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Between Gov. Bello and Engr. Wada

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between bello and wada
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By Valentine Opaluwa

Between the two major contenders for  the November  16th Governorship election in Kogi State there is every need for objective analysis and assessment of the candidate of All Progressives Congress (APC), the incumbent Gov’, Alhaji Yahaya Adoza Bello.

and that of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Engr.
Musa Wada from the positions of strength and weaknesses because both candidates are clearly the leading hopeful in the run up to the election.

Looking at  Govr, Yahaya Bello the APC candidate from position of strength is the incumbency factor which confers on him an advantage.

More so, that the ruling party at the federal level is APC.

GYB as a sitting governor has the privilege of the support of all or most of the political appointees like  commissioners. special advisers, board  members at Federal and  state levels, the local government chairmen in the state and of course, the legislative arms both at the National  and the State Assemblies, where 25 members are of  the ruling party.

There is also a strong notion among some APC members that “federal might” would be deployed to aid APC and GYB to win the election and secure a second term in office by all means. Therefore, GYB can be considered as a strong candidate given the apparatus at his disposal and his capacity to use his foot soldiers who are already brewing for political thuggery and brigandage.

In fact, spectacularly political office holders are desperate and like they did in the last general election, they may also carry A.K. 47 and other arms to influence the outcome of the election in favour of GYB, the “White Lion”. Also GYB as sitting governor has a large purse therefore has plenty of resources to throw around in other to curry support of some people and do vote buying if possible.

On the other hand, Engr. Musa Wada, the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), position of strength lies in the fact that the party has been dominant in the state and produced the governors since 2003 until 2015 when it lost the baton of leadership in a very controversial way to Governor Yahaya Bello of APC. Therefore, the party has strong political structure across the 21 local governments area in the state.

Another position of strength for Engr. Musa Wada is that he does not have any political baggage working against him ;he has no corruption case hanging on his neck as a retired civil servant.

Also before he ventured into politics, he was  well known by many people in the state especially in Kogi East where he hails from and given the circumstances that surrounded his emergence in the PDP primary election he does not have a known political godfather that can impede on governance of the state if he is  elected. Another strong factor in favour of his candidacy is the fact that Engr. Wada is well educated and has vast knowledge of administration coupled with the fact that he is known to have unquenchable desire  to render service to the people for some times now there, his emergence on the political soup opera is not accidental.

He is from Kogi East where the bulk of votes for Kogi State governorship reside and lastly which by no means the least, is that GYB’s administration is acknowledged to have received huge fund from the federal government in the name of Bailout fund, Paris refund, Infrastructure fund, Ecological Fund and Internal Generated Revenues yet the civil servants, teachers and pensioners in the state are owe salaries for months, some for more than 30 months and in the same vein, the government has not completed any infrastructural projects a side from the Revenue House in Lokoja.

In fact, since he came into office about four years ago, President Muhammadu Buhari or Vice President Prof. Yemi Osinbajo have  never commission any project executed by the All Progressives Congress (APC) led administration of Govr. Yahaya Bello. This is a source of strength for Engr. Musa Wada of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Now what are the weaknesses of  Governor Yahaya Bello as the incumbent governor of Kogi State? Even though,  Bello inherited an outstanding salary of two months owe the state civil servants by his predecessor, Capt Idris Wada.

Graciously, President Muhammadu Buhari upon assumption of office met this debt burden across the states. Many governors were owing workers salaries as delicate as the issue of workers salary is to the economy and well-being of the citizens. Let call it Buharinomic, bailout funds that were secure for the states made it possible to overcome the challenges of payment of workers salary every month.

Alas Kogi State government under Govr. Yahaya Bello was receiving the bailout fund but was not paying the workers adequately and promptly and in some cases no payment at all. In the name of screening exercise, he oppressed the civil servants, teachers, pensioners and of course the good people of Kogi State. Conducting screening exercise to weed out ghost workers is a noble idea but it was done in a shady manner with a pre – conceived mind.

Kogi State became notorious  place of attention, as the workers cried out, some of them committed suicide; a Director Mr. Soje hung himself and the reason for the act was that he could not fend for himself and family because he was not receiving salary. There were those who died in the course of traveling to Lokoja for the screening exercise that was simply a conduct pipe and tool of oppression and denigration of Kogi State workers and people.

Secondly, despite the huge resources that Govr. Bello has received from the federal government he has not executed  infrastructural projects like roads, housing, or venture into solid minerals that is scattered across the state, education has not fare better. GYB was ensued in bitter acrimony with  lecturers at the state owned  University in Anyigba. He did the unthinkable by proscribing ASUU, a power which was not his but needed to display arrogance. Many professors and senior lecturers left the citadel of learning which was once reckoned as one of the best state owned    in the country.

Thirdly, the populace groins in  pain and penury because most of them depended on salary paid their father and mother to go to school, to pay fees, to feed the family and provide health care services in the case of ill health. Some extended family members depend on their brother, sisters, sons and daughters to make end meet and take care of bills. The absence or inadequate salary makes it difficult for them to get the support and assistance they normally recieve from their family members, relations and friends.

Fourthly, Gov. Yahaya Bello belongs to the Ebira Okene ethnic group and since he came to power as a result  of the sudden death of Prince Abubakar Audu of blessed memory’ he has been trying to erase the foot print of his predecessors in different ways, the destruction of architectural master pieces in different roundabout in the  state were removed. He once ordered the arrest of Alhaji Mohammed Audu, the first son of late politician on thump up charges.

GYB did not hide his deep hatred and animosity towards Igala people. This can be easily be seen from his appointments.  As a matter of fact, key commissioners were only reserve for the Ebira and Okun people. Can you imagine this anomie in a state where the people of Kogi East, the Igala and the Bassa are clearly in majority, none was found worthy to serve as Commissioner for Finance, Commissioner for Works, Commissioner for Health, Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Commissioner for Agriculture, the Speaker and the SSG are from Kogi West and impactful positions like SDG, Local Government Service Commission has not been occupied by an Igala man under GYB’s administration. Even though, for reason of survival some Igala youth are supporting his re – election especially the appointees and those he procured victory for in the State House of Assembly and those at the National Assembly. One good turn they say deserves another since personal interest is a strong variable in the whole gamut of politics.

However, they are very insignificant to sway majority of the votes from Kogi East for GYB who has treated the people of Kogi East so unfairly despite being the people that paved the way for him to become governor. Certainly it was not the Ebiras and Okun that gave him majority of the votes in the All Progressives Congress (APC) primary election in 2015 which he took second, and it was on that premise that he was nominated to replace Prince Abubakar Audu who was already cruising to victory in that election.

GYB has displayed crass ignorance of governance by choosing the path of oppression, dictatorship and pretentious hate for a section of the state. He is attempting to divide and rule the people of Kogi East, so as to incapacitate them politically but from all indication it is a mirage, because his supporters cannot give him up to 15% of the votes that will be cast in Kogi East in a free, fair and credible contest.

Fifthly, GYB does not have a grip on Kogi West Senatorial District where Senator Dino Melaye represents before court nullified his election on technical ground. At the moment two House of Representative seats that were deemed lost by the People Democratic Party (PDP) has been overturned by the Court of Appeal that of Honourable Shaba of Lokoja/Koton-Karfe Federal Constituency and HonourableTijani Yusuf of Kabba/Ijumu Federal Constituency.

Moreover, the appointees of GYB from Kogi West from the Secretary to the State Government, Speaker of the State Assembly, Commissioners and Special Advisers are not well known politicians who have  the people on their side aside Senator Smart Adeyemi, most of the experienced politicians that decide the outcome of election in Kogi West are in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), namely  Chief Shola Akomode, Gen. Jemibewon, Brig. Tunde Ogbeha among others.

While the weaknesses of Engr. Musa Wada are that he is a very independent minded person and would not have become the candidate of Peoples Democratic Party, if he does possess this attribute. He contested the PDP primary against all odds. He was persuaded by elders and younger men to step down for his elder brother, the former Governor of Kogi State, Capt. Idris Ichala Wada but he never budge, he was seeing beyond the request for him to step down.

Abubakar Ibrahim Idris, the son of former Governor of Kogi State, Alhaji. Ibrahim Idris was also contesting and had the support of his father-in-law, His Excellency, Ibrahim Idris, again he refused to succumb to pressure to step down. Engr. Musa Wada was not considered as a front runner in the primary election, but he was far ahead before the disruption during the last stages of the primary election.

In politics especially on our climes, an independent person is often seen as one who would not like to compromise thus supporting an independent minded person is not common. However, independent minded personality which appears to be a weakness in Engr. Musa Wada is a source of strength because an independent minded person is better for the people of the state than a yes man.

Again the fact that he is a younger brother to Captain Idris Wada the former governor some people are likely to see it as perpetuation of one family in power but that story is not flying among many people.  Given the way he emerged and the failure of leadership of the magnitude we are having in Kogi State getting somebody like Engr. Musa Wada is good omen, that the state can be in a safe hand who would be driven by people centred leadership to enhance genuine development. He has the capacity and characteristics to advance the cause of the state positively and he is seen as such a leader by many well meaning Kogite of different shades of opinion and persuasion as things stand.

He does not have the resources to withstand GYB in terms of money for the election. However, luckily for Engr. Musa Wada his campaign is more like a movement and volunteers are many because of the strong desire for change of government for the better. Even though money for logistics and so on and so forth is necessary, it has become people project and that means individual donations is now driving the campaign and you know PDP is behind Engr. Musa Wada in totality.

The power of the people to demostrate their will to get freedom from oppressive leaders, be it monarchy and dictatorship is legendry in human history and about to be repeated. This time, it is about revolting against a young leader who came to power through providence but instead disgrace the very people who are the very essence of political leadership and democracy.

Engr Musa Wada seeming weakness has been eroded by the prevailing situation in Kogi State. Therefore, in comparision, while the strength of GYB is rooted in using anti-democratic forces to change the will of the people in the forthcoming election, Engr. Musa Wada is widely accepted not only in Kogi East but in Kogi West and of course Kogi Central. Therefore, in a free and fair contest, GYB is not popular enough to get 25% of the vote cast across the three Senatorial Districts in the state. The reason is simple, most civil servants, teachers, and pensioners would not vote for him and many others who are their beneficiaries and the generality of the people of the state because of the poverty and lack of democratic essentials which characterize his administration since he took the reign of power in 2016.

#Mr Opaluwa, a social commentator writes from Abuja

OPINION

The David Mark and Atiku Abubakar ADC Protest: A Recycling of Bourgeoisie Metamorphosis

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By Uji Wilfred

Right from the foundations of the Independence struggle that led to self-rule, political party formations in Nigeria were crafted majorly for the capture of political power through periodic elections.

Political Parties never had ideological foundations that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

Political parties in their formation, leadership structure and ownership, belonged more to the ruling oligarchs than the people or the masses.

In the First Republic, political parties had little ideological bent, framed along regional and ethnic sentiments, but little of rallying the entire nation along in a unified polity.

In the general elections of 1954 – 1956, each of the ruling political party, the Northern People’s Congress, the Action Group and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens emerged as regional parties in terms of the demographic voting pattern as well as the control of political seats.

The First Republic suffered from a contradiction of centripetal and centrifugal forces within the framework of the tripartite system which eventually led to the collapse of that republic.

Political parties as well as the leadership recruitment reflected a regional and ethnic bias more than the need for the national integration of Nigeria.

Decamping across political lines, irrespective of ideological leanings, were the basic norms of the First Republic with political parties splitting out from the major political party. Formation of new political parties to fragment the dominant hold of ruling political parties were common political vices of the political class at that time. For example, Chief Akintola, despite the ideological soundness of the Action Group, splitted up the party with the formation of a new political party.

Chief Akintola’s desire was fired more by ambition than the issues of ideology and national interest.

In Northern Nigeria, the ruling Northern People’s Congress waged a war of suppression and dominance against other minority political parties with strong ideological bent that inspired minority ethnic nationalism.

The NPC through its slogan of One North, One Destiny, suppressed minority political parties such as the United Middle Belt Congress led by Joseph Tarkaa.

The point is that Nigeria from her foundations inherited a political culture where political parties have weak ideological roots as well as party and leadership recruitment.

Since 1999, Nigeria has witnessed the recycling of bourgeoisie Political Party Formation and leadership recruitment through a process of metamorphosis that defiles ideological lines and national interest.

Political participation and leadership recruitment has been centered on the urgent need to capture power at the center using political parties owned by a few powerful oligarchs.

The People’s Democratic Party in its formation and foundation was a fraternity of past and serving military generals and their civilian equivalent.

The PDP since its inception has been led by past military officers like David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, the civilian equivalent of the military.

The dream of the PDP led by these retired military generals under the leadership of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was the enthronement of Africa’s biggest political party that was to last for a century.

As good as the dream of the party was, the PDP, like the experience of the First and Second Republics lacked deep ideological roots that defined the boundaries of political recruitment and participation.

The triumph of the People’s Democratic Party forced the rival All People’s Party and the Action Congress of Nigeria into a state of collapse and submission leading up to the bourgeoisie metamorphosis that resulted to the formation of the All Progressive Congress on the eve of 2015 with the sole objective to unseat President Good luck Jonathan.

The APC was a metamorphosis and amalgamation of opposition parties including some dissenting faction of the PDP to reclaim the so called birth right of the far right North in Nigeria to produce the President of Nigeria.

Political recruitment and leadership struggle in Nigeria has never been defined by ideological needs to salvage or emancipate Nigeria as a nation. Political struggle has always been a recycling of that section of the bourgeoisie, through a process of metamorphosis, whose objective is to capture political power at the center.

The present protest and political struggle by the African Democratic Congress, the faction led by David Mark and Atiku Abubakar, is a recycling of bourgeoisie metamorphosis not too different from the experience of 2015.

At best, the David Mark and Atiku Abubakar led protest represents that desperate struggle entrenched in the thinking of the Far Right of Far Northern Nigeria, that political leadership resides in the ancestral birth right of the aristocratic ruling political class of the North.

David Mark and Atiku Abubakar perhaps are suffering from a dementia that has made them forget that they were the agents that destroyed the foundations of democracy in Nigeria through the sacking of former President Good luck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party.

These men formed the All Progressive Congress and wrestled power from a democratic government exploiting the dynamics of national security and developmental challenges.

In 2015, Nigerians believed their opinions and through the ballot removed Good luck Jonathan.

However, since then, has Nigeria fared better under the APC that was enthroned by oligarchs leading in the present protest under the auspices of the ADC.

Perhaps, David Mark and Atiku Abubakar may assume that Nigeria suffers from a collective dementia that has forgotten the past so soon.

There is an adage that says, he who comes to justice and equity must come with clean hands. The same forces that enthroned bad governance in Nigeria factored in the APC, through a metamorphosis, want to rebirth another Nigeria through the ADC.

In ideological terms, this does not make sense, the ADC Protest is the same old thing of old wine in a new wine bottle.

If Nigeria must experience a change, let it come through some revolutionary medium that will not exploit the people’s trust and betray them once in power.

Over the past decades, the betrayal of public trust, exploiting the innocence of the people, perhaps the naivety of the people, is what we have seen and experienced through the circles of bourgeoisie metamorphosis and political leadership recruitment.

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OPINION

Where the Politicians Got it Wrong

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By Raphael Atuu

Benue State, fondly referred to as the “Food Basket of the Nation,” was created on February 3, 1976, by the military administration, carved out of the old Plateau State. From its inception, the state was administered by a succession of military administrators, followed by civilian governors in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape.

Over the decades, leadership passed through several hands each leaving varying degrees of impact on the state’s trajectory.

In its early years, Benue was widely regarded as a peaceful and united society. Communities coexisted in harmony, bound by shared values, cultural pride, and a strong sense of collective identity.

The economy was largely driven by agriculture, with fertile lands producing yams, rice, cassava, and other staple crops. Institutions like the Benue Cement Company also contributed to economic activity and employment.

In those days, the government was distant from the daily struggle of the average citizen. Few people concerned themselves with the affairs of Government House. Wealth and dignity were derived from hard work, farming, trading, and craftsmanship not political patronage.

The people spoke with one voice, celebrated their traditions with pride, and upheld communal respect as a guiding principle.

However, the return of democracy in 1999 marked a significant turning point, one that would reshape the state’s social and political fabric in ways few anticipated.

With democratic governance came new opportunities, but also new challenges. Politics gradually became the most attractive path to wealth and influence.

For many, Government House transformed from a symbol of public service into a gateway to personal enrichment.

The perception of politics shifted from service to self-interest.

As political competition intensified, unity began to erode. Divisions along ethnic, local government, and party lines deepened. The once cohesive voice of the Benue people became fragmented, often drowned in partisan conflicts and power struggles.

Perhaps more troubling was the subtle transformation in societal values.

 The Benue man, once admired for courage, resilience, and industry, began though not universally to exhibit tendencies toward dependency and political loyalty over merit.

Sycophancy started to replace integrity, and the dignity of labor was gradually overshadowed by the allure of quick gains through political connections.

Elected officials rose to positions of authority and influence, becoming key decision-makers in society.

 Yet, for many citizens, the dividends of democracy remained elusive. Infrastructure development lagged, agricultural potential remained underutilized, and poverty persisted despite abundant natural resources.

The irony is striking: a state so richly endowed, yet struggling to translate its potential into tangible progress.

Beyond economics, insecurity and communal clashes in recent years have further strained the social fabric.

 The peace that once defined Benue has been challenged, forcing many communities to confront displacement and uncertainty.

While these issues are complex and multifaceted, the role of political leadership in addressing or failing to address them cannot be ignored.

So, where did the politicians get it wrong?

They lost sight of the essence of leadership service to the people. Governance became more about control than development, more about personal gain than collective good.

 Long term planning gave way to short term political calculations. Investments in agriculture, which should have remained the backbone of the state’s economy, were neglected in favor of less sustainable ventures.

Moreover, the failure to foster unity and inclusive governance widened the gap between leaders and the led. Politics became a tool for division rather than a platform for progress.

Yet, all hope is not lost.

Benue still possesses immense potential, fertile land, vibrant culture, and resilient people, what is needed is a return to the values that once defined the state: hard work, unity, integrity, and community driven development.

 Leadership must be reimagined, not as an avenue for wealth, but as a responsibility to uplift the people.

The story of Benue State is not just one of decline it is also one of possibility.

 With the right vision, commitment, and collective will, the state can reclaim its place as a model of peace, productivity, and progress.

The question remains: will its leaders and its people rise to the occasion?

If you want, I can.

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OPINION

Nigeria Not Collapsing, Recalibrating Unsustainable System

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By Tanimu Yakubu

Nigeria is not collapsing; it is confronting long-avoided economic realities. The current hardship, though undeniable, reflects a deliberate process of correcting structural imbalances that have persisted for years. Distress is evident, but it must not be mistaken for systemic failure.

Countries in true economic collapse do not unify exchange rates, rebuild external reserves, regain access to international capital markets, or improve fiscal performance.

Nigeria, despite significant pressures, is making measurable progress across these indicators.

Ending a Distorted Economic Order

For years, Nigeria operated under an economic framework that projected stability while masking deep inefficiencies.

Artificially suppressed fuel prices, multiple exchange rate windows, and expansionary fiscal practices incentivized arbitrage over productivity.

These distortions disproportionately benefited a narrow segment of the population while imposing hidden costs on the broader economy.

Their removal has revealed the true cost structure of the system. While this transition has triggered inflationary pressures, it has also restored policy transparency and enhanced the credibility of economic management.

Strengthening the Fiscal Base

Recent fiscal data indicates a strengthening foundation. Distributable revenues to the Federation Account have risen by over 40 percent following subsidy removal, reflecting improved remittance discipline and reduced leakages.

Nigeria’s public debt remains below 30 percent of GDP, a relatively moderate level compared to peer emerging markets, according to the International Monetary Fund. Meanwhile, external reserves have surpassed $40 billion, based on figures from the Central Bank of Nigeria.

At the subnational level, increased fiscal inflows are enabling more consistent salary payments, with some states introducing inflation adjustments, an indication of gradually expanding fiscal space.

Inflation: A Transitional Challenge

Inflation remains the most immediate and visible consequence of ongoing reforms. It is being driven by exchange rate adjustments, energy price corrections, and longstanding supply-side constraints.

Global experience suggests that such inflationary spikes are often temporary when reforms are sustained. The greater risk lies not in reform itself, but in policy inconsistency or reversal.

Interpreting the Present Moment

Public frustration is both expected and understandable. Nigerians are justified in demanding tangible improvements in living standards. However, it is important to distinguish between short-term hardship and systemic collapse.

Nigeria’s institutional framework remains intact, fiscal capacity is improving, and macroeconomic reforms are actively progressing. This phase represents adjustment, not disintegration.

From Stabilisation to Impact

The next phase of reform must translate macroeconomic gains into measurable improvements in citizens’ welfare.

Strategic investments in healthcare, education, and targeted social protection will be essential to sustaining public confidence.

Ultimately, the credibility of these reforms will be judged not by policy intent, but by their impact on everyday life.

Conclusion: The Imperative of Consistency

Nigeria has long recognised its economic challenges; what has often been lacking is sustained policy execution. The greatest threat at this juncture is not reform fatigue, but reform reversal.

Abandoning the current course would erode credibility, deter investment, and reintroduce the very distortions that hindered growth.

This moment demands patience, discipline, and resolve. Nigeria is not collapsing, it is undertaking a necessary correction and laying the foundation for a more resilient economic future.

Tanimu Yakubu is DG, Budget Office of the Federation.

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