OPINION
Buhari’s Suspicious N10b Request for Bello
By Danusa Ocholi
Ordinarily, the people of Kogi state would have spontaneously in their hundreds, possibly in their thousands trooped out to hold march pasts in Lokoja the state’s capital, and even in Abuja to thank President Muhammadu Buhari for his decision last week to seek Senate approval for “refund” of more than 10billion Naira to the state government under the leadership of Governor Yahaya Bello.
for the “rehabilitation” of Federal roads in the state.But the timing of the refund of fund meant to be the Federal roads in the state has heightened suspicion of the people of the state and concerned rest of Nigerians with conscience and goodwill. With a crucial governorship election coming up on Saturday, November 16 and with Governor Yahaya Bello and his running mate Edward Onoja overtly desperate to retain power and to continue their oppression of the people of Kogi state and profligacy of the state’s resouces, the President’s move ,in conjunction with the Senate is seen as a desperate attempt by the ruling All Progressives Party, APC, to make easy and underserved money available for their good boy in Kogi, to buy votes, hire thugs and manipulate the electoral process. For a government that prides itself with integrity and fight against corruption, for which it has been commended nationally and internationally, the APC-controlled government’s action is a corruption at the highest level. It should be condemned by the lovers of this country and truth.In the first place, as a citizen of the state, I know the ordeal my people and I go through the so-called Federal roads which have become death traps. Is it the Lokoja-Ganaja-Itobe road or the Lokoia-Okene road that hasve become impassable as a result of their deplorable conditions? No area has the poverty and the underdevelopment of Kogi state come into focus more than the federal roads. The Lokoja-Itobe , Itobe-Okene, roads have not only become death traps, but are now veritable grounds for robbers and kidnappers to operate. Some of the journeys on these roads that took average of one hour to make before, now take not less than four hours. Since I don’t claim to know all, and I am open to learn, Gov. Bello and his team should courageously tell Nigerians and the people of the state the roads his government has improved or worked upon to justify this huge request through the back door. The tragedy of Kogi’s administration in the last four years of Gov. Yahaya Bello’s administration is that while he has perfected the art of maintain good relation, and appearing to be a good boy to President Buhari and , the APC leaders like Bola Tinubu, Adams Oshiomhole, and the APC chieftains at the Abuja secretariat, he is a monumental disaster at home. I stand to challenge Bello and his commissioners to show the world a single project he inherited for which he even completed. Not to talk of him embarking and completing one. Ridiculous enough the roundabouts which his predecessors constructed to add beauty to Lokoja were all dismantled on puerile excuse that they served as fetish grounds of his predecessors. Imagine such a reasoning from a man entrusted with the administration of a highly endowed state like Kogi.. Up until today, Bello has not repaired the roundabouts in question, no done anything to elicit the attention and confidence of the people of the state. The issue of salary payment is an area that makes many people of the state to weep. For a man that inherited a salary arrear of just two months, today his government has backlog of 15 months and in some places 20 months, For the civil servants who are lucky to be paid, they are given in piece meals, in percentages.
A leader like Adams Oshiomohole owes the oppressed people of Kogi state apology for calling Gov. Bello a “trusted and tested” governor. I am not really surprised because Bello has been his loyal and trusted governor, whose modus operandi is working hard to keep the APC leaders in Abuja happy, without caring if those at home starve and die in the process. And actually Kogi has recorded civil servants starving and in penury because of the insensitivity of the present governor. A number of civil servants have taken their lives because of suffering visited on them by Gov.Bello.
It is a tragedy of our nation, of the leadership of the country to initiate moves to give money for a project that is no where on the ground. If the APC at the Federal level goes ahead to foist Bello on the people, they can only do this in some undemocratic and anti.people manner: Employing the security personnel to intimidate voters to pave way for Bello and his co travellers to rig; using INEC to falsify results, and employing money to buy the votes of hungry and deprived people of the state. Of course not to rule out Bello’s stock in trade, enganging thugs to intimidate voters, snatch ballot voters and kill even the innocent ones.With the desperation and Bello and Onoja, they will no doubt mind if blood of Kogites is shed to ensure they are returned to power. We must guide against this to avoid incurring the wrath of God that created these innocent persons. If Bello had done his part of he had, embarked on meaningful projects for the people of the state, he will not even need to be running to his god fathers in Abuja to devise dubious means to help him retain power. His achievements would have spoken for him. The Igalas, the Okuns, the Nupes, the Ebiras would have all stood in unison to give him the required support. Rather he frittered away the people’s goodwill by arrogantly turning an oppressor of the same people.Today he is resorting to employing ethnicity and other forms of sentiment to retain power. The coming election is going to be a big mountain to climb for Bello. If there is no interference from Abuja, using money as Buhari is contemplating to possibly buy the votes of hungry and depressed people of Kogi, using the army and police to intimidate, maim and kill the people, there will be no way the incumbent will win this election. I pray the APC government at the Federal level will not do anything untoward in allowing the will of the people of Kogi to prevail. The rest of Nigerians and the international community are watching.
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OPINION
Museveni’s Seventh Term and Africa’s Gerontocracy Debate
By Fortune Abang
Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, 81, sworn in for a seventh term after nearly four decades in power, has once again intensified debate over gerontocracy and political succession in Africa.
Museveni, who first assumed office in 1986, has now extended his rule into a fifth decade, making him one of the world’s longest-serving heads of state.
His latest mandate, expected to run until 2031, follows the January 2026 election in which he secured about 71.
65 per cent of the vote, according to official results, defeating opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine.His continued stay in power has been enabled by key constitutional changes over time, including the removal of presidential term limits in 2005 and the abolition of the presidential age ceiling in 2017, reforms that effectively removed legal restrictions on tenure.
Across Africa, analysts say Uganda reflects a broader governance pattern in which long-serving leaders consolidate authority over extended periods.
Comparable examples often cited include Cameroon’s Paul Biya, in power since 1982, and Congo-Brazzaville’s Denis Sassou Nguesso, who first assumed office in 1979, both of whom have also presided over decades of uninterrupted or repeatedly renewed rule.
While Museveni’s supporters argue that his leadership has provided continuity and relative stability in a region frequently affected by conflict, critics say prolonged incumbency has gradually narrowed political competition and weakened institutional independence.
Uganda has maintained a degree of internal stability and played active roles in regional diplomacy and security operations in East and Central Africa.
Supporters point to these outcomes as evidence that long-term leadership can deliver policy continuity and state cohesion.
However, opposition voices and analysts argue that stability has come at a democratic cost, pointing to declining electoral competitiveness, constrained civic space and increasing centralisation of power around the executive.
The debate intensified after the removal of presidential term limits in 2005, followed by the scrapping of the age ceiling in 2017, which together removed two major constitutional barriers to leadership rotation.
These changes have been widely cited by governance analysts as pivotal in reshaping Uganda’s democratic structure.
In the January 2026 election, Museveni again defeated Bobi Wine, who garnered roughly 24.7 per cent of the vote, amid allegations from the opposition of irregularities and political repression during the electoral process.
Supporters of Museveni argue that his long rule has enabled economic transformation, infrastructure development and strengthened Uganda’s role in regional diplomacy.
Some regional leaders, including Burundi’s President Évariste Ndayishimiye, have previously described him as a stabilising figure in East Africa, crediting Uganda with supporting peace processes and regional cooperation.
Yet, critics argue that prolonged rule risks institutional stagnation, where governance structures become overly dependent on individual leadership rather than strong, independent institutions.
Analysts warn that this can weaken succession systems and limit democratic renewal.
A foreign policy analyst, speaking anonymously, said prolonged leadership can normalise “institutional dependence on individuals rather than systems,” arguing that such conditions undermine long-term democratic consolidation.
“No nation can sustainably develop when power remains concentrated in the same hands for decades while institutions fail to mature independently,” he said.
Beyond Uganda, Africa continues to record some of the world’s longest-serving leaders, reinforcing concerns about generational turnover in governance.
In several of these systems, electoral competition remains limited and constitutional reforms have often coincided with extended presidential tenure.
Foreign affairs commentator Collins Nweke argues that the central issue is not age itself, but accountability and leadership renewal, noting that political systems weaken when succession is delayed or constrained.
Other analysts emphasise the importance of civic awareness and institutional safeguards, particularly term limits, which they describe as critical tools for preventing excessive concentration of power.
A diplomat, also speaking on condition of anonymity, called for stronger electoral transparency mechanisms, including credible voter registration systems, independent election management bodies, and robust domestic and international observation frameworks.
An academic, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said stronger civic awareness could help societies resist unconstitutional tenure elongation.
“When citizens are politically informed and organised, sit-tight ambitions lose legitimacy and public support,” he said.
Museveni’s seventh term therefore reflects a wider continental tension between political continuity and democratic renewal, raising questions about whether African democracies are evolving toward stronger institutions or settling into prolonged cycles of personalised rule.
For supporters, his leadership represents stability in a volatile region.
For critics, it signals the entrenchment of gerontocracy and weakening democratic competition.
Between these positions lies a structural challenge that extends beyond Uganda; whether institutions in African states are strong enough to outlast individuals and guarantee orderly political succession. (NAN)
OPINION
Driving Africa’s Fair Energy Transition through Technology and Innovation
By Bart Nnaji
Africa’s energy journey is often portrayed as a stark choice between climate responsibility and development. In reality, the continent faces a more nuanced challenge: finding a fair, gradual energy transition that matches its unique needs and ambitions.
Technology and innovation can drive this change, helping secure affordable and sustainable energy for all.In the coming decades, Africa’s population is expected to soar to nearly 2.
5 billion. Cities will grow. Industries will expand. Digital connections will multiply. The demand for energy will increase significantly. Right now, expecting Africa to abandon fossil fuels overnight is neither realistic nor fair. In the near future, fossil fuels remain crucial for base power that is reliable, and affordable. In particular, natural gas is key transition fuel that will remain the base power solution for the next decade. Africa must not embrace renewable energy primarily when they have abundance of fossil fuel for their industrialization as other emerging and emerged nations have done. A just energy transition recognises these realities and seeks ways to build cleaner, more resilient systems over time.Technology as the Enabler of Africa’s Energy Future
Exciting new technologies are already reshaping Africa’s energy landscape:
Decentralised solutions, like mini-grids, off-grid solar, and batteries, bring electricity to places traditional grids can’t reach. By 2030, these distributed renewables could provide most new connections in underserved communities.
Smart grids and AI-driven management can reduce waste. They help utilities serve people better.
Modern batteries ensure that solar and wind energy can be delivered steadily, even when the sun isn’t shining or the wind isn’t blowing.
Decentralised approaches are essential to Africa’s path toward universal energy access. While technology is not a fix-all solution, it is a crucial enabler of efficiency, resilience, and affordability, shaping Africa’s energy future.
African entrepreneurs are leading much of this change. They’re developing solutions that meet local needs, such as pay-as-you-go solar, community-run mini-grids, and mobile payment platforms. These innovations don’t just bring power; they create jobs, build skills, and reap economic benefits for the continent.
But innovation alone isn’t enough. Investment is critical. According to the International Energy Agency, Africa needs about $90 billion annually to achieve a successful energy transition, but current funding falls short. Governments can help by setting clear, supportive policies that attract investment and make projects more affordable. Organisations like the African Development Bank say grid investment must rise dramatically, and clean energy spending should double by 2030 to keep up with growing demand.
From Energy Access to Economic and Human Impact
Reliable energy is more than just a technical necessity – it’s what fuels industrial growth. Picture the continent’s factories buzzing with activity, transport networks connecting people and goods, and data centres powering a vibrant digital economy.
Expanding decentralised solutions brings light to places that have been left in the dark for too long. It’s about giving children a place to study at night, helping clinics store vaccines safely, and empowering entrepreneurs to launch new businesses.
Of course, none of this works in isolation. Supportive policies, strong regulations, and partnerships between governments and private companies are essential. When African countries harmonise their rules and work together, they can create bigger markets. This draws even more investment and innovation.
Ultimately, Africa’s energy transition must be shaped by Africans themselves. The path forward is about collaboration, pragmatism, and investing in homegrown solutions. Africa’s mobile phone revolution showed the world how quickly the continent can leapfrog old systems. The same can happen with energy; by embracing flexible, tech-driven models that serve today’s and tomorrow’s needs.
Now is the time to come together to act boldly and invest in Africa’s energy future. By uniting efforts, we can turn potential into progress, ensuring resilient, inclusive, and sustainable energy for generations to come. Let’s power Africa’s future, together.
Prof. Bart O. Nnaji FAS, FA Eng. CON, NNOM – Founder/Chairman, Geometric Power Limited and former Nigerian Minister of Power
OPINION
Finding and Selecting ‘A’ Players
By Omagbitse Barrow
I met with a CEO and HR Manager of a leading company in Nigeria to discuss this subject. I defined A Players and asked both to independently rate their team on a scale of 1-10 in terms of “A” Player quality. The HR Manager said 8, and the CEO said 2.
The CEO laughed and responded, “If our people are 8/10 as you claim then we will be surpassing our targets and very few managers would require significant input from me to achieve results”. The bigger revelation was that performance appraisals consistently showed that most people were exceeding their KPIs (the HR manager used this to defend her number) – KPIs that she didn’t realize were defective because they were based on business-as-usual activities, rather than strategic priorities. The people were busy, but their “busyness” was not translating to results. I experience a similar disparity in many conversations with CEOs and HR Managers, and it tells us something about not only the talent gaps that exist, but the gulf between the lens through which CEOs and HR leaders see their organizations.Organizations were created to achieve goals that individuals cannot easily accomplish alone. However, the ability of an organization to achieve those goals depends largely on the capabilities, attitudes, discipline, and alignment of its workforce. This is why one of the most important responsibilities of leadership and
HR is ensuring that the organization attracts and retains what are commonly described as “A Players” – a concept made popular by Bradford Smart in his critically acclaimed book – TopGrading.
Players are high-performing individuals who consistently deliver strong results while aligning with the culture and expectations of the organization. They require minimal supervision, take ownership of their responsibilities, and contribute positively to the performance of others around them. Beyond competence, they often demonstrate discipline, initiative, adaptability, and strong personal standards. In many cases, they also become magnets that attract and retain other high-performing individuals.
One of the biggest mistakes organizations make is rushing recruitment. Vacancies create pressure, managers become desperate to fill roles quickly, and hiring decisions are made with limited rigor. Unfortunately, the cost of hiring the wrong person is often far greater than the temporary inconvenience of waiting longer to find the right one. Poor hiring decisions affect productivity, culture, customer experience, and team morale, and in many cases, organizations spend years managing the consequences of a single weak recruitment decision.
Competency-based interviews are important, but they are often insufficient on their own. Candidates must also be assessed through practical demonstrations or auditions that reveal how they think and perform. Organizations should pay close attention not only to what candidates say, but also to evidence of execution, consistency, and growth throughout their careers.
Equally important is cultural and behavioral alignment. Some organizations hire individuals primarily because of technical skill while ignoring attitude, discipline, or alignment with organizational values. Over time, this creates toxic environments where competence exists without collaboration, accountability, or shared purpose.
The best organizations therefore assess both competence and behavioral expectations during the selection process.
Another important but often neglected concept is the realistic job preview.
Organizations frequently oversell roles during recruitment, presenting idealized versions of the work environment while hiding operational realities or performance expectations. While this may help secure quick acceptances, it often leads to disappointment, disengagement, and early turnover. Candidates should instead receive a realistic understanding of the expectations, pressures, opportunities, and culture of the organization. This improves alignment and reduces costly mismatches.
Reference checks and background investigations also remain important. In many organizations, these activities are treated as routine formalities rather than serious due diligence processes. Yet, patterns of behavior often leave clues across previous roles, career progression and professional relationships. Organizations that take these processes seriously significantly reduce the risk of poor hiring decisions.
However, building an organization of A Players goes beyond recruitment and selection. Organizations must also create systems that sustain high performance after employees are hired. This includes strong onboarding, continuous learning and development, effective performance management, and reward systems that reinforce excellence. Without these supporting systems, even strong employees can become disengaged over time. Perhaps most importantly, organizations must recognize that A Players are influenced by the environments in which they work.
High performers are more likely to thrive in organizations that value accountability, merit, discipline, and continuous improvement. Conversely, when weak performance is tolerated and excellence is ignored, A Players often become demotivated, leave entirely, or start picking up some wayward habits.
If soccer teams that win world cups and European Champions Leagues can attract and retain only “A” Players, then we too can do so. The first step is being brutally honest about the quality of your current players, setting a clear and high standard for what you want, and being relentlessly focused on bridging the gap. Great organizations are not built merely through strategy, technology, or structures. They are built by consistently attracting, selecting, developing, and retaining the right people. In the end, the quality of the organization rarely rises above the quality of the people within it.
Omagbitse Barrow is the chief executive of Efiko Management Consulting, and his firm supports organizations and leaders to translate their strategy to results.


