiative.
The IFAD President, Alvaro Lario, explained that the initiative aims to create jobs in agribusiness, transform livelihoods, and strengthen global food security.
The project will be implemented in collaboration with the World Bank, African Development Bank (AfDB) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).
“Our investments have led to higher incomes, bigger yields, and better market access for small-scale food producers.
“Delivering that triple impact, we will target at least 70 million people in rural and fragile areas,” Lario stated.
He added that IFAD, alongside other multilateral development banks, governments, and private sector partners, shared a common ambition to connect small-scale producers to markets and turn rural areas into engines of growth, jobs, and food security.
Lario highlighted that IFAD brings nearly five decades of experience investing in rural communities, particularly in remote and fragile regions where poverty and hunger are most severe.
“These communities, home to 80 per cent of the world’s poorest people, face challenges from climate shocks to limited access to inputs, technologies, and finance, despite immense untapped potential,” he said.
He observed that meeting the rising global food demand, projected to increase by nearly 60 per cent by 2030, could generate an estimated 10 trillion dollars in annual economic opportunities by 2050.
He also noted that Africa’s agribusiness sector could reach one trillion dollars by 2030.
Furthermore, Lario pointed out that 1.2 billion young people would enter the job market in developing countries over the next decade, adding that agri-food systems already provide employment for 40 per cent of the global workforce.
In addition, the African Development Bank (AfDB) reaffirmed its partnership and support for AgriConnect.
Its President, Sidi Ould Tah, noted that the initiative aligns closely with the Bank’s own programmes aimed at transforming smallholder farming through technology, finance, and value addition.
He mentioned AfDB’s related efforts such as the Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones (SAPZ), Agri-Food SME Catalytic Financing Mechanism (ACFM), and ENABLE Youth Programme.
These initiatives are designed to improve infrastructure, reduce investment risks, and provide financing to agri-SMEs and young entrepreneurs.
“These initiatives focus on improving infrastructure, de-risking private capital, and supporting farmers and SMEs to increase productivity and create jobs,” he said.
As the World Bank, AfDB, and their partners roll out large-scale agricultural initiatives, some Nigerians have raised concerns over the discontinuation of the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme (ABP).
The scheme, launched by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) in November 2015, was designed to provide financing support for smallholder farmers.
The ABP was designed to boost production, link smallholder farmers with agro-processors, and reduce Nigeria’s dependence on food imports.
Its objectives, which closely mirror those of AgriConnect, included increasing agricultural output, promoting food security, creating rural jobs, and enhancing farmers’ access to credit.
However, the programme was phased out in 2023 and replaced under the new CBN Development Finance Framework.
The framework aims to streamline agricultural financing through deposit money banks and other financial institutions, rather than through direct government interventions.
All in all, the launch of AgriConnect reflects a renewed global resolve to make agriculture a driver of inclusive growth, food security, and rural development.
However, for initiatives of this scale to achieve meaningful impact, experts say they must align with country-level priorities and lessons from past experiences.
In Nigeria, many believe that the phase-out of the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme offers valuable insights into the challenges of sustaining agricultural financing and ensuring equitable access for smallholder farmers.
By harmonising local policies with global initiatives such as AgriConnect, Nigeria and other developing nations can strengthen their agricultural systems, boost productivity, and build more resilient rural economies. (NAN)
OPINION
Defections, Tinubu, and the Return of Abacha Democracy
By SKC Ogbonnia
A famous American journalist, Sydney J. Harris, once wrote that, “History repeats itself, but in such cunning disguise that we never detect the resemblance until the damage is done.”Once upon a time Nigeria had a military Head of State, Sani Abacha, who ruled as a maximum dictator.
He would eventually yield to pressure to transition the country to a democracy, but he also plotted to succeed himself as the president. Keenly aware that he was unpopular and had no chance of winning the presidency in any free and fair election under a multiparty democracy, Abacha turned to unholy schemes. His regime staged an aggressive montage of propaganda to launder his image behind a facade of positive narratives–all suggesting a show of overwhelming public support for the military head of state to succeed himself. They portrayed him as the best leader ever and his candidacy as the second coming of the Messiah. But that was not all.Buoyed by the false public support, General Sani Abacha used the instrument of power to coerce opposing political parties to endorse him as a sole candidate. All coasts were clear for him to enthrone a sham democracy featuring only one party and, of course, without internal or external opposition. But providence has a way with destiny, as well as with ambitions. Sani Abacha died unexpectedly. And his brand of democracy also died suddenly, or so we thought. That was in 1998!Fast forward to 2025, history is repeating itself in a disgusting disguise. The objective fact is that the Abacha model of democracy or resemblance of it is back in our naked eyes, and the man in charge has a similar trait and background. Like Sani Abacha, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not gain power by popular account. While Abacha became Head of State by the way of a military coup, a majority of Nigerian voters (64.7%) rejected Tinubu in the election that he used to assume power. Like Abacha, Tinubu is widely rated as one of the most corrupt leaders in the world. Like Sani Abacha, amid a woeful record of performance, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is employing underhand tactics, undermining democratic norms in order to win a re-election.So far, the former Lagos governor is in full control of both the Legislature and the Judiciary. The gravest of all, however, is a grand design to emulate the Abacha model by using all manner of political intimidation to decimate the structures of the opposition parties. The objective is a one-party state or a semblance of it. This explains the wave of defections of legislators and governors to Tinubu’s ruling APC. Nothing more!!Of course, the defecting politicians or the Tinubu enablers have continued to labour so hard to offer nothing but tantalizing reasons for abandoning the people and the parties that brought them to power. However, every reason or excuse they have offered is in conflict with history and common sense.Interestingly, the governors who have decamped so far happen to hail from the South-East and South-South zones of the country. This is a region that ‘aligned with the center’ for 16 of the 25 years in the Fourth Republic. This is a region that has produced a President, Vice President, Senate Presidents, Deputy Senate Presidents, Deputy Speakers, Ruling Party Chairmen, and some of the other most powerful portfolios when PDP held sway. Yet, there is nothing to show for the support or the patronage. Needless to remind them that this same region includes Imo and Ebonyi states, which have been under the control of the same APC since the previous regime; yet, such a gesture did not stop Bola Ahmed Tinubu from waging a shadow war against the Igbo people of Nigeria.Let us even choose not to factor the common knowledge above, but common sense dictates that only an enemy of Nigeria will be singing praises of the APC regime that has plunged the country into untold hardship with no end in sight. Only a corrupt mind would be rushing to a ruling party that is leading the most criminal and unjust regime in national history.The truth of the matter is simple: Their reason for the defections is purely for selfish interests. Specifically, these defecting politicians are lily-livered leaders who lack principle and have either corrupt baggage, afraid of winning elections on their own merit or those eager to benefit from the ruling party’s corrupt ecosystem. The whistling charm is the prevailing pledge by the then National Chairman of theAPC, Adams Oshiomhole that the sins of the members of the opposition parties would be forgiven if they defect to the ruling party.Former British Prime Minister, Sir Winston Churchill, probably had in mind the type of unfolding political crisis in Nigeria, when he noted that, “Those that fail to learn from history are doomed to repeat it”.Bola Ahmed Tinubu ought to be able to dig deeper in history and remember that brute attempts by then ruling parties to win broad political mandate was the central reason commonly cited for the fall of both the First and Second Republics.Recall the situation under the very Second Republic. Similar to the case of Tinubu, President Shehu Shagari (who scored only 33.7% of the votes) failed to garner majority votes through the 1979 polls. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN), being the ruling party at the time, was desperate for a clear majority in the subsequent election of 1983. It followed the mission by boasting and threatening that it must capture the states where the regional capitals of the First Republic–namely Enugu, Kaduna, and Ibadan–were located. The NPN brushed aside the fact that those states were controlled by political parties featuring popular native presidential candidates, namely Nnamdi Azikiwe, Aminu Kano, and Obafemi Awolowolo, respectively.With the timber and calibre of the ruling NPN behind him, Shagari threw caution to the wind and went ahead to deploy heavy duty federal might to deliver those former regional capitals through the 1983 elections. Accordingly, the election result was greeted with mass discontent and unrest. Not surprisingly, mass jubilation greeted the military coup of 1983 that overthrew the Shagari government. While military coups must no longer be an option, Tinubu can learn from recent history that the restive masses have become even more potent.In sum, it is clear that Nigeria’s hard earned democracy is at its lowest ebb. This failure is because the overbearing influence of the Executive branch under President Tinubu has weakened institutional independence and, by consequence, lack of checks and balances, dictatorship, systemic corruption, and abuse of civil liberties. Today, Mr. Tinubu is widely seen to be above the law. He is widely seen to dictate who gets what, who wins or who loses. Sadly, instead of holding the ruling party accountable, the opposition leaders are succumbing, defecting to become a part of the state corrupt ecosystem. The posterity beckons!SKC Ogbonnia, a former APC Presidential Aspirant, writes from Houston, Texas.
