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OPINION

Tinubu’s Many Travels and the Critics

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By Reuben Abati

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu returned to Nigeria on Saturday after a state visit to Turkey, during which Nigeria and Turkey signed a total of nine agreements covering defence, energy, military training, intelligence sharing, health, education and a shared target of trade investment valued at about $5 billion.

It is not enough to sign bilateral agreements, it is what follows after, the accruing benefits and advantages that matter.

Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, successive governments must have signed so many agreements of understanding, or cooperation, or collaboration, bilateral, multilateral and whatever such, that any storage room we may have for these would be filled to the brim, due in part to the absence of institutional memory or lack of capacity to clothe agreements with action in the overall best interest of the nation.

Too often, the Nigerian government enjoys the ceremonies and rituals of diplomacy, and the tourism on the sidelines, without the seriousness that the commitments require. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has focused heavily on economic diplomacy, and he has sustained the tradition, even with greater determination, of selling Nigeria to the world as a most preferred destination for foreign investment. It is good to see this.

Tinubu is an apostle of optimism, and a strong believer in the Nigerian potential. What is not clear is how much advantage the country has gained from his many trips abroad, beyond presence and voice.

Curiously, the country has consistently held the shortest end of the stick in international partnerships. Turkey is a strategic country, even if it is not yet a member of the European Union, but it is a strategically located, transnational country: the gateway between Europe and Asia; its capital, Istanbul, being the only city in the world that is in two continents; a melting point of history, cultures and civilisations.

Turkey may have high inflation, but it is a global powerhouse, a major manufacturing hub defined by productivity on a high, transformative scale, and a leading tourist destination. Without President Recep Erdogan’s human rights record, Nigeria indeed has a lot to learn from Turkey, a country with which it established diplomatic relations in 1960, and shares the membership of the Organisation of Islamic Countries and the D-8. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Nigeria on 19 October, 2017, when President Buhari was Nigeria’s head of state. President Tinubu has also now visited Turkey in further pursuance of strong relations between both countries.

Under President Goodluck Jonathan, there were at least three visits between both countries. Sunday Dare, special adviser to the President on Media and Public Communication, in an article entitled “Nigeria: Why Turkiye?” (ThisDay, 27 January) has already made a strong argument for Nigeria-Turkey relations. But the big question as always is: What is in it for Nigeria? The Turkish have businesses in Nigeria, including the Turkish Eye and Specialist Hospital, Turkish Airlines, and about 48 other companies in manufacturing, energy, and road construction. How many Nigerian companies are doing business in Turkey? How can Nigerian businesses benefit more from the Nigeria-Turkey Business Council, and the additional agreements that have been signed? Nigeria has an obligation to draw the best possible benefits from the partnership agreements it signs with other countries.

Useful and worthy as Nigeria-Turkey bilateral relations may be, rhetoric is not enough. It would be sad if what comes out of this is just Turkish companies getting more contracts from the Nigerian government, and a minority group of ten per centers smiling at our expense!

Unfortunately, the conversation about President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to Turkey has been coloured more, not by the substance of the trip, but sheer mockery and partisanship. In the view of the cynics, the Turkey trip would be remembered more for the story about President Tinubu’s stumble during the welcome ceremony.

The snide and silly comments that this has generated should be deprecated. We are all human. We are not a nation of sadists and we should not keep projecting ourselves to the outside world as a people who are losing a sense of how to be human. The president places a foot wrong, stumbles, and that becomes an occasion for derisive commentary? How sad. But I blame the President’s protocol team. They did not do their home-work well enough, and that was glaring enough.

For a Nigerian president or any president at all going abroad for a visit, there are basic steps: accepting the invitation, preparing for the trip, which would entail an agreement with the host country on every detail of the programme, and then a careful review of the trip – a session during which the President will go over every speech that he has to make, talking points if necessary, and specific briefings by departments and state officials relevant to the trip, with proper liaison with the Nigerian Mission in the other country.

Everything is done to prepare the President. Every detail is worked out. Then an advance team comprising security, liaison officers, state house media, protocol officers, chefs and medical personnel is sent ahead to await the President’s arrival.

A major part of the trip is the arrival ceremony. The format differs from one country to another. In some countries, there is no saluting dais, as in the recent case in Turkey. When the visiting President arrives, diplomatic courtesy requires him to bow to the host country’s flag and pay respect. In the recent visit to Turkey, President Tinubu’s protocol dropped the ball. How come he did not know about showing respect to the flag, until his host directed him to where the flag was? We saw President Erdogan almost physically turning our President towards the Turkish flag. Where was Nigeria’s State Chief of Protocol? His advance team would ordinarily be on ground and they would have briefed him.

The other part of the receiving ceremony is the greeting line. The State Chief of Protocol goes in front and guides the President. It is unacceptable for the President to miss any name. And then when the greetings are done, and the President moves to the next venue, the State Chief of Protocol still goes in front leading the President and he himself is guided by the Protocol Liaison Officer (PLO) who would have been part of the RECCE team.

If the Protocol team were alive to their duty, either the PLO or the SCOP would have noticed if there was a bump ahead, or any rumpled carpet, and they would have guided the principal accordingly all the way to his seat. President Tinubu was left alone, and he tripped. This is a serious matter. Now that the President is back home, there must be an in-house review of what happened in

Turkey. Persons who travel with the President must realise they are on duty as Nigerian representatives, not as spectators. It all depends though on how confident the SCOP is.

The other fallout from the Turkey trip is the widespread complaint spear-headed by opposition party chieftains of the Action Democratic Congress (ADC), and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who last Sunday alerted Nigerians to the fact that President Tinubu spent 23 days out of 31 days in January away from the country. Daily Trust newspaper put the tally at 22 days in January.

The days of absence could even have been longer if President Tinubu had added the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland to his itinerary. He went to Europe (which later turned out to be France) for 10 days, and from there to the United Arab Emirates (to attend the Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week Summit) for seven days. He returned to Nigeria briefly and then off he went to Turkey on a state visit for six days. In 2025, the President travelled to 10 countries.

The publishers of Sahara Reporters newspaper report that President Tinubu has spent ₦1. 5 billion on foreign trips in the last six months, and that he and his Vice President intend to spend ₦7.4 billion on foreign trips in 2026. The PUNCH newspaper says the Presidency has actually spent ₦34 billion on foreign trips in two years, with the bulk of that spent on foreign exchange purchases.

In a country where the middle class is having a serious mid-life crisis and the poor are already overburdened by government-enabled afflictions, to hear that a group of privileged persons spend billions to travel around the world, at the people’s expense can be disturbing.

In 2025, the Federal Capital Development Agency (FCDA) spent ₦39 billion to renovate the International Conference Centre in Abuja. Nigerians wonder what could have been achieved with ₦34 billion in terms of infrastructure in the last two years and they shudder.

Hence, Mr Peter Obi of the ADC complains that President Tinubu prioritises foreign trips and when he returns, it is to welcome defectors to his ruling APC at a time the country is passing through a distressing phase: killings, kidnappings, national grid collapses, closure of schools.

Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, national publicity secretary of the ADC says the challenges in Nigeria “do not allow for a visiting President.” Others share the view that the President is now a visiting President. The spokesperson of the PDP, Ini Ememobong asks that the President should pay more attention to his work at home because his frequent trips are “not helpful.”

The ruling party has since fought back in like measure. Professor Nentawe Yiltwada, chairman of the APC insists that the President is making a sacrifice for us all, in “the national interest” and so does not deserve to be treated in an unfair manner by the opposition and the media. Ambassador-designate Femi Fani-Kayode, an APC chieftain, has also pushed back against those he calls “The Enemy Within” in a robust piece in ThisDay newspaper (Sunday, 1 February on pages 14 -15).

There is no doubt that the President is the chief image maker of the country, and so his various trips abroad align with the foreign policy functions of his office. But to the extent that domestic policy drives foreign policy, he must also be seen to be attentive to the needs of his people. He has promised Nigerians a renewal of hope in a season of consolidation.

The best way he can work hard on that task of consolidation is to be seen actively improving the people’s condition at home.

Frequent travels abroad convey a different impression. Nigerians are becoming uncomfortable with his trips to France in particular. Ini Ememobong of the PDP says “Nigerians deserve to know the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.” While that is important in the spirit of transparency and accountability, politicians must also moderate their tone.

Nigeria must survive for all to realise their ambitions, not by taking political advantage of every situation. When the country faces critical challenges, all Nigerians must come together, irrespective of our differences. Ten years ago, when the extremist group, Al Shabab attacked the Westgate Shopping Mall in Nairobi, Kenya killing 71 persons, with 200 injured, the whole of Kenya came together, including opposition party leaders to support their country. One of the major problems in Nigeria is that politics is now so much in the way, everything has become political and conditional. The ruling elite must learn to work towards a basic consensus when national interest is involved.

Now that he is back, President Tinubu must prove that he means well, and he listens. There are urgent issues that he needs to deal with. The security situation is getting worse. We don’t need to depend solely on external intervention. Money spent on travels can be spent on security.

There is a lingering crisis in Osun State: the seizure of local government funds, and the disregard for court decisions by the APC in Osun State, backed by police rascality. As Governor in Lagos, President Tinubu fought for the separation of powers and the rights of local councils.

His sincerity is on trial in Osun. Fela, the Afro-beat legend has just been honoured at the Grammy Awards in Los Angeles, United States with a Lifetime Achievement Award. Fela is the prophet who was rejected at home but received honour abroad.

The Nigerian state owes him an apology and an act of atonement. He deserves a posthumous award in the category of a Grand Commander of the Niger (GCON). It is also time for Tinubu to rejig his cabinet and send politicians out of the cabinet, so they can go back home to do politics.

Tinubu needs a cabinet of technocrats at this time, so that the political ministers will stop dividing their time between work and endless trips to the village, while the urgent task of rebuilding Nigeria suffers.

Reuben Abati, a former presidential spokesperson, writes from Lagos. 

OPINION

The David Mark and Atiku Abubakar ADC Protest: A Recycling of Bourgeoisie Metamorphosis

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By Uji Wilfred

Right from the foundations of the Independence struggle that led to self-rule, political party formations in Nigeria were crafted majorly for the capture of political power through periodic elections.

Political Parties never had ideological foundations that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

Political parties in their formation, leadership structure and ownership, belonged more to the ruling oligarchs than the people or the masses.

In the First Republic, political parties had little ideological bent, framed along regional and ethnic sentiments, but little of rallying the entire nation along in a unified polity.

In the general elections of 1954 – 1956, each of the ruling political party, the Northern People’s Congress, the Action Group and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens emerged as regional parties in terms of the demographic voting pattern as well as the control of political seats.

The First Republic suffered from a contradiction of centripetal and centrifugal forces within the framework of the tripartite system which eventually led to the collapse of that republic.

Political parties as well as the leadership recruitment reflected a regional and ethnic bias more than the need for the national integration of Nigeria.

Decamping across political lines, irrespective of ideological leanings, were the basic norms of the First Republic with political parties splitting out from the major political party. Formation of new political parties to fragment the dominant hold of ruling political parties were common political vices of the political class at that time. For example, Chief Akintola, despite the ideological soundness of the Action Group, splitted up the party with the formation of a new political party.

Chief Akintola’s desire was fired more by ambition than the issues of ideology and national interest.

In Northern Nigeria, the ruling Northern People’s Congress waged a war of suppression and dominance against other minority political parties with strong ideological bent that inspired minority ethnic nationalism.

The NPC through its slogan of One North, One Destiny, suppressed minority political parties such as the United Middle Belt Congress led by Joseph Tarkaa.

The point is that Nigeria from her foundations inherited a political culture where political parties have weak ideological roots as well as party and leadership recruitment.

Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed the recycling of bourgeoisie Political Party Formation and leadership recruitment through a process of metamorphosis that defiles ideological lines and national interest.

Political participation and leadership recruitment has been centered on the urgent need to capture power at the center using political parties owned by a few powerful oligarchs.

The People’s Democratic Party in its formation and foundation was a fraternity of past and serving military generals and their civilian equivalent.

The PDP since its inception has been led by past military officers like David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, the civilian equivalent of the military.

The dream of the PDP led by these retired military generals under the leadership of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was the enthronement of Africa’s biggest political party that was to last for a century.

As good as the dream of the party was, the PDP, like the experience of the First and Second Republics lacked deep ideological roots that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

The triumph of the People’s Democratic Party forced the rival All People’s Party and the Action Congress of Nigeria into a state of collapse and submission leading up to the bourgeoisie metamorphosis that resulted to the formation of the All Progressive Congress on the eve of 2015 with the sole objective to unseat President Good luck Jonathan.

The APC was a metamorphosis and amalgamation of opposition parties including some dissenting faction of the PDP to reclaim the so called birth right of the far right North in Nigeria to produce the President of Nigeria.

Political recruitment and leadership struggle in Nigeria has never been defined by ideological needs to salvage or emancipate Nigeria as a nation. Political struggle has always been a recycling of that section of the bourgeoisie, through a process of metamorphosis, whose objective is to capture political power at the center.

The present protest and political struggle by the African Democratic Congress, the faction led by David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, is a recycling of bourgeoisie metamorphosis not too different from the experience of 2015.

At best, the David Mark and Atiku Abubakar led protest represents that desperate struggle entrenched in the thinking of the Far Right of Far Northern Nigeria, that political leadership resides in the ancestral birth right of the aristocratic ruling political class of the North.

David Mark and Atiku Abubakar perhaps are suffering from a dementia that has made them forget that they were the agents that destroyed the foundations of democracy in Nigeria through the sacking of former President Good luck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party.

These men formed the All Progressive Congress and wrestled power from a democratic government exploiting the dynamics of national security and developmental challenges.

In 2015, Nigerians believed their opinions and through the ballot removed Good luck Jonathan.

However, since then, has Nigeria fared better under the APC that was enthroned by oligarchs leading in the present protest under the auspices of the ADC.

Perhaps, David Mark and Atiku Abubakar may assume that Nigeria suffers from a collective dementia that has forgotten the past so soon.

There is an adage that says, he who comes to justice and equity must come with clean hands. The same forces that enthroned bad governance in Nigeria factored in the APC, through a metamorphosis, want to rebirth another Nigeria through the ADC.

In ideological terms, this does not make sense, the ADC Protest is the same old thing of old wine in a new wine bottle.

If Nigeria must experience a change, let it come through some revolutionary medium that will not exploit the people’s trust and betray them once in power.

Over the past decades, the betrayal of public trust, exploiting the innocence of the people, perhaps the naivety of the people, is what we have seen and experienced through the circles of bourgeoisie metamorphosis and political leadership recruitment.

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OPINION

Where the Politicians Got it Wrong

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By Raphael Atuu

Benue State, fondly referred to as the “Food Basket of the Nation,” was created on February 3, 1976, by the military administration, carved out of the old Plateau State. From its inception, the state was administered by a succession of military administrators, followed by civilian governors in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape.

Over the decades, leadership passed through several hands each leaving varying degrees of impact on the state’s trajectory.

In its early years, Benue was widely regarded as a peaceful and united society. Communities coexisted in harmony, bound by shared values, cultural pride, and a strong sense of collective identity.

The economy was largely driven by agriculture, with fertile lands producing yams, rice, cassava, and other staple crops. Institutions like the Benue Cement Company also contributed to economic activity and employment.

In those days, the government was distant from the daily struggle of the average citizen. Few people concerned themselves with the affairs of Government House. Wealth and dignity were derived from hard work, farming, trading, and craftsmanship not political patronage.

The people spoke with one voice, celebrated their traditions with pride, and upheld communal respect as a guiding principle.

However, the return of democracy in 1999 marked a significant turning point, one that would reshape the state’s social and political fabric in ways few anticipated.

With democratic governance came new opportunities, but also new challenges. Politics gradually became the most attractive path to wealth and influence.

For many, Government House transformed from a symbol of public service into a gateway to personal enrichment.

The perception of politics shifted from service to self-interest.

As political competition intensified, unity began to erode. Divisions along ethnic, local government, and party lines deepened. The once cohesive voice of the Benue people became fragmented, often drowned in partisan conflicts and power struggles.

Perhaps more troubling was the subtle transformation in societal values.

 The Benue man, once admired for courage, resilience, and industry, began though not universally to exhibit tendencies toward dependency and political loyalty over merit.

Sycophancy started to replace integrity, and the dignity of labor was gradually overshadowed by the allure of quick gains through political connections.

Elected officials rose to positions of authority and influence, becoming key decision-makers in society.

 Yet, for many citizens, the dividends of democracy remained elusive. Infrastructure development lagged, agricultural potential remained underutilized, and poverty persisted despite abundant natural resources.

The irony is striking: a state so richly endowed, yet struggling to translate its potential into tangible progress.

Beyond economics, insecurity and communal clashes in recent years have further strained the social fabric.

 The peace that once defined Benue has been challenged, forcing many communities to confront displacement and uncertainty.

While these issues are complex and multifaceted, the role of political leadership in addressing or failing to address them cannot be ignored.

So, where did the politicians get it wrong?

They lost sight of the essence of leadership service to the people. Governance became more about control than development, more about personal gain than collective good.

 Long term planning gave way to short term political calculations. Investments in agriculture, which should have remained the backbone of the state’s economy, were neglected in favor of less sustainable ventures.

Moreover, the failure to foster unity and inclusive governance widened the gap between leaders and the led. Politics became a tool for division rather than a platform for progress.

Yet, all hope is not lost.

Benue still possesses immense potential, fertile land, vibrant culture, and resilient people, what is needed is a return to the values that once defined the state: hard work, unity, integrity, and community driven development.

 Leadership must be reimagined, not as an avenue for wealth, but as a responsibility to uplift the people.

The story of Benue State is not just one of decline it is also one of possibility.

 With the right vision, commitment, and collective will, the state can reclaim its place as a model of peace, productivity, and progress.

The question remains: will its leaders and its people rise to the occasion?

If you want, I can.

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OPINION

Nigeria Not Collapsing, Recalibrating Unsustainable System

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By Tanimu Yakubu

Nigeria is not collapsing; it is confronting long-avoided economic realities. The current hardship, though undeniable, reflects a deliberate process of correcting structural imbalances that have persisted for years. Distress is evident, but it must not be mistaken for systemic failure.

Countries in true economic collapse do not unify exchange rates, rebuild external reserves, regain access to international capital markets, or improve fiscal performance.

Nigeria, despite significant pressures, is making measurable progress across these indicators.

Ending a Distorted Economic Order

For years, Nigeria operated under an economic framework that projected stability while masking deep inefficiencies.

Artificially suppressed fuel prices, multiple exchange rate windows, and expansionary fiscal practices incentivized arbitrage over productivity.

These distortions disproportionately benefited a narrow segment of the population while imposing hidden costs on the broader economy.

Their removal has revealed the true cost structure of the system. While this transition has triggered inflationary pressures, it has also restored policy transparency and enhanced the credibility of economic management.

Strengthening the Fiscal Base

Recent fiscal data indicates a strengthening foundation. Distributable revenues to the Federation Account have risen by over 40 percent following subsidy removal, reflecting improved remittance discipline and reduced leakages.

Nigeria’s public debt remains below 30 percent of GDP, a relatively moderate level compared to peer emerging markets, according to the International Monetary Fund. Meanwhile, external reserves have surpassed $40 billion, based on figures from the Central Bank of Nigeria.

At the subnational level, increased fiscal inflows are enabling more consistent salary payments, with some states introducing inflation adjustments, an indication of gradually expanding fiscal space.

Inflation: A Transitional Challenge

Inflation remains the most immediate and visible consequence of ongoing reforms. It is being driven by exchange rate adjustments, energy price corrections, and longstanding supply-side constraints.

Global experience suggests that such inflationary spikes are often temporary when reforms are sustained. The greater risk lies not in reform itself, but in policy inconsistency or reversal.

Interpreting the Present Moment

Public frustration is both expected and understandable. Nigerians are justified in demanding tangible improvements in living standards. However, it is important to distinguish between short-term hardship and systemic collapse.

Nigeria’s institutional framework remains intact, fiscal capacity is improving, and macroeconomic reforms are actively progressing. This phase represents adjustment, not disintegration.

From Stabilisation to Impact

The next phase of reform must translate macroeconomic gains into measurable improvements in citizens’ welfare.

Strategic investments in healthcare, education, and targeted social protection will be essential to sustaining public confidence.

Ultimately, the credibility of these reforms will be judged not by policy intent, but by their impact on everyday life.

Conclusion: The Imperative of Consistency

Nigeria has long recognised its economic challenges; what has often been lacking is sustained policy execution. The greatest threat at this juncture is not reform fatigue, but reform reversal.

Abandoning the current course would erode credibility, deter investment, and reintroduce the very distortions that hindered growth.

This moment demands patience, discipline, and resolve. Nigeria is not collapsing, it is undertaking a necessary correction and laying the foundation for a more resilient economic future.

Tanimu Yakubu is DG, Budget Office of the Federation.

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