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Tinubu Should Never Say Some Parts of Nigeria are Unreachable to Him – Prince Adebayo

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By Mike Odiakose, Abuja

The National Leader of the Social Democratic Party, Prince Adewole Adebayo has become a known face especially after the 2023 general election where he contested on the platform of SDP which he presently leads.

MIKE ODIAKOSE reports in this interview monitored on Sunrise Daily on Channels TV penultimate Friday, that Adebayo, a lawyer, farmer and international businessman said President Tinubu’s visit to Benue State on a condolence visit was ill prepared and full of theatrics.
Excerpts:

You were reported to have said that the President’s visit to Benue where he held a town hall meeting was grossly sickening.

Some people will say isn’t that a little harsh given the fact that the president had là or no control over some of the things that harpfopened?

My sympathy to the government and people of Benue state again and the same thing with the almost forgotten people of Bokkos and other places in Plateau State and many parts of the country where this massacre, killing, kidnapping, banditry go on and on.

What is clear is that the president cannot say he did not know or has no control over the state. He is the Governor-General of every state in Nigeria. So, he’s the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and these things that are happening in many parts of the country, especially Benue and Plateau, are things which are supposed to be the daily features in his security reports that he receives; that’s why he’s the Commander-in-Chief.

When I said control, I wasn’t talking about security. It does appear that your criticism bordered around what some have termed the fanfare that preceded the president’s visit. That was what I was referring to…

Okay what I see is a general pattern where the president politicises everything. If he’s going to commission a road, it’s always there’s always this cartoonish aspect that has to do with singing and all of that. He goes to National Assembly in a country where people are suffering and he’s making some efforts but those efforts have not yielded significant results yet and people feel these things and when he goes there, they sing these various anthems that they wax all the time.

Now they’ve not gone one step beyond reason by going to a place of mourning, a place of massacre where even during the civil war it would be newsworthy, if there was 200 lives lost in one time at one time and when he was giving awards on June 12 and all the struggle, there was no time during the resistance to the military that the military or anyone killed 200 people at a go.

So such a place is a somber occasion and he’s in charge of all the people who followed him there and what you get there is like another political rally and that sombreness is not there; and some of the theaters they were doing there with the chief of defence staff giving the president a salute, are the things they should have done in the situation room.

And the president, I think, should have gone there as a chief mourner and the language should have been sober and the responses should have been better controlled and it should have made sure come rain, come shine, come anything that he got to the venue of the attack, Yelwata; he gets there and he sees the people. You cannot say as Commander-in-Chief that there is no part of the country that’s unreachable by you. People are living there and you leave them there and you’re responsible for their welfare there, so I think, as a whole, the notion that by merely going to Benue, which is a place where his heart should be as a Commander-in-Chief emphasis, that merely going there is enough sacrifice is not true.

And some of the commentaries and his own reaction to it did not do anything to suggest to the people that his priorities are with those who have been killed. I know them by name because as commander-in-chief I will know all of this before going there.

Which of the reactions now?

The general atmosphere, even the speech he made, the content of it.

Is it at the venue or the speech initially made?

In that hall which looks like a banquet. The whole setting is not the setting you would find for mourning. Even the effort they put into it, the whole staging of it is not sympathetic enough and is not appropriate enough and that’s our understanding of that. And it does not portray to the president that he understands that using that visit is to address all these similar issues because God forbid and I will pray it doesn’t happen; if it happens elsewhere is he gonna carry the same theater to those places? So when you go on an occasion like that, you set the tone. You let the people know that you understand the situation.


You clearly identify and indicate some solutions to them even if you don’t give all of it and the whole business looks like this is a place of mass death and the head of the family is here. If you play that tape again a hundred times, you will not have that feeling at all.

Starting from the moment he landed in Benue, how do you think he should have handled what would have come off as sympathetic because the truth is when people have died in this sort of situation it’s very difficult in many ways for you to actually meet the expectations of everyone?

The basic thing is that you should realize that those people died because of you, because you are the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
You are the one running the police, running the armed forces. If you had done your duty, the people working for you in uniform and out of uniform had done their duty, that thing would not have happened. So the first thing you do is to take responsibility. And then you let your protocol people know that I’m going to this event. I’m going only with people who are relevant to security and the local people there. And as we are going, make sure that you have given me sufficient briefing about the families who were lost, their names.


I am not the commander-in-chief yet but I have the names, family by family, which family lost how many people. I have some names and the president will have verified those. Make sure that in anything we are doing, select members of these families. I’ve been bereaved before. I know how I will conduct myself if I lost members of my own family. I will not go there with the fanfare. I will interact with them. I will get information.
How did it happen? You talk to the people, they will see you interacting with the victims and the survivors yourself. And then you indicate, and then the leaders who are there, they would be made to know that the president is not coming here as a politician. He’s coming here as the head of the family.


This is the head of state function. Remember I keep saying there are three functions in that office. You are head of state, you are the chief executive, you are Commander-in-Chief.

So, this hall should have had victims’ families, right?

Victims’ families mainly. And the rest of the fanfare should have been cut down. Indication will have been given to traditional and political people that taking children and asking them to lie on the streets and wait for so long is out of it because this is not Independence Day.
This is not Democracy Day. This is not you coming to give them roads or food or something. This is you, coming to say, I am sorry I failed you.
The governor of the state will also take a cue from you and say, we failed you. These are steps we need to take. You are now behaving like a foreign dignitary who is coming to, even foreign dignitaries, even the Pope, if the Pope had come, he wouldn’t come and conduct a mass and make it look like he’s doing that.

One thing that people have pointed to in that particular town hall meeting was when he spoke to the Inspector General of Police, the Chief of Defence Staff and the intelligence agency heads. That statement he made to the Inspector General of Police, a lot of people understood when he said no arrest has been made. Isn’t that something that points to the kind of demanding accountability from his security chiefs?

No, that’s a failure of his own Commander-in-Chief position. It shows that the President may have other good qualities but totally not a good Commander-in-Chief because before you go there you will know whether arrests have been made. This Commander-in-Chief thing is not a joke. It’s not the same thing as being chairman of a party or wearing agbada like I’m doing now.
If I’m President, I know what is going on, how many vehicles pass a road unless it’s not relevant to me. The information is there. The information apparatus was paid billions and trillions of naira for this kind of information.
You will know who has not been arrested. You will have gotten pictures of the area where people went. If they go to a foreign country, within 24 hours you will be in touch with the foreign country.
You will know it’s not there that you will behave like a pedestrian and be asking no arrests have been made. No, you will know if arrests have been made, if there has been an investigation, if there has been anything.

I don’t think he said it because he didn’t know. I think in many ways, saying it out there was, in many ways, showing that you’re not doing well as Inspector General of Police on this particular matter.

Thereby showing that he is not doing well himself as Commander-in-Chief because normally, if there’s any aspect, if for example arrests have been made, the security may not want to tell you that arrests have been made because it may affect the investigation. If you want to communicate to the people, you communicate that one, we are sorry, two, we are on it. So if you need to let people know that arrests have not been made, it is not there that you’ll be asking your Commander-in-Chief, your Police Head, he’s talking to you in public, you are the boss. Even if he says something that is not correct, yes sir. If you tell a soldier anything, he’ll give you a salute, yes sir. Police, the same thing.


But if you want to communicate with the people, you have to ask them. Either you communicate confidence to them that we are on it or you keep quiet. That kind of question is not appropriate for that.
If you want to communicate that you need their cooperation, then you let them know. Please give us more information. We know we are bereaved, but please come forward, give us more information.

The Chief of Defence Staff had an engagement in the FCT after the President’s visit and was very poignant saying we are doing the kinetic bit of this job, but the non-kinetic bit of this security work takes up over 70 percent. What do you make of that assertion?

You see, first, the protocol of politics is that an aspiring Commander-in-Chief, a politician, should not criticize people in uniform who are risking their lives and so I wouldn’t criticize the Chief of Defence Staff, but I would criticize the Commander-in-Chief who appointed him and the whole setting that they are given there is not a sign of seriousness. Killing of people is kinetic, if we are going to use their language, because they think that now that they are spending a lot of security budget, they should also be bringing security vocabulary to the public.
The public wants to be safe. Kinetic, non-kinetic. The killing of people, the movement of logistics of people who can kill 200 people in a flash, going around, all of that is kinetic.
There are many parts of the world and there are parts of Nigeria where poverty is endemic, but lives relatively safer. So it is not the poverty that is making you not to know ahead of time that there has been some surveilling of some communities, that large groups of people are coming there, that there are unusual activity of people being housed, being given petrol, other things that they use, being given all that logistic support, food and everything, and they are massing around. And there is a lot of investment we’ve made in different coverage of Nigeria.


And Benue is a regional centre for our Air Force, so we can always do air surveillance and everything. And you are not reading your estimates, and any person who has any national network, receives a lot of information. As I’m here now, I receive a lot of information, because if I tell an SDP person, help me go to one community and do this and that, he will tell you, oh this road is not safe, oh there’s a problem there.
So there’s a lot of information coming. The non-kinetic side is also the President’s problem, because if he’s not, Commander-in-Chief is our Chief Executive, he’s supposed to provide. Long and short of it is that there is no excuse you can give.


There is no word in the dictionary you can give to explain why and justify why, one, you would not know that this area that are tense. Some of the factors are known. If you ask me now, I can give the one that is not too sensitive to you, that there are three factors working there.
There are three factors of infiltration of communities by marauding groups, whether they want to retain people’s land, displace people on land, and all of that, who are going around. Some of them have reprisals that they want to do because of previous interaction unresolved. For example, the one in Bokkos was related to an event that happened two years earlier, which the government said they were going to deal with. And those who were killed recently in Bokkos, we have not satisfied them, so they too might be thinking, okay, we’ll wait for the government another one year. If they don’t, we too will retaliate. Second, we have communal issues.


Because of the fluidity of these communities, you will see places, you will see that both the farmers, and to a larger extent, the herders, like to move from place to place. Where society is not static. Where we farm here this season, we go further down to farm next season, or we carry animals around. Geography changes quickly, and people can be confused as to what method they can use to retain advantage over each other and killings start.


Thirdly, there is an element of politics there, where the political leadership, rather than collaborating together to help resolve the problem, are using this insecurity to score political points. Okay, you say you are not going to govern with me, even though we plan to govern together, or politics together. Okay, I’m going to make sure I don’t give you federal assistance.

It’s a little confusing when you criticize the traditional rulers, because you said the traditional rulers felt that they had to pledge their massive support for Tinubu in the 2027 elections on this somber occasion. It’s both pathetic and undignified. That’s what you said, but you know, listening to the Tor Tiv, it appears he was finding a way to speak with courage to the commander-in-chief. He told the president that what happened was a calculated, well-planned, full-scale, genocidal invasion of their land. So what exactly informed this criticism that you had for traditional rulers?

Okay, it was a lamentation of the state, the undignified state of traditional rulers, not really about criticism of them in particular. You cannot be commander-in-chief. I cannot be Commander-in-Chief, and I don’t talk to the Tor Tiv regularly, because as Commander-in-Chief, whether there is a crisis, there is no crisis. You have a selection of traditional rulers you must talk to, religious leaders you must talk to regularly.


You have dinner with them regularly. You have consultation with them regularly. Each of them, the first-class ones, should have an ability to call you directly as commander-in-chief, or call one or two people close to you if they can’t reach you. This is the standard work of commander-in-chief, given the complexity of governance in Nigeria. And when this event occurred, between the president, a commander-in-chief, and the Tor Tiv, who is the traditional head of all the people affected, and the governor, and the commissioner of police there and the DG,DSS, there would have been a lot of interaction. Some of the things that the Tor Tiv is saying to the president in the open, they would have done the interaction.


In fact, as president, I would have gone, had a private session with the Tor Tiv, and the serious people, so that we can talk to ourselves, frankly, in camera, before we now go out and assure the people. So the idea now is that the traditional rulers have been put in a place where the president is appearing to them like a foreign guest, and they are having to pour all they have to say in the short message in the public.


So as a result of that, and they are not familiar with the president enough to see, because of that failure of leadership by the president, to have interaction with them and gain their comfort, now they are now thinking, like, okay, how do I communicate with this person? He’s a politician, so even though I’m communicating what affects my people to him, somehow I know he has an ego problem, so I need to kind of also play to his politics, which is now taking the traditional ruler outside their comfort zone, because the traditional ruler is a father, and he’s able to speak the truth to you without having the need to assuage your feelings and give you sugar coating. And I see it repeatedly, wherever traditional rulers are being brought, either to launch a commission, a road, or to play any interaction with government, there is this element where they end their story by saying, we are going to vote for you, we are going to, which is totally a taboo, and that is more painful on occasion like this, where lives have been lost, and the traditional ruler should have been the chief host, and the chief mourner, and the president will have come there to mourn with them, and then have time. Traditional rulers have a lot of information, and they have code of conduct and ethics, of what they can say, what they cannot say.


So, my advice to Mr. President, I hope there is no other visit to Masaka and all of that but he should try to be in touch with traditional rulers. They have a lot of information they may not give to the governor of the state, because of local politics, which they will give to you. From time to time, pay unannounced private visits to them, let them come and see you privately, let them have access to you. Some of this idea will have been given to the president before he made his own speech, before the Tor Tive had to react to say, sir, with due respect, let me correct what you are saying.

The president will always speak last. I’m sure he was reacting to…

No, the president spoke earlier, before going to the event, you know, when the thing occurred, the president, I think, was commissioning some FCT projects, and when he was announcing that he was going to change his schedule, and go to Benue instead of Kaduna, he made some comments, indeed, regarding that subject, which shows that he had not listened to the people affected before making that comment, and that comment did not go down well with the Tor Tiv, and he courageously went to correct the president.


At the same time, because of that obligatory pressure that they give to the traditional rulers, to always now add a bit of politics, to kind of sweeten the truth for the politicians, and that aspect is what I criticise, not that the traditional rulers themselves are the people who are the object of the criticism, that they had to feel like that, that they had to be put in such a situation, the way the president had organised the interaction was what led to that bit.

Now that the Benue people have come out to say that this is an attempt to wipe them out and take over their lands. What do you think the president and Commander-in-Chief, should be doing to people who feel that they’re facing an existential threat? If really that is not the situation, how do you think they can actually change the narrative?

It is difficult to say that subjectively, that’s not the situation, because that is the evidence that they have, that’s the feeling, and it’s not only in Benue, if you go to Plateau you will see it. If you go to a bit of anywhere in what we call the middle belt, you will see it. In many parts, and if you go to Zamfara and other places in the upper Savana, you will feel the same way.
I think that the president should not be receiving this information as if they are new pieces of information. If you look at the pattern of troop movement, pattern of violence, if you put them on a map and you will see that there are certain territories where these activities take place. The feeling in Plateau is even worse, because I’ve gone to communities in Plateau where crises like this happen, and I interact with them, and they give you evidence that they have, they mention them.


If you go to Borono, they will tell you, look at how, what the so-called Boko Haram is being reorganized and reassembled. Look at how this particular person from this community who had stopped this activity has now gone back to be doing the activity. They will give you a lot of information. President needs to know that this commander-in-chief is a very hard job.
You have to give away some other things. You have to give some of your politics to other political operatives to do for you. Spend six months and put together a proper plan, one to gain a foothold in your territory, so that when these unsafe areas, relatively unsafe areas, wake up in the morning, they see the law.


They see that the closest person to them is law enforcement, and that if they have any concern, they don’t need to run away or agitate, they will immediately reach law enforcement. If the law enforcement below is on the ground, is not behaving well, they have access to brigade commanders, police commissioners, directorate of the DSS, and all of that, and that if the people who are professional fail, they can talk to their leaders, like the national rulers, like the religious leaders, like the government, and they can reach to the commander-in-chief in Abuja. If you put that in place, and every community knows what number to call, that feeling is going to go down.


Secondly, you have to have a change, as you have a change of command, you must also have a change of responsibility. If something happens in a particular geography, somebody’s head has to be chopped off, among those who are responsible, because a chain of command is, that’s why they salute you when you arrive, that’s why you give them instruction, that’s why you give them resources. There must also be a chain of responsibility.


If you are in charge of a particular zone, and there are sectors under it, and you put people there, like this year, who is going to face court martial? Who is going to face orderly room? Who is going to face investigation? Where is the investigation panel set up? Where is the judicial inquiry set up? These are tools for obtaining accountability. So when people feel like, whether it’s supported by evidence or not, or just sentiment, or just the general, commonsensical analysis of patterns, there will be an inquiry. Where they will go there, that inquiry would deal with it.


There will be an inquiry at the state level. There will be other NGOs, like the Catholic Church, and other people, that will be allowed to do their own investigation, and assist them, so that you can collapse all of this information together, and have a white paper, that will speak to the people, because you need to give accountability. And you would, in the inquest, for the killing of each person, because under the law, each of those people killed, Nigeria owes them an accountability of how they lost their lives. So if any of their children, grandchildren, come up 100 years from now, they will say, my family were affected by a massacre in Yelwata. My grandfather was killed. This is what the government said about it.


This is the compensation we were paid for it. This is the measure taken. And it’s because of this, that these laws and measures have been taken. But if you just do this political theater, and then keep quiet, and God forbid, you wait for another thing to happen, in another location, and then we start debating, should the president go there, or not go there, and then we start all over again, because people have forgotten Bokkos. They are forgetting that in Sokoto State, the Sarki of Gobi was killed, was captured with his son, and was killed, and up to now, neither Sokoto State, nor the federal government has explained, and you know better than I do as a journalist, you can go back to the beginning of President Tinubu’s presidency, you can go back to Buhari’s presidency, you can go back to Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency from Chibok girls up to now, no resolution.

POLITICS

NNPC Audit: Kyari Denies N210trn Missing Funds

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By David Torough, Abuja

Former Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), Mele Kyari, has denied allegations that ₦210 trillion was missing from the company’s financial records, insisting that the disputed figures represent accounting entries and not evidence of stolen or diverted funds.

Kyari made the clarification on Tuesday when he appeared before the Senate Committee on Public Accounts, chaired by Senator Ibrahim Dankwambo (PDP, Gombe North), to respond to audit queries raised over NNPC’s financial statements covering 2017 to 2023.

The former NNPC chief, who led the company from 2019 to 2025, maintained that no money was lost under his leadership, describing the controversy surrounding the ₦210 trillion as a misunderstanding of standard accounting procedures.

“I wish to confirm that nothing was lost. It is simply not possible that such an amount could have been lost under my care and leadership. The matter relates to accounting entries, which have nothing to do with any financial loss. They are bookkeeping issues, and I believe the appropriate explanations have been provided in my report,” he told the lawmakers.

The ₦210 trillion figure under investigation comprises approximately ₦103 trillion in accrued expenses and ₦107 trillion in sundry receivables, both flagged by the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation.

Explaining the discrepancies, Kyari said accrued expenses represent obligations owed by NNPC to other parties, while receivables are funds owed to the company by third parties. He argued that the two categories are separate accounting items that must be treated independently and should not be added together and interpreted as missing public funds.

He insisted that the explanations contained in his written submission addressed the issues raised by the auditors, urging the committee to consider the entries within their proper accounting context.

Kyari also dismissed allegations that NNPC spent ₦5 billion on changing its name from the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation to the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited following the enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act, 2021.

He explained that the incorporation process cost approximately ₦2.99 billion, representing statutory payments made to government institutions, including the Corporate Affairs Commission and the Federal Inland Revenue Service.

According to him, NNPC initially made the payment on behalf of the Federation and subsequently charged the amount to the government’s revenue account through what was formerly referred to as the NAPIMS account.

He maintained that the transaction was a legitimate accounting entry and not expenditure incurred for merely changing the company’s name.

The former GCEO also apologised for failing to honour previous invitations by the Senate committee, including an earlier sitting scheduled for June 10, attributing his absence to ill health and family-related circumstances.

He told the lawmakers that he had been in and out of hospital on medical grounds, explaining that his failure to appear was not intended to undermine the authority of the National Assembly.

Defending his stewardship of the national oil company, Kyari said his administration inherited an organisation that had struggled with financial losses but subsequently transformed it into a profitable enterprise.

He recalled that NNPC recorded a loss of about $803 billion in 2018, a year before he assumed office as Group Managing Director in 2019. He said his administration embarked on restructuring and operational reforms that resulted in sustained profitability for the first time in the company’s history.

Kyari also highlighted the publication of NNPC’s financial records as one of the major milestones of his administration, describing the move as a significant departure from the company’s previous practice.

However, the committee chairman, Dankwambo, said the lawmakers would subject Kyari’s explanations and supporting documents to further scrutiny before reaching any conclusion.

He explained that the former GCEO’s submission would be circulated among committee members for detailed examination, adding that Kyari and other relevant officials could be invited again if further clarification became necessary.

“We shall interrogate the figures submitted by the former GMD to know whether to invite him again. For now, he has responded to the two issues relating to his leadership of NNPC during the period under review,” Dankwambo said.

Kyari’s appearance followed months of controversy over the Senate’s investigation into unresolved audit queries involving NNPC’s financial records between 2017 and 2023.

The investigation had generated tensions between the former oil company chief and lawmakers after he allegedly failed to honour several invitations to appear before the committee.

The committee’s demand for his appearance followed a motion by Senator Victor Umeh, representing Anambra Central, amid growing frustration over his repeated absence.

Senator Adams Oshiomhole had also insisted that Kyari must personally account for his stewardship, urging the committee to consider issuing an arrest warrant to compel his appearance.

The Senate, however, subsequently clarified that no committee could issue, authorise or execute an arrest warrant outside the provisions of the Legislative Houses (Powers and Privileges) Act and without the express approval of the Senate President.

The Red Chamber also distanced itself from Oshiomhole’s description of NNPC as “a bunch of criminals and thieves”, stressing that the remarks did not represent the official position of the Senate.

With Kyari having presented his defence, attention has now shifted to the committee’s examination of the documents and explanations submitted by the former GCEO.

The outcome of that review is expected to determine whether the disputed ₦210 trillion entries have been adequately explained or whether further investigations and invitations will be necessary.

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POLITICS

2027: APC Bets on Reforms, Unveils Tinubu’s Blueprint

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By Eddy Ochigbo, Abuja

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has unveiled an ambitious four-pillar manifesto for President Bola Tinubu’s proposed second term, promising to consolidate ongoing economic reforms, tackle insecurity, expand infrastructure and translate policy gains into improved living conditions for Nigerians between 2027 and 2031.

The 109-page document, titled Renewed Hope Agenda 2.

0, was unveiled on Tuesday at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, under the theme, “Translating Reforms to Shared Prosperity.”

The manifesto outlines a policy roadmap built around four strategic pillars: Secure and Resilient Nation; Better Quality and More Affordable Life for Every Nigerian; Energy, Infrastructure and Economic Growth; and Effective and Accountable Governance.

The party said the framework represents a consolidation of the administration’s original eight-point Renewed Hope Agenda, with emphasis on making the benefits of its economic reforms more tangible to households, businesses and communities.

Speaking at the unveiling, the APC Presidential Campaign Council spokesperson and Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Dr. Dele Alake, described the manifesto as a strategic blueprint for transforming Nigeria’s economy and improving citizens’ welfare.

Alake commended Tinubu for what he described as the courage to implement far-reaching economic reforms despite the difficulties associated with them, expressing confidence that the long-term benefits would outweigh the immediate challenges.

“Kudos to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for courageously implementing the reforms against all odds. The resultant benefits would be gargantuan,” he said.

The Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment and Deputy Director of the Directorate of Manifesto Development, Dr. Jumoke Oduwole, said the central objective was to ensure that Nigerians began experiencing measurable benefits from the ongoing reforms between now and 2031.

She explained that the policy framework was designed to translate economic adjustments into improved livelihoods, increased productivity and inclusive opportunities.

In his message contained in the manifesto, Tinubu said his administration had taken difficult decisions since assuming office in 2023, including the removal of petrol subsidy, foreign exchange reforms and tax adjustments, describing them as necessary steps towards strengthening the country’s economic foundations.

He, however, acknowledged that the next phase must focus on delivering practical improvements in the daily lives of Nigerians.

“The coming years must focus on tangible improvements: the food on our tables, the power in our homes, the security of our families, and the dignity of meaningful work,” the President said.

Under the first pillar, Secure and Resilient Nation, the APC pledged to recruit an additional 78,000 security personnel, comprising 28,000 military personnel and 50,000 police officers, to strengthen the country’s security architecture.

The party also promised to establish and equip four additional Army divisions in Makurdi, Ilorin, Jalingo and Benin City, expand police recruitment towards a ratio of one officer to 400 citizens, introduce body cameras and digital policing systems, complete electronic surveillance of mapped borders and strengthen community policing.

The second pillar focuses on improving the quality of life through affordable housing, healthcare, education, employment and social protection.

The manifesto targets the construction of 200,000 affordable housing units through the Tinubu Mass Social Housing Scheme, mortgage financing and private-sector partnerships across the country’s 774 local government areas.

It also promises to recruit 20,000 additional trained teachers, halve the number of out-of-school children by 2031 and expand access to quality education, particularly in rural communities.

In healthcare, the APC pledged to increase health insurance coverage to 40 per cent of Nigerians, reduce out-of-pocket healthcare expenditure from 71 per cent to below 50 per cent and expand functional primary healthcare centres to cover 90 per cent of the target.

On employment, the party promised to halve youth unemployment by 2031, provide skills training for two million young people and expand digital literacy programmes to reach 30 million Nigerians.

The third pillar, Energy, Infrastructure and Economic Growth, places electricity supply, industrialisation, agriculture and transportation at the centre of the proposed second-term economic programme.

The APC projected an annual economic growth rate of six per cent and promised to scale available electricity generation towards 10,000 megawatts, accelerate electricity metering and strengthen transmission and distribution networks.

It also pledged to expand clean energy access to underserved communities, establish at least one flagship industrial hub in each of the six geopolitical zones, more than double non-oil export earnings and create one million export-linked jobs for young Nigerians through talent and services exports by 2030.

The party further promised to complete priority road, rail, port and airport projects to improve trade, reduce transportation costs and stimulate economic activities.

In agriculture, it proposed reducing post-harvest losses by 50 per cent through improved storage, processing and distribution infrastructure, while lowering the cost of transporting food across states.

The manifesto also prioritises investment in irrigation, agricultural research and mechanised farming as part of efforts to boost food production and reduce food prices.

Under the fourth pillar, Effective and Accountable Governance, the APC promised to strengthen the justice system, fight corruption, improve public service delivery and deepen local government autonomy.

The party pledged to extend digital case management to magistrate courts and complete the digitalisation of court processes nationwide by 2029.

It also promised to publish allocations to all 774 local government councils, establish clear performance standards and move federal ministries and agencies towards end-to-end digital public services.

To ensure accountability, the manifesto proposed that every commitment should have a baseline, target, cost, responsible official and reporting date, with progress made available through a public delivery tracker.

“A manifesto is only as strong as the promises a citizen can check,” the document stated, promising annual progress reports and independent verification of implementation.

The APC also identified four measures for delivering its commitments, including recovering public resources, completing existing projects before commencing new ones, attaching measurable targets to promises and enabling citizens to monitor performance.

Meanwhile, Tinubu has reinforced his campaign promises on electricity, employment and the cost of living, declaring that his administration would provide reliable power and strengthen the industrial base if returned to office in 2027.

The President made the pledge on Tuesday while addressing supporters at the APC presidential campaign rally in Dutse, the Jigawa State capital.

He promised to prioritise support for nano, micro, small and medium-sized enterprises, expand employment opportunities and introduce policies to reduce the financial burden on households.

“We will lower the cost of living. We will provide reliable power, not the whole privatisation that is not working. We will provide you with reliable power in Nigeria,” Tinubu said.

He also pledged to sustain the removal of petrol subsidy while continuing government intervention programmes, including the Nigerian Education Loan Fund.

The President further promised that funds recovered by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission from financial irregularities would be channelled into NELFUND to support students seeking access to higher education.

In agriculture, he promised to establish six mechanised farming service centres across the country’s six geopolitical zones and increase investment in irrigation and agricultural research to boost productivity and food supply.

The promises broadly align with the manifesto’s emphasis on electricity, industrial growth, employment, food security and improved living standards.

At the Abuja unveiling, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, urged Nigerians to acknowledge the administration’s efforts in addressing the country’s economic and security challenges.

Citing improvements along the Abuja-Kaduna Expressway, Idris said the security situation on the corridor had improved significantly compared with previous years when commuters faced persistent threats from kidnappers and terrorists.

He argued that such developments deserved recognition, despite criticisms of the administration’s handling of insecurity.

The manifesto also presented economic indicators as evidence of progress since 2023, including foreign reserves of $55.3bn as of September 2026, gross domestic product growth of 4.43 per cent in the second quarter of 2026 and inflation of 14.63 per cent in September 2026.

It further claimed that N18.72tn was shared among the three tiers of government through the Federation Account Allocation Committee in the first half of 2026, compared with N6.76tn in the corresponding period of 2023.

Tinubu acknowledged that the administration’s work remained unfinished and appealed to Nigerians to support the proposed next phase of its programme.

“The work is far from complete, and I ask once more for your partnership. Let us turn these hard-won reforms into lasting prosperity and build the Nigeria of our highest aspirations,” he said.

The APC maintained that its 2027–2031 agenda would focus on converting economic stabilisation into measurable improvements in household welfare, national security, infrastructure, employment and inclusive development.

The proposed second-term programme, however, will ultimately be judged by the extent to which its ambitious targets translate into tangible results for Nigerians.

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POLITICS

2027 Polls: INEC Purges 1.6m Invalid Names from Voter Register

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By David Torough, Abuja

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has removed 1,608,660 confirmed invalid registrations from Nigeria’s voter register following a nationwide clean-up exercise ahead of the 2027 general elections, while identifying 54 officials across 10 states for possible disciplinary action and prosecution over alleged registration irregularities.

INEC Chairman, Professor Joash Amupitan (SAN), disclosed this on Monday in Abuja while briefing journalists on the outcome of the review of the Preliminary Register of Voters generated from the 2025/2026 Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise.

The commission also confirmed the removal of 873 additional records belonging to deceased persons, bringing the total number of deceased voters’ records removed to 1,749, including 876 identified during an earlier stage of the exercise.

Amupitan said INEC received 11,088,238 registration records from the three phases of the CVR exercise. Its Automated Biometric Identification System (ABIS) initially flagged 1,545,052 records for further examination, although he stressed that being flagged did not automatically render a registration invalid.

According to him, 1,277,052 registrations were confirmed invalid and excluded before the preliminary register was displayed to the public. Following complaints, claims and objections submitted during the nationwide display exercise between October 9 and 15, another 268,000 cases underwent adjudication.

Of these, 217,722 were found to be invalid and removed, while 50,278 were cleared and retained.

Further screening identified an additional 113,886 invalid registrations, bringing the number of invalid records removed after the public review to 331,608. Together with the 1,277,052 previously excluded entries, the exercise resulted in the removal of 1,608,660 invalid registrations.

The chairman explained that the removal of deceased voters’ records was treated separately from the invalid-registration figure.

The clean-up followed widespread public concerns over the integrity of the preliminary register, with Nigerians and civil society organisations drawing attention to suspected multiple registrations, unusual names, manipulated photographs, including images allegedly generated using artificial intelligence, and entries belonging to deceased persons.

Amupitan acknowledged that the findings exposed weaknesses in the registration process, some of which dated back several years.

He noted that the national register had evolved through successive registration and continuous voter registration exercises since 2011, involving different technologies, operational arrangements and quality standards. Consequently, some of the irregularities currently attracting public attention relate to historical records captured between 2011 and 2023 rather than exclusively to the latest registration exercise.

He said the commission had also uncovered deliberate attempts by some personnel to circumvent established registration procedures, including the misuse of provisions designed to accommodate exceptional registration circumstances, particularly those relating to persons with disabilities.

The 54 officials identified across 10 states are being investigated for alleged complicity, with INEC promising appropriate administrative sanctions and possible prosecution where criminal conduct is established.

On the controversy surrounding suspected AI-generated photographs in the register, the chairman said the commission had identified cases of manipulated images and was introducing additional safeguards to prevent a recurrence.

He disclosed that INEC had directed its Director of Information and Communication Technology to discontinue external webcam-based image uploads for voter registration, insisting that photographs must henceforth be captured through an approved application.

The commission has also approved a comprehensive Artificial Intelligence Governance Framework to regulate the responsible deployment of AI in its operations. The framework, developed in collaboration with partners, including the Institute for Security Studies and the British High Commission, has undergone peer review and received INEC’s approval.

Amupitan further disclosed that security agencies were conducting independent investigations into the irregularities, adding that cases involving suspected criminal offences would be referred to the appropriate law enforcement authorities.

He said INEC was strengthening its information technology infrastructure and cybersecurity systems ahead of the 2027 elections.

Despite the scale of the irregularities uncovered, the chairman maintained that existing electoral safeguards, particularly the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), would help prevent multiple accreditation and voting.

He explained that voters would be required to appear physically at their designated polling units for biometric authentication through fingerprint or facial recognition, with the system designed to verify identities and prevent multiple accreditation.

The chairman also cautioned that the latest clean-up should not be interpreted as a complete resolution of all integrity concerns surrounding the national register, noting that historical irregularities would require sustained attention.

He said INEC had resolved to address outstanding duplications in the historical register, directing that entries already flagged through public complaints and obvious cases identified internally should be removed after proper verification.

Amupitan also advised voters who discovered that their names were missing from their current polling locations to check their previous registration centres, explaining that some people who relocated registered afresh instead of formally transferring their existing registrations. In such cases, biometric screening could invalidate the new registration while leaving the original record at the former location.

Meanwhile, the chairman said the commission was yet to receive the formal court order directing him to appear as a defence witness in the ongoing criminal trial of activist and African Action Congress presidential candidate, Omoyele Sowore.

A Federal High Court sitting in Abuja had issued a subpoena directing Amupitan to produce electoral documents relating to President Bola Tinubu’s 1999 Lagos State governorship election and the 2023 presidential election.

The documents are connected to Sowore’s trial over his description of the President as a criminal.

Amupitan said INEC would study the subpoena and comply with its provisions upon formal receipt.

On the controversy surrounding the Federal High Court judgment on the leadership of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), involving former Senate President David Mark and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s political ambitions, the INEC chairman said the commission was yet to receive and examine the relevant court processes.

He maintained that INEC would not act on reports circulating on social media, insisting that certified court documents must first be obtained and studied before the commission determines its position.

The chairman also addressed calls for early voting arrangements for journalists and electoral officials who may be unable to vote on Election Day because of official assignments.

He said early voting was not currently recognised under the existing electoral law, explaining that previous efforts to secure legislative backing for the proposal through amendments to the Electoral Act had not received the necessary support from the National Assembly.

He, however, expressed support for continued advocacy on the issue, noting that journalists and electoral personnel should also have the opportunity to exercise their voting rights.

INEC said final reconciliation, quality assurance and publication checks were ongoing, with the cleaned-up Final Register of Voters scheduled for publication on December 15, 2026, in line with the Electoral Act, 2026.

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